speeches · April 12, 1972
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Thursday, April 13, 1972
12:30 p.m., C.S.T. (1:30 p.m., E.S.T.)
A NEW AMERICAN DILEMMA
The Task of Reconciling Growth in
Productivity and Employment
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
At a Luncheon
Sponsored by the
Joint Boards of Directors of the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Upon the Dedication
of the
Memphis Branch Building
Memphis, Tennessee
April 13, 1972
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A NEW AMERICAN DILEMMA
The Task of Reconciling Growth in
Productivity and Employment
by
Andrew F. Brimmer
At this juncture in our history, we are confronted with a
vital question involving multiple choices: how can we increase the
rate of real growth in the economy, reduce the persistently high rate
of unemployment, and—simultaneously--press on with the campaign to
check inflation? That we find an answer to the question is imperative.
In its Annual Report for 1972, the Council of Economic Advisers
anticipates that--although real output is expected to increase by
about 6 per cent--the unemployment rate probably will still be in
the neighborhood of 5 per cent as the year draws to a close. At the
same time, the target set for the price stabilization program visualizes
that the rate of inflation will decline to a range of 2-3 per cent by
the end of 1972—compared with a rise in prices of 4.3 per cent in 1971.—
* Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff for
assistance in the preparation of these remarks. Mr. Lawrence Slifman
helped with the analysis of trends in output, productivity, and
employment; his contribution included an econometric analysis of the
response of productivity to changes in real output. Mrs. Diane Sower
provided material on the performance of the Public Employment Program.
Mr. David Wyss did the computer-based simulations of the national economy
to estimate the differential effects of pursuing alternative approaches
to reduce unemployment.
Needless to say, the views expressed here are my own and should
f
not be attributed to the Boards staff—nor to my colleagues on the Board.
1/ This is the annual rise in the Consumer Price Index. The
~~ Wholesale Price Index advanced by 3.2 per cent, and the GNP
implicit deflator rose by 4.7 per cent.
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Thus, achievement of the goal set with respect to the
rate of increase in prices would represent a significant accomplishment
in the fight against inflation. So too would the reduction in the
unemployment rate represent genuine progress. In March, those
without jobs butt looking for work totaled 5.2 million, and unemployment
has lingered in the neighborhood of 5 million for more than a year.
And if the jobless rate should still be around 5 per cent at the
end of the current year, it would mean that perhaps more than 4-1/2
million people would be unemployed.
Why might we be facing that prospect? In searching for
an answer to that question, I reached the following conclusion: the
growth in employment this year may be greatly dampened by the rise
in output per manhour (productivity) as the economy expands. Since
the civilian labor force may also expand more rapidly, the level
of unemployment can be expected to decline only moderately.
These conclusions were reached on the basis of a fairly
detailed analysis of the interrelations among the growth in output,
productivity, and employment during the last two decades. The
highlights of the examination can be summarized here:
--Productivity in the private nonfarm economy rose
at an annual average rate of 2.6 per cent during
the period 1948-1971. However, while the rate of
increase was just over 1.0 per cent in the years
1967-70, it jumped to 3.4 per cent last year.
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--The dampening effect of reduced growth and
declines in output on wage increases and unit
labor costs during the recession phase of
post World War II business cycles has been
noticeable. But this impact was far less evident
in the case of the 1970-71 cycle. Thus, employers
have been counting heavily on increased productivity
in the current recovery to help restrain upward
pressure on labor costs.
--Consequently, last year, when the economy was
achieving some expansion in output, a large
share of the rise in production was accounted
for by higher output per manhour, and only
minor benefits accrued in the form of higher
employment.
--The outlook is for a further large rise in productivity
in 1972--perhaps in the neighborhood of 3-1/2-4 per
cent. The net results might be an increase in
employment only moderately more than the growth in the
labor force--and thus only a modest reduction in
unemployment.
Since the nation definitely cannot afford to call a halt
to improvements in productivity, we must search for alternative ways
to stimulate employment--if we are to cut substantially into the
persistently high level of unemployment. Among several alternatives
which might be considered, an expansion of the Public Employment
Program appears to be especially promising.
The major points summarized above are explored further
in the rest of these remarks.
Long-Run Trends in Productivity
During the last two decades, productivity in the private
nonfarm sector of the American economy rose at an average annual
rate of 2.6 per cent. (See Table 1, attached.) However, the growth
of productivity has been far from steady. For example, in the
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first half of the 1950's, output per manhour in private nonfarm
activity grew at a rate equal to the long-run average. But in the
closing years of the same decade, the rise in productivity was
substantially below the postwar trend, averaging only 1.8 per cent
per year from 1955 to 1960. Growth rates considerably above the
long-run trend were achieved during the 1960's. From 1960 to 1966,
private nonfarm output per manhour climbed at an average annual
rate of 3«4 per cent. In the succeeding five years, the performance
of productivity slackened noticeably. Over the years 1967-71,
output per manhour rose at an average annual rate of 1.7 per cent
per year. In fact, nonfarm productivity actually declined through
1969 and in the first quarter of 1970.
In the manufacturing sector of the economy, productivity
has risen more rapidly than in the private nonfarm segment as a
whole. During the last 20 years, the average annual increase was
2.8 per cent. But the pattern of growth has been roughly parallel
to that of the nonfarm sector taken as a unit. Large, above-trend
gains were posted from 1962 through 1965, and below-trend growth
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rates were recorded in the last half of the 1960s.
Cyclical Behavior of Productivity
The behavior of productivity is greatly influenced by the
phase of the business cycle through which the economy might be
passing at a particular time. The close linkage between the cyclical
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behavior of total output arid the growth of productivity can be seen
in Chart I (attached). In the chart, one can trace the two measures
over the years 1947-71, and peaks and troughs of the five post-World
War II business cycles are also identified. It will be noted that,
in the contraction phase of the cycle, growth in productivity
typically slowed down--and sometimes there was a decline. Several
factors help to explain this pattern: these include the intentional
and accidental hoarding of labor (especially white-collar labor),
the time that lapses after the cyclical peak is reached in the economy
and individual employers recognize this fact in their own businesses,
and shifts in the industrial mix of output from high productivity
sectors (which tend to be sensitive to cyclical variations) toward
the more stable but relatively low productivity sectors. Employers
need to maintain a minimum labor force to meet future production
needs. Consequently, they tend to maintain employment even after
the growth of output begins to moderate, and they persist in doing
so until they are convinced that the economic slowdown is not temporary.
Moreover, even after it is evident that a contraction is in process,
employers have often been reluctant to reduce overhead labor--such
as administrative and professional staff.
In the early recovery phase of a business cycle, productivity
growth tends to accelerate as overhead and other relatively fixed
labor costs decline per unit of output. Having adopted cost-cutting
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programs to trim excess personnel during the recession, employers
hesitate to add non-production employees when new orders and output
begin to pick up, and there is little need for additional overhead
personnel. This pattern of behavior is clearly evident in the
statistical record. For example, in the 1958 recovery, employment
of production workers in manufacturing rose by 8.8 per cent during
the first four quarters after the cyclical trough was reached
while employment of non-production workers increased by only 2.9
per cent. Similarly, in the recovery from the most recent recession,
employment of factory production workers grew by 0.4 per cent between
the fourth quarter of 1970 and the fourth quarter of 1971. Yet,
over the same period, jobs held by non-production workers declined
by a further 2.7 per cent.
The extent to which increases in productivity can be
achieved during the recovery from a recession depends significantly
on the rate of growth of real output. This linkage can be seen in
Table 2, showing the behavior of output and productivity during
the recovery phase of business cycles. Chart I presents the same
evidence in a different form. In general, the sharper the upturn
in output during a recovery the larger the jump in output per manhour.
However, the relationship has varied somewhat in each postwar recovery.
For example, during the first year of recovery from the
1953-54 recession, gross national product (GNP) in real terms (i.e.,
corrected for price changes) rose by 8.6 per cent; productivity
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increased by 4.3 per cent, and manhours climbed by 5.6 per cent.
In the 1958 recovery, the rise in output in the first year
following the trough was especially large--9.2 per cent. However,
while there was a substantial increase in productivity (4.6 per
cent), manhours worked also rose appreciably (5.6 per cent). In
contrast, the strong advance in output in the first year of
recovery from the 1960-61 recession (7.6 per cent) generated an
exceptionally strong increase in productivity (6.0 per cent), while
the rise in manhours was rather moderate (2.2 per cent).
The magnitude of productivity increases achieved during
the sluggish 1970-71 recovery was not typical of that recorded in
other recovery periods. During the four quarters following the
cyclical trough (which occurred in the last quarter of 1970), real
output rose by only 3.5 per cent (substantially less than in earlier
periods). Productivity rose by 4.1 per cent, and manhours rose
by 1.2 per cent. Moreover, the growth of output and productivity
during this period (1971) was stimulated by the recovery from the
General Motors strike. After correcting the data to allow
for this factor, the slower growth of productivity than in previous
recoveries is more evident.
Another aspect of the cyclical behavior of productivity
(shown in Table 2) should be noted. During the second year of
recovery, the rate of growth of output, productivity, and manhours
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slowed down appreciably in the three earlier periods. However,
the typical second-year behavior may be different as the current
recovery progresses: rather than a moderation in the rate of
growth of productivity, we may witness an acceleration
in output per manhour. This may come about because of the
anticipated faster growth in real output this year--in contrast
to the slowing in growth in the second year in each of the other
periods. The implications of such an outcome for employment
will be discussed at a later point in these remarks.
Productivity and Unit Labor Costs
Productivity growth is a key element in checking inflation.
This is true because the relationship of the increase in output
per manhour to compensation per manhour determines unit labor
costs. The record of changes in productivity and unit labor
costs during the years 1948-71 is presented in Table 3. The
cyclical behavior of unit labor costs is sketched in Chart II.
The typical cyclical pattern has been for unit labor cost pressures
to ease during the recession phase of the cycle as slack labor
markets dampen the rise in compensation per manhour. During the
recovery phase of the cycle, it has been the above-average
productivity gains which have tended to offset rises in compensation
and to limit unit labor cost increases.
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However, the experience during the 1970-71 recession
and recovery so far has not conformed to that typical pattern.
Compensation per manhour continued to rise at a rapid pace throughout
1970 and into early 1971. This occurred even as unemployment rose.
In addition, productivity showed little change in 1970, and it did
not grow nearly as fast as is usually the case during the 1971
recovery period. As a result, unit labor costs continued to advance
fairly rapidly prior to the imposition of the Wage-Price Freeze in
August of last year.
Productivity and Employment
As indicated earlier, the drive to improve productivity
poses a dilemma: while productivity growth helps to dampen cost
pressures, it also has a retarding impact on employment gains.
The source of this dilemma is easily understood. For a given amount
of expansion in production, the larger the increase in labor productivity
the smaller the increase in manhours required. In a recovery period,
strong productivity growth and increases in the work week tend to
limit employment gains.
The interrelations among output, productivity and
employment during the recovery phase of business cycles are shown
in Table 4. It will be noted that, in recovery periods, private
nonfarm output tends to grow rapidly in the first few quarters after
the cyclical trough is reached: but so does output per manhour.
During the first half-year following the low point in output,
productivity gains and increased hours tend to account for much of
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the output growth. But for a variety of reasons which need not
be catalogued here, there is a limit to the increased production
that can be obtained through higher productivity and overtime work.
At some point, as the demand for output continues to expand,
additional workers must be added to the payroll.
The data in Table 4 allow one to trace this interplay
of changes in output, productivity and employment. Essentially,
the figures show the ways in which the economy was able to achieve
the growth in output recorded in the full year of recovery following
the trough of the last four business cycles. In general, one can
visualize changes in productivity, hours of work, and employment
as three sources of inputs required to generate the observed growth
in output. The specific share of each in the increased output
varied substantially, but several clear tendencies are observable.
Among the three, increased productivity appears to take the lead,
accounting for half or more of the output gain in the first six
months of recovery. Increased employment was of somewhat less
importance, and longer working hours accounted for the smaller
proportion. As the recovery progresses, the share of output growth
attributable to productivity and longer work weeks tends to diminish
and the share contributed by increased employment climbs.
Again, however, the experience during the 1971 recovery
varied significantly from the typical pattern sketched above.
In the first six months following the trough of the 1970 recession,
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the rise in output per manhour accounted for three-quarters of the
advance in output, and the proportion rose further over the next
half year. The share attributable to longer working hours
fluctuated considerably, but on balance the net results were a
positive contribution of about one-sixth of the output gain in the
first six months and an offset of roughly the same magnitude in
the next half year. Higher employment provided less than one-tenth
of the net rise in output in the first six months and just over
one-fifth in the succeeding half year. Thus, from an analysis of
the data presented here, one overriding conclusion emerges: last
year, when the economy made only moderate progress in recovering from
the 1970-71 recession, a disproportionate share of the rise in
output was accounted for by higher productivity, and only minor
benefits accrued in the form of higher employment.
In passing, I might note that the output-productivity-
unemployment dilemma is not unique to the United States. In the
United Kingdom, industrial productivity rose 4.9 per cent between
1970 and 1971--compared to an average increase of 3.8 per cent during
f
the middle 1960s. Productivity growth was also large and in part
was reflected in a sharp increase in unemployment. For example,
in March, 1972, the unemployment rate was 1-1/2 times greater than
2/
its late 1970 average.— Although productivity growth in the U.K. has
2/ British labor statistics are calculated on a somewhat different
conceptual basis than U.S. data and are not strictly comparable.
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had welcome implications for costs and prices, it has also been
a major factor in creating their largest unemployment problem
since the beginning of World War II.
As far as the United States is concerned, this means
that if employment is to expand sufficiently to reduce unemployment
significantly in 1972—and if labor cost increases are to be
moderated--large output gains will be required.
Outlook for Productivity and Implications for 1972
Given these recent trends in productivity and employment,
we ought to raise questions about the prospects for the future.
I have raised some of these questions, and the answers I obtained
can be summarized here. In undertaking this task, my purpose was
not to make an independent assessment of the outlook for the economy
as a whole. Rather, I took as a point of departure the general
economic outlook contained in the Economic Report of the Council
of Economic Advisers (CEA). That forecast is for an acceleration
of real economic growth during 1972 to somewhere in the neighborhood
of 6 per cent, compared to the 2.7 per cent rate of growth achieved
in 1971. In particular, the expected strengthening of activity in
the manufacturing sector (in which productivity growth is particularly
high) is of special interest. Thus, the question to which I wish
to address myself at this point is this: How will this outlook
for the national economy as a whole affect productivity and
employment?
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In seeking an answer to this question, I pursued several
avenues. First, on the basis of informal soundings among businessmen,
I have gotten a clear impression that many manufacturing firms are
moving cautiously in expanding their payrolls. Among other factors,
a strong desire to control costs by meeting increased output
demands through higher productivity rather than higher employment
appears to have moderated the pace at which factory jobs grew
throughout 1971 and into the early months of the year.
These qualitative impressions are reinforced by the
statistics relating to employment. In March, 18.8 million people
were employed in manufacturing industries. This was an increase of
310,000 from the low point reached in August, 1971. Yet, this was
about the same number as a year earlier and still nearly 1.6 million
below the peak set in the third quarter of 1969.
For the economy as a whole, the outlook this year is for
considerable improvement in the job s ituation. However, the civilian
labor force is also expected to rise appreciably, and the net effect
on unemployment is cloudy. In March, the civilian labor force
(seasonally adjusted) totaled 86.3 million. This was an increase of
2.4 million above the level a year ago.—^ Total employment amounted
to 81.2 million. This was also a year-to-year gain of 2.4 million
in the number of people with jobs. The number of unemployed persons
totaled 5.2 million in March, an increase of about 40,000 since
March, 1971.
3/ This increase allows for an expansion due to the 1970 Census
population control adjustment introduced into the household
survey in January, 1972.
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To look beyond the employment experiences during the
early months of 1972 to the rest of the year is necessarily
difficult. In their Annual Report, CEA noted that:
"Our estimate implies an increase of 6 per
cent in real GNP between 1971 and 1972. This
is about the rate of increase achieved in the
fourth quarter of 1971. There is no easy way to
separate the forecast rate of real growth into
employment and productivity gains. Clearly, it
should yield substantial increases in both. The
extent to which the employment gains will reduce
the unemployment rate depends on the size of the
increase in the labor force. It is estimated that
the unemployment rate should decline from the 6 per
cent level of December 1971 to the neighborhood of
5 per cent by the end of 1972. (Report, 1972, p. 108).
I agree that it is difficult to unravel the effects of
gains in output, employment,and productivity. However, as shown
above, the behavior of productivity has a significant bearing on
the amount of employment we should expect to result from a given
increase in real GNP. Thus, if we are to form a reasonable idea
of the prospects for employment in 1972, we must search for even
rough clues to the probable trend of productivity in the current year.
To aid in this search, I made use of computer-based
econometric techniques which are becoming increasingly useful tools
of economic analysis. The results of the analysis provide an insight
into the productivity-employment contour which might be expected
for 1972.
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The statistical analysis took as a point of departure
4/
the CEA forecast of a 6 per cent increase in real GNP during 1972.—
Past experience suggests a 3-1/2-4 per cent productivity growth
consistent with a 6 per cent increase in real output. In using
this estimate, I must emphasize that it is only a rough approximation.
But it does seem to be broadly consistent with the growth of real
output expected this year.
Using the 4 per cent figure for productivity,-^ it was
estimated that nonfarm payroll employment might rise by about 2
per cent in 1972. This would mean an increase in jobs of roughly
6 /
1.5 million.— Under these conditions, the growth of total employment
would be greater than 1.5 million—because of increases in the
number of self-employed workers, private household workers, and
other workers not on nonfarm payrolls. In rough terms, the rise
in these categories might amount to 0.5 million. Thus, the increase
in total employment implied by a 6 per cent growth in real GNP in
1972 might be in the neighborhood of 2 million.
What does this mean for the unemployment rate? Normal
labor force growth of about 1-1/2 million per year is currently
4/ For those interested, the statistical method followed was to
estimate a projection equation by multiple regression
analysis. Using forecasted change in real GNP, the change
in private nonfarm output per manhour was projected for the period
from the fourth quarter of 1971 to the fourth quarter
of 1972.
5/ It was also assumed that the average work week would change
very little and that no change would occur in the distribution
of GNP between the private and public sectors.
6/ In contrast, a 3.5 per cent increase in productivity implies a
1.8 million rise in payroll employment.
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estimated as a result of population growth and other demographic
and economic factors. But labor force participation rates were
relatively depressed in 1971--especially among adult males—due
to slack labor market conditions. Consequently, a rebound in
participation rates would lead to a somewhat larger than normal
labor force growth. In addition, the Defense Department estimates
some further reductions in the armed forces which would add an
additional 100,000 to the civilian labor f o r c e . In total, the
civilian labor force could be expected to grow by about 1-3/4 million
8/
in 1972. Thus, an increase in total employment of 2 million would
mean a decline in unemployment of about 250,000. a decline of this
magnitude might still leave the unemployment rate somewhat
above 5 per cent.
Alternative projections through 1973 were also performed
using three different growth rate assumptions for real GNP--5, 6,
and 7 per cent. (Table 5.) As the table shows, an acceleration
in the growth of real GNP by 2 percentage points (from 5 per cent
to 7 per cent) is associated with an increase of over 1.0 percentage
point in the growth rate of productivity. If there is no change
in the work week, Table 5 suggests that payroll employment might
increase by 1.2 million under a 5 per cent real GNP assumption and
by 1.5 million under a 6 per cent assumption—or by one-quarter more
due to the additional real GNP. The rise in employment associated
f] In the U.S. budget, the Defense Department estimates armed
"" forces strength of 2.4 million in fiscal year 1973. The
armed forces totaled over 2.6 million in 1971:4.
8/ The civilian labor force in the first quarter of 1972 was about
"" 2 million above its year earlier level. However, it is unlikely
to continue to grow at this rate.
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with a 7 per cent growth in real GNP might be approximately 1.8
million, a difference of 300,000 compared with a 6 per cent advance
in real GNP.
The conclusion I reach from the foregoing analysis can
be stated succinctly: the substantial growth in output expected
for 1972 should also lead to a sizable expansion in employment.
However, the significant increase in productivity which is also
expected will dampen the growth of jobs, and only a moderate
impact can be expected on the level of unemployment.
Alternative Approaches to Expanding Employment
Given this prospect, I asked myself whether anything
could be done to quicken the growth of jobs. In posing the question,
I obviously had to keep in mind the conflict that might emerge
between additional efforts to stimulate employment and the continuing
campaign to reduce inflation. Moreover, the substantial changes
that have occurred in the structure of the labor force in recent
years (i.e., proportionately more women and teenagers in the labor
force) make the task of generating more employment even more difficult.
Nevertheless, I am personally convinced that we cannot
simply take note of these difficulties; we should also be prepared
to pursue alternative approaches which show promise of helping us
reconcile our competing objectives. One such approach is to expand
the public employment program.
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The Emergency Employment Act of 1971 (EEA) established
a two-year manpower program which is designed to provide transitional
public service jobs in State or local governments for unemployed
and underemployed persons. The Public Employment Program (PEP)
is authorized by the EEA to make available up to 90 per cent
Federal funding for a variety of temporary jobs to go into effect
when the national unemployment rate equals or exceeds 4.5 per
cent for a three-month period. A special program for local areas
with jobless rates of 6 per cent or above for three consecutive
months is also provided.
All unemployed and underemployed persons are eligible
for the public service employment with priority consideration
accorded to Vietnam veterans and low-income groups. Jobs created
under this program must be transitional--that is, they must lead
to permanent jobs in public service or in private industry, and
they must provide prospects for skill development and advancement.
The program incorporates safeguards which attempt to insure that
funds are used to create new jobs that would not have been otherwise
financed by local revenues or existing Federal programs.
The Federal funds are apportioned among the states by
a formula which takes into account number of unemployed and the
severity of unemployment in a given area. States and localities
(acting as agents under the program) contribute 10 per cent matching
funds.
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Fundlng provides a total Federal outlay of $2.25 billion
over a two-year period ending June 30, 1973, as follows:
General funds are triggered by a national
unemployment rate of 4.5 or above. A total of
$1.75 billion has been appropriated: $750
million for fiscal 1972 and $1 billion during
fiscal 1973.
(2) Special funds of $250 million in each of the two
years are available for areas with particularly
severe unemployment. According to data supplied
by the Manpower Administration in the Department
of Labor, $981 million (of total Federal funds)
1
have been allocated. Agents shares account
for an additional $105 million.
In January of this year, there were a total of 134,374
funded job openings approved under the program. In the same
month, current enrollment (people actually at work) under the
program amounted to 102,858. There have been about 8,000 terminations
to date. The Manpower Administration estimates that a total of
145,000 jobs will be created in fiscal 1972 at an average annual
salary of $7,200.
A study of the first 45,000 people hired under the PEP
indicated that 30 per cent were Vietnam veterans, and about 30 per
cent were disadvantaged—including 10 per cent who were welfare
recipients. Altogether, about 30 per cent of the newly hired were
minorities, and about 88 per cent of the jobs were filled by
unemployed persons who had never worked for the local government hiring
them. A summary of these characteristics is shown in Table 6.
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The jobs created reflect a wide spectrum of public
service employment, although State and local agents must give
highest priority to creating jobs in areas where the need for
additional service is the greatest. The first 101,000 jobs
funded were distributed among the principal occupations shown
in Table 7.
In order to maximize the number of jobs created, 90 per
cent of the allocated Federal funds must be used for wages and
benefits, so funds for training and supportive services are limited.
However, the Manpower Administration estimates that about 16,000
participants will receive some training under the program. In
addition, many more may receive training and supportive services
through linkages between the PEP and other manpower programs.
Given this favorable experience with the PEP, I asked
myself what impact on total employment might one expect if the
amount of funds being spent on the program were increased significantly.
As indicated above, the EEA is currently funded for $750 million
in fiscal 1972 and at $1 billion in fiscal 1973--with an extra
$500 million for exceptionally depressed areas.
To assess the consequences of such an expansion, I
again made use of the computer-based econometric techniques available
9 /
to us. In this case, the behavior of the economy was simulated—
9/ The simulations were performed with the aid of a modified
version of the Social Science Research Council-MIT-PENN
quarterly econometric model.
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on the assumption that Federal outlays would be raised by $1 billion
above those already anticipated in the budget. This would represent
an approximate doubling of the amounts currently available under
the EEA. The simulations were made on the assumption that $1.0
billion were added to the existing level of Federal outlays for
each of the fiscal years 1972 and 1973. Thus, the task was to
estimate the differential effects on the economy of using the
funds in several alternative ways. To start the simulations,
a Base Projection was made by applying the GNP assumptions in
the CEA Report for 1972. The effects of alternative policies could
then be calculated by comparing the results of each successive
simulation with the Base Projection. Four alternatives were studied
(1) a reduction in Federal personal income tax rates; (2) an
increase in Federal procurement; (3) an increase in regular Federal
grants-in-aid to State and local governments, and (4) an increase in
amounts available for the public employment program.
Several conclusions stand out in the results. The
largest and most rapid, short-run impact on employment would be
produced by the PEP. The number of additional jobs provided would
approximate 200,000--twice the number generated by each of the other
alternatives at the end of one year. The PEP would also have the
largest and most rapid impact on unemployment. By following this
route, the unemployment rate might be reduced by 0.2 percentage
point after one year; an increase in Federal procurement or an
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-22-
expansion in regular grants-in-aid might reduce the unemployment
rate by 0.1 percentage point—while a cut in personal income tax
rates would probably have little if any effect on unemployment.
However, the expansion in the PEP might also eventually
exert relatively more upward pressure on prices. The fact that
the unemployment rate declines earlier and falls farther under
the PEP approach implies that the margin of unused capacity would
be shaved earlier in the process. Consequently, as the process
continues, available resources would eventually come under pressure.
With a given availability of funds, interest rates would tend to
rise—thus increasing the cost of investment. If permitted to
continue long enough, the rate of growth in real GNP would be
moderated. But in the near-term, given the substantial amounts
of unused resources that actually exist, the main results of an
expansion in the PEP would be an increase in employment and a
decline in unemployment.
An increase of $1.0 billion in Federal grants-in-aid to
States and localities would also produce a sizable rise in GNP
($1.9 billion vs. $2.4 biliion for the PEP). However, the effects
on employment would be much less (0.1 million vs. 0.2 million).
The observed differences seem to be explained by the fact that--
under the regular Federal grants-in-aid programs—States and localities
would probably use the additional funds for less labor-intensive
projects than under PEP. As indicated above, the PEP has provisions
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designed to limit this possibility. In practice, however, these
limitations might not be completely effective, and the actual
outcome mightlie between the two alternatives involving larger
Federal grants.
Under all of the alternative policies, the deficit in
the Federal budget would be increased—but in no case by as much
as the rise in Federal outlays. The expansion in the deficit would
be about the same ($0.7 billion) for a tax reduction and an
increase in the PEP; it would also be roughly the same ($0.4 billion)
for a rise in Federal procurement and an increase in regular Federal
grants-in-aid. The size of the increase in the deficit related
to the tax reduction can be traced to the fairly small rise
produced in the GNP as well as to the lower tax rates on a given
level of personal income. Under the PEP, the ultimate expenditures
by State and local governments would represent primarily wages
and salaries paid to lower-income earners. Among these, effective
tax rates would probably be lower than those applicable to those
who would receive payments under either the regular Federal grants-
in-aid programs or through increased Federal procurement of goods
and services.
From the foregoing analysis, it is clear that an enlargement
of the PEP would be a preferable route to travel--if the nation
is searching for rapid progress in stimulating employment and
making a further reduction in unemployment.
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Concluding Observations
As I stressed at the outset, we definitely need to foster
a substantial increase in productivity. If we fail in that goal,
we are unlikely to make much progress in checking inflation in the
short-run and in improving our standard of living in the years
ahead. On the other hand, the considerable rise in productivity
expected this year may dampen the growth of employment. Thus,
the major task immediately ahead of us is to assure—as a minimum—
that we achieve the rate of real growth projected by CEA for the
current year. But--if we want to make a larger dent in the
persistently high level of unemployment—the PEP appears to offer
a promising approach.
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TABLE 1
TRENDS IN OUTPUT AND PRODUCTIVITY
1948-1971
(Percentage Change)
Gross National Productivity in
Product Private Nonfarm Productivity in
(1958 dollars) Sector Manufacturing
1948 4.5 3.0 5.8
1949 0.1 4.0 3.8
1950 9.6 6.3 6.8
1951 7.9 2.0 2.6
1952 3.1 0.9 0.3
1953 4.5 2.9 5.9
1954 -1.4 2.3 -0.7
1955 7.6 4.4 5.9
1956 1.8 -0.6 -1.1
1957 1.4 2.2 2.1
1958 -1.2 2.5 -0.1
1959 6.4 3.4 5.6
1960 2.5 1.2 1.8
1961 1.9 3.0 2.4
1962 6.6 4.6 5.9
1963 4.0 3.1 4.0
1964 5.5 3.7 4.9
1965 6.3 2.9 4.1
1966 6.5 3.5 1.5
1967 2.6 1.6 0.1
1968 4.7 2.9 4.7
1969 2.6 -0.1 1.3
1970 -0.6 0.7 1.5
1971 2.7 3.4 3.6
1947-50 U 4.7 4.4 5.5
1950-55 4.3 2.5 2.7
1955-60 2.2 1.8 1.6
1960-66 5.1 3.4 3.8
1966-71 2.4 1.7 2.2
1/ Average annual rate of growth (compounded). Sub-periods
are inflection points for private nonfarm productivity.
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TABLE 2
BEHAVIOR OF OUTPUT AND PRODUCTIVITY DURING THE
RECOVERY PHASE OF BUSINESS CYCLES
(Percentage Change)
Quarter of Cyclical Trough 1954:3 1958:2 1961:1 1970:4
Changes in GNP (constant 1958 dollars)
1st year after trough 8.6 9.2 7.6 3.5
2.0
2nd year after trough 0.5 4.2
Changes in Output-per-Manhour 1/
6.0
4.6 4.1
1st year after trough 4.3
2nd year after trough -1.3 0.7 3.5
Changes in manhours 1/
1st year after trough 5.6 5.6 2.2 1.2
2nd year after trough 1.9 1.0 1.0
1/ Private nonfarm sector.
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TABLE 3
PRODUCTIVITY AND LABOR COSTS IN THE
PRIVATE NONFARM SECTOR, 1948-1971
(Percentage Change)
Compensation Unit
Per Labor
Productivity Manhour Cos ts
1948 3.0 9.0 5.8
1949 4.0 2.9 -1.0
1950 6.3 5.5 -0.8
1951 2.0 8.7 6.6
1952 0.9 5.5 4.5
1953 2.9 5.6 2.6
1954 2.3 3.?. 0.9
1955 4.4 3.5 -0.9
1956 -0.6 5.8 6.4
1957 2.2 5.7 3.4
1958 2.5 3.8 1.3
1959 3.4 4.3 0.9
1960 1.2 4.1 2.8
1961 3.0 3.2 0.2
1962 4.6 4.0 -0.5
1963 3.1 3.6 0.5
1964 3.7 4.7 1.0
1965 2.9 3.7 0.8
1966 3.5 6.1 2.5
1967 1.6 5.7 4.0
1968 2.9 7.3 4.3
1969 -0.1 6.9 7.1
1970 0.7 7.0 6.3
1971 3.4 6.9 3.4
1947- 50^ 4.4 5.8 1.3
1950-55 2.5 5.3 2.7
1955-60 1.8 4.7 2.9
1960-66 3.4 4.2 0.7
1966-71 1.7 6.8 5.0
1/ Average annual growth rate (compounded). Sub-periods are
inflection points for private non-farm productivity.
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TABLE 4
INTERRELATIONS AMONG OUTPUT, PRODUCTIVITY, AND EMPLOYMENT
DURING THE RECOVERY PHASE OF BUSINESS CYCLES
Percentage change Percentage change Percentage chanf
in productivity in work week in employment
Output Percentage change Percentage change Percentage change
(percentage change)"" in output in output in output
Trough: 1954:3 4.5 140.0 -20.0 17.8
1954:4 9.7 26.8 20.6 50.5
1955:1 15.8 54.4 12.0 29.1
1955:2 8.7 48.3 - 8.0 56.3
1955:3 6.6 28.8 0.0 68.2
Trough: 1958:2 2.7 298.3 -18.5 -166.7
1958:3 11.6 57.8 16.4 22.4
1958:4 10.9 46.8 16.5 3.-J.9
1959:1 7.0 34.3 11.4 52.8
1959:2 12.3 34.1 8.1 54.5
Trough: 1961:1 - 1.3 46.2 61.5
1961:2 10.1 110.9 - 2.0 - 8.9
1961:3 8.2 78.0 - 3.7 24.4
1961:4 8.5 43.5 4.7 50.6
1962:1 6.6 47.0 1.5 48.5
Trough: 1970:4 - 5.6 26.8 17.9 55.4
1971:1 8.8 75.0 1.1 22.7
1971:2 3.7 73.0 32.4 - 8.1
1971:3 1.8 127.8 -50.0 22.2
1971:4 7.5 65.3 10.7 22.7
1/ All percentage changes are from previous quarter at annual rates compounded. Columns 2, 3, and 4 may not
add to 100 due to rounding and cross products.
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TABLE 5
ALTERNATIVE OUTPUT, PRODUCTIVITY AND
EMPLOYMENT PROJECTIONS FOR 1972
Growth in Real GNP ($ 1958)
5 per cent 6 per cent 7 per cent
Change in private nonfarm
output per manhour (per cent) 3.3 3.9 4.4
Change in nonfarm payroll
employment (millions) 1.2 1.5 1.8
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TABLE 6
CHARACTERISTICS OF PERSONS HIRED
UNDER THE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT PROGRAM
Characteristics of First Percentage
45,000 Hired Distribution
Sex
Male 72.0
Female 28.0
21 or younger 11.0
22-44 72.0
45 or older 16.0
Group
White 70.0
Nonwhite 30.0
Public assistance recipient 10.0
Education
Less than high school 22.0
High school graduate 45.0
Some college 18.0
College graduate 16.0
Vietnam veterans 30.0
Previously employed by agent 12.0
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TABLE 7
OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF PERSONS HIRED
UNDER THE PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT PROGRAM
Occupation Percentage
Distribution
Public works and transportation 23.0
Education 18.0
Law enforcement 12.0
Health and hospital services 11.0
Parks and recreation 7.0
Social services 6.0
Environment 5.0
Fire protection 3.0
Administrative and miscellaneous 15.0
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CHART 1
OUTPUT and PRODUCTIVITY
19U7 19h9 1951 1953 1955 1957 1959 1961 1963 1965 1967 1969 1971
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CHART 2
CYCLICAL BEHAVIOR OF UNIT LABOR COSTS,
PRIVATE NONFARM SECTOR
Per Cent Change from year earlier
0
^—aarters Before -After Quarters After
h 3 2 1 " 1 2 1 2 3 k
-5 Qgartif^a Bp,| q^apt^^B ter- -5
Quarters After
2 U~
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1972, April 12). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720413_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19720413_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1972},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19720413_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}