speeches · October 13, 1971
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Thur-sday, October 14, 1971
12:00 Noon, E.D.T.
REGIONAL AND MULTI-LATERAL DIMENSIONS OF THE
UNITED STATES BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before a Luncheon
Sponsored Jointly By the
Boards of Directors
of the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
and the
Louisville Branch
Stoufferfs Louisville Inn
Louisville, Kentucky
October 14, 1971
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REGIONAL AND MULTI-LATERAL DIMENSIONS OF THE
UNITED STATES BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
A considerable number of words have been spoken and written
about the United States balance of payments problem, and in the last
two months vigorous steps have been taken to correct the deep and
persistent deficit. However, both before and after the mid-August
actions, explanations of the causes of our balance of payments
difficulties have varied widely. And, as one would expect, these
different explanations have led to a variety of conclusions as to
the appropriate cure. Unfortunately, many of these suggested courses
have involved the pursuit of partial and specific targets, rather than
focusing more broadly on the multi-lateral dimensions of the problem.
I believe we must look to these broader aspects if we are to achieve
lasting improvement.
Among the more specific targets for action to reduce the
deficit have been the following:
- Military expenditures abroad: How can the level
be reduced? How big a premium should be paid for
procurement in the U. S?
* Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am indebted to several members of the Board's staff for
assistance in the preparation of these remarks, especially to
Mr. Samuel Pizer, Miss Kathryn A. Morisse, and Mrs. Betty L. Barker.
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- Private capital outflows: How much restraint
should be imposed on purchases of foreign securities,
on direct investment, and on U.S. bank lending
abroad?
-Unfair trading practices of foreign countries:
What are the best ways to reduce barriers which
discriminate against U.S. exports?
Among the more generalized targets have been the following:
- Inflation in the United States: How can excess
demand be curbed to help check deterioration in
our trade account?
- Structural changes and foreign competition:
How can we cope with modernization and produc-
tivity improvements abroad which enhance the
ability of foreign countries to compete in
merchandise trade with the United States?
- Exchange rate adjustment: Can exchange rate
adjustments be envisaged that would contribute
significantly to improving the U.S. competitive
position?
Cutting across these categories, the point is often made
(usually in connection with an analysis of merchandise trade flows)
that our increasing deficits can be traced to transactions with a few
countries or regions. Usually Japan and Canada are singled out. It
is then suggested that we should concentrate our efforts on improving
our situation with those countries in particular.
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Clearly we are dealing with a most complex -- if not the
most complex -- problem in economic analysis and policy making.
Much could be said about each of the factors or types of inter-
national transactions listed. Yet, a clear lesson to be learned
from the collapse of the payments system this year is that there
are many factors at work -- each of which on the surface can be
blamed for a large part of our deficits of the last few years. In
fact, if we added up the separate effects of these different factors,
we would quickly come to a sum that greatly exceeds our deficits.
Furthermore, concentration on one aspect at a time tends to lead to
policy prescriptions that are clearly inadequate. More importantly,
we may be misled into the adoption of direct controls or other
protectionist devices that can only hamper trade in the long-run.
Given the complexity of our balance of payments difficulties
-- and in light of the current efforts to bring about a fundamental
correction of the deficit -- we should strive to increase our
understanding of as many dimensions of the problem as we possibly
can. One way of contributing to this understanding is to look in
some depth at our transactions with various regions or countries and
at the overall international transactions of those regions. There
are at least two reasons supporting such an approach: These relation-
ships are intrinsically important, and there is a need to look at
them more broadly than in terms of the trade accounts alone. There
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is also a need to recognize that adjustment of the U.S. balance
of payments involves for each of these countries or regions -- not
just a change in the bilateral relationship with the U.S. -- but
a many-sided adjustment involving their positions vis-a-vis the
rest of the world as a whole.
With this objective in mind, and without attempting a
detailed analysis of trends in U.S. trade and financial relations
with major foreign countries and areas, a brief review has been
made of the regional pattern of our trade and service transactions and
of long-term private capital flows. The results of the analysis
are presented in the following sections, but a summary can be
sketched here:
The persistent deficit in our overall balance of
payments (which reached an annual rate of some
$20 billion in the first six months of this year)
was the result of a fundamental deterioration in
our competitive position which showed no signs
of being checked. At mid-year, the outlook was
for a further worsening in 1972. Thus, a
striking change in the international competitive
environment was called for. The measures
announced by the United States on,August 15 were
directed at that objective.
Among the major countries and regions of the world, there is
naturally a primary interest in our trade and payments relations
with those countries enjoying sizable surpluses -- particularly
Canada, Japan, and Germany. In what follows, I will focus on trends
in the current and long-term capital accounts so as to avoid the wide
fluctuations in the flows of short-term capital.
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With respect to Canada, a striking and lasting
change has occurred in the U.S.-Canadian
bilateral relationship since the early 1960fs.
In 1970, the overall U.S. deficit with Canada
amounted to $1.7 billion, compared with a sur-
plus of $0.8 billion in 1964. Indeed, Canada's
overall position in the world economy has im-
proved dramatically, and a substantial share of
the gain has centered in its trade with the
United States. A significant part of this
strengthening is a result of the U.S.-Canadian
automobile agreement. In the quest to correct
the deficit in the U.S. balance of payments,
it may be appropriate to remove the restrictions
on exports of U.S. automobiles to Canada contained
in the 1965 agreement.
In the case of Japan, the U.S. bilateral deficit
amounted to $1.6 billion last year; in 1964 the
deficit was much smaller -- under $100 million.
These growing deficits with Japan reflected spurts
in U.S. imports. While voluntary quotas have
moderated the rate of expansion in our deficit
with Japan, the latterfs restrictions on imports
have hampered potential U.S. exports to an even
greater degree. Consequently, a reduction of
Japanese barriers to U.S. trade must be a
principal objective of the current negotiations
to rebuild the payments system.
The United States overall balance of payments with
Western Europe registered a surplus of nearly
$1 billion in 1970. In 1964, our accounts were
in deficit by $160 million. However, in the first
six months of this year, we recorded a deficit of
$1.6 billion with Western Europe. Almost half of
that total was with the European Economic
Community (EEC). The noticeable deterioration in
the U.S. balance of payments with Western Europe
in the last year or so reflected the waning of
favorable capital flows and the passing of the
fortuitous benefits to our trade from cyclical
developments here and abroad. More fundamentally,
however, the greatly strengthened position of
Western Europe can be traced to a basic change in
its competitive stance vis-a-vis the United States.
Changes in the U.S. bilateral balance of payments with
other countries have been far less dramatic. There
was no significant change in our position with respect
to other developed countries (Australia, New Zealand,
and South Africa) between 1964 and 1970. In the case
of developing nations, the major change in flows vis-
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a-vis the U.S. has been an increase in the amount of
long-term private capital they have received -- which
rose from $1.0 billion in 1964 to $1.6 billion last
year. U.S. trade with these areas has remained
virtually static since the early 1960fs, showing an
annual U.S. surplus of about $1-1/2 billion.
The bilateral balance of payments of the United
States with other regions can show only a part of the
overall payments situation which they face. We must
look at their surplus or deficit position with the
rest of the world if we are to evaluate the extent
to which they could or should adjust their external
transactions as part of their contribution to
rebuilding the international payments system. Such
a review shows that the major countries which have
large surpluses with the United States (particularly
Canada, Germany and Japan) also have overall surpluses
with the rest of the world. However, taking all the
leading industrial countries as a group, it is clear
that they will have to withstand a sizable diminution
in their aggregate surpluses if the U.S. is to make
meaningful progress in correcting its own deficit.
Regional Dimensions of the U.S. Balance of Payments
The published data on the U.S. balance of payments enable one
to trace our transactions with major foreign countries and areas. These
data are summarized in Tables 1 and 2 (attached). Our overall balance
on trade, services, and long-term private capital transactions Sometimes
called the "basic" balance) has been nearly always in deficit since 1960
— and generally on a rising scale. By 1970, this underlying deficit
was $3.0 billion and in the first half of 1971, it reached $4.8 billion
(not an annual rate). This latest increase may have been exaggerated
somewhat by the strikes then in effect or threatened and by changes in
the timing of payments as traders and investors moved to protect them-
selves against the unstable international monetary situation. But the
basic worsening was unmistakably and projections for 1972 indicated
that a further worsening was in store unless a striking change in
the international competitive environment was brought about.
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The worsening trend appeared in most major categories of
transactions. Out trade balance moved into an almost unprecedented
deficit position in April, and in the April-August period the
U.S. ran a deficit at an annual rate of over $4 billion. Private
long-term capital registered a moderate net outflow of $1.5 billion
in 1970; but in the first six months of this year, the net dutflow
totaled $3.3 billion. The net outflow associated with U.S. Govern-
ment economic grants and capital flows also rose somewhat. The
exception to this trend was a considerable rise in U.S. net
receipts from service transactions, mainly because of an improve-
ment in net income receipts. This rise was also to a considerable
extent a temporary bulge related to some special transactions.
Having sketched in the overall trends in these major
accounts, let us now turn to the trends in our dealings with some
of the major regions of the world.
Canada: Between 1964 and 1970, our overall trade balance
deteriorated by $4.7 billion. Of this amount, $2.5 billion was in
trade with Canada. About $1.2 billion of the change in the U.S.
trade balance with Canada was in automobiles, trucks, and parts.
However, even apart from this special factor, U.S. trade with Canada
worsened by over $1 billion during the 1964-70 period. The further
worsening in 1970 (apart from automobiles) resulted from a sizable
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increase in U.S. imports, while exports to Canada rose only slightly
because of the weakness of the Canadian economy. In the first half
of this year, the U.S. trade balance with Canada again declined
substantially, as the deficit ran at an annual rate of nearly
$2 billion. One might have expected that reduced trade balances
with Canada would have been offset by increases in other current
account transactions, especially net investment income. Yet, net
receipts from these transactions have grown very slowly and have
been only a minor offset to the losses on trade account.
The flow of private long-term capital to Canada has been
relatively free from restraints, but the volume has shown no tendency
to rise since the middle-1960's. In fact, the outflow was relatively
small in the first half of this year (roughly $230 million). In
considerable part, the slowdown in these flows reflects efforts by
the Canadian Government to reduce the dependence of Canadian
borrowers on the U.S. capital market.
Looking ahead, as the pace of economic activity picks up
both in Canada and in the United States, our trade balance with
Canada should improve. However, the net outflow of private
capital will probably expand also. The rise in the exchange
rate for the Canadian dollar should help the trade
balance to become less unfavorable for the United States.
Over the longer run, the bilateral trade balance may also improve —
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despite the large U.S. demand for Canadian-produced materials
of all kinds and the likelihood that Canada will strive for more
self-sufficiency in manufacturing. Moreover, the United States
faces continued keen competition for the Canadian market from
Europe and Japan. Receipts from investments in Canada
should rise more strongly than in the past as the Canadian
economy recovers. The flow of U.S. private capital to Canada
may also trend upwards -- but perhaps relatively slowly
if Canadian capital markets become better adapted to Canada's
needs.
Clearly a striking and perhaps lasting change has taken place
in the U.S.-Canadian bilateral relationship since the early 1960'fe.
Indeed, Canada's overall position in the world economy has changed
dramatically, as noted in the following section, and much of the
improvement has centered in its transactions with the United States.
Japan; In the case of Japan, the U.S. bilateral trade
balance shifted into sizable deficit ($387 million) in 1965; it
moved to a still deeper deficit ($1.1 billion) in 1968, and then
dropped sharply to a deficit at an annual rate of perhaps $2.8 billion
in the first half of 1971. These growing deficits reflected spurts
in U.S. imports. Voluntary quotas imposed by Japan have kept the
trade deficit from growing even faster. On the other hand, Japan's
restrictions on imports have reduced potential U.S. exports, perhaps
by an even larger amount.
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The U.S. also has a deficit with Japan in the non-trade
sectors of the current account, mainly direct military expenditures.
This deficit also has risen over the period from about $100 million
in 1964 to about $300 million in 1970. Moreover, there has been
a rising private long-term capital outflow to Japan, which would
probably be substantially larger if restrictions were not imposed
by both countries. These outflows rose sharply to nearly
$1/2 billion in the first half of this year, probably reflecting
expectations of a Japanese revaluation. In 1970, Japan's overall
surplus on current and long-term capital transactions with the U.S.
was about $1.6 billion, compared to a surplus less than one-third
as large in 1965. In the first half of 1971, these transactions
resulted in a U.S. deficit of nearly $2 billion with Japan. Although
this total was inflated by anticipatory transactions of various
kinds, the underlying trend was clearly and sharply adverse to the
United States.
Western Europe: After averaging deficits of about
$350 million annually in 1964-67, the U.S. balance with Europe on
current account and long-term capital was transformed into a surplus
of $2 billion in 1968. The shift was due mainly to the impact of
the tightening of U.S. controls on private capital outflows. After
that, however, the surpluses diminished, and in the first six months
of this year, we registered a deficit of $1.6 billion in these trans-
actions with Western Europe.
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On trade account alone, the surplus with Western Europe
dipped very sharply from 1964 through 1968. Subsequently it
recovered markedly as the rise in U.S. imports slowed down while
strong demand in Europe supported a steep rise in U.S. exports to
those countries. The cyclical situation as between the U.S. and
major European countries was especially favorable for the U.S.
trade balance in 1970, raising the surplus to $2.9 billion — not
far from the peak of 1964. However, over the coming year, as the
U.S. moves toward more vigorous growth at a time when output in
the European countries will probably be lagging, some reduction in
the trade balance is to be expected. Already in the first half of
this year, the U.S. surplus in trade with Europe was only about
$1^1/4 billion at an annual rate.
The picture of U.S. transactions with Europe is
significantly different when the whole current account is taken
into consideration. On this basis, the U.S. position is noticeably
weaker. The balance deteriorated by nearly $2 billion between 1964
and 1970. Of this amount, $1/2 billion was in merchandise trade,
and almost $1-1/2 billion related to current transactions other than
trade with Europe. Principal among these were larger deficits in
tourism, rising military expenditures, and reduced net receipts on
investment income (especially in 1969 and 1970) due to larger
interest payments from the United States on accumulating debt.
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More than offsetting the worsening of current transactions
with Europe from 1964 to 1970 was the sharp improvement in the
private long-term capital accounts. These long-term capital flows
shifted from a net outflow to Europe of about $2.1 billion in 1964
to a net outflow of only $.7 billion in 1966 (after voluntary
restraints on capital outflows were installed) and to a net inflow
of about $3.5 billion in 1968 (when mandatory controls on certain
capital flows were initiated). After that the net inflow of capital
from Europe diminished, although it still remained at about $1 billion
in 1970. This year private long-term capital has again been flowing
to Europe from the United States on an enormous scale, despite the
restrictions.
The principal feature of the change in capital flows
between the U.S. and Europe during the 1964-70 period was the
dramatic increase in European investments in U.S. corporate
securities and other obligations. This trend began in 1965, when
the United States started a voluntary program to reduce the outflow
of U.S. funds for direct investments abroad. The appeal induced
U.S. corporations to seek financing in Europe, although the amounts
involved were relatively small until 1968. In that year, the inflow
of private capital from Europe (apart from short-term funds) rose
to $4-1/2 billion,.from less than $1-1/2 billion in 1967. The
improvement reflected the combined impact of a tightening of the
direct investment controls and stepped-up European purchases of U.S.
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stocks in a rising market. However, the inflow has slackened since
then to about $3-1/2 billion in 1970 and to less than $1 billion
in the first half of 1971.
At the moment, the outlook for capital inflows from Europe
is clouded by many uncertainties, not least of which is the antic-
ipation of exchange rate changes. European purchases of U.S.
corporate stocks have dwindled. In any case, after the major
portfolio adjustment that occurred in 1968-69 (with the help of
vigorous marketing efforts by investment funds) the "normal11 level
of inflows could be expected to be considerably smaller. U.S.
corporations have found it more difficult to sell long-term debt
abroad and instead have turned to shorter-term financing for their
foreign affiliates. European direct investments in the United
States had been rising until recently, and they probably will do
so again once the international financial environment has settled.
Flows of U.S. private long-term capital to Europe have been
held down by the controls. The steep increase in plant and equip-
ment expenditures of European affiliates of U.S. companies (from
$2.0 billion in 1968 to ,a projected $4.4 billion next year) has been
largely financed from foreign sources. Banks have reduced their
credits to Europe under the Voluntary Foreign Credit Restraint
Program, and the growth of the European bond market has relieved
demands on U.S. capital markets — not only from European borrowers
but also from Canadians and others.
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To sum up this brief review, the improvement in the
U.S. bilateral balance with Europe in 1970 depended mainly on a
favorable shift in capital flows that at mid-year was already
showing signs of petering out and on an enlarged trade surplus
that reflected in large part a favorable cyclical situation.
Even though temporary factors may have contributed a good
deal to the abrupt worsening in these trade and capital
transactions with Europe so far this year, the underlying
trend was clearly adverse.
Other countries: United States bilateral balances with
other developed countries (Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa)
did not shift significantly between 1964 and 1970. As for the
developing countries, the principal change in flows vis-a-vis the
U.S. has been an increase in the outflow of private capital to them
in the last few years. The U.S. trade balance with developing
nations has been nearly static since the early 1960's, showing an
annual U.S. surplus of about $1-1/2 billion.
Overall Position of Major Regions
The preceding review of the bilateral position of the
United States with various regions, in terms of the balance on
current account and long-term flows of private capital, can show
only a part of the overall payments situation facing each of these
regions. It is only by looking at their overall surpluses or deficits
that we can evaluate the extent to which they could or should adjust
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their external transactions. In effect, the U.S. disequilibrium
is the sum of the global disequilibria of other countries. So,
when we speak of the adjustment that is needed from the United
States point of view, we are really speaking about some sizable
fraction of, say, the overall German surplus, rather than being
concerned only with the German position vis-a-vis the United States.
The most accessible body of data on country-by-country
transactions relates to international trade. But it has not been
possible to develop an accurate set of regional flows because of
discrepancies in country statistics, A matrix of regional trade
flows has been constructed as a starting point for discussion.
(Table 3.) However, it can only be used to indicate tendencies over
the period and is less accurate for any given country than the data
given in Table 4. Based on the U.N. data used in the matrix, the
Canadian trade balance improved from a bare surplus of $0.3 billion
in 1965 to $3.7 billion in 1970. Of this $3.4 improvement, $2.7
billion came through trade with the United States. Canada's trade
balance with Europe also improved substantially (by about $600
million), and Canada even recorded an improvement in trade with Japan.
Evidently, the Canadian gain was broadly based, although the brunt
of the improvement fell on the United States.
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Japan's trade balance rose about $2 billion between
1965 and 1970. About half of the 1965-70 gain in trade was with
the United States, a little over 35 per cent with Western Europe,
and another 15 per cent with other countries. Of particular interest
in the ca^se of Japan is the sharp upsurge in the export surplus
since mid-1970. In the last half of 1970, Japanese net exports
jumped to an annual rate of over $5 billion, and the rate reached
$5.7 billion in the first half of 1971 (Table 4). Although trade
with the United States accounted for about 40 per cent of Japan's
overall trade surplus in 1970, a larger share of the gain in 1971
seems to be in trade with this country. However, there have been
several factors operating recently to bring about a temporary surge
in Japan's balance with us. American and Japanese traders were
probably attempting to anticipate strikes in the United States and
to avoid being caught in a yen revaluation, while at the same time
the Japanese economy has been going through a period of slowdown
at home.
Although the U.N. data show a large overall trade deficit
for Western Europe as a whole, country data suggest that (apart from
a deficit with the United States) Europe probably has a surplus with
the rest of the world. The trade positions of the individual
European countries vary widely. These country balances have been
assembled in Table 4. Among European countries, Germany has by far
the strongest trade position, with the other countries normally in
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deficit. Recently, however, several other countries (Belgium,
France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom) have been improving
their trade situation.
While these data on trade balances are informative, they
can also be misleading as indicators of a country's overall surplus
or deficit. For some countries, there are significant current
account transactions apart from the trade accounts. For instance,
statistics on current account balances in Table 5 show that much
of Germany's large trade surplus is offset by other current payments
to foreigners — especially wages to foreign workers in Germany,
tourist expenditures, and private remittances. Thus, although
Germany had a trade surplus of $5.8 billion in 1970, that country's
current account surplus was only $1.7 billion. For Japan also, a
large part of the trade surplus is offset by net payments on other
current transactions. On the other hand, nearly all European
countries except Germany derive substantial net receipts from current
transactions apart from trade — with tourist receipts often a major
source of income. These other receipts are especially important
for the United Kingdom, Austria, Italy, and Switzerland. In fact,
for all the European countries (other than Germany) shown in Tables
4 and 5, net current receipts for non-trade transactions were
approximately $8.0 billion in 1970. Receipts from the United States
($3.0 billion) constituted a substantial part of the total (Table 2).
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Trends In Reserves of Industrial Countries
Up to this point, we have not been considering the effects
of the massive flows of short-term capital which have so greatly
aggravated the basic imbalances in world payments. These flows
often escape the accounting mechanisms that have been developed to
record capital flows. Consequently, we learn that they have occurred
mainly because official reserves are changing in excess of the
amounts that can be accounted for by normal transactions. These
flows may sometimes be outright flows of liquid funds from one
currency to another, or they may take the form of shifting the
timing of delivery or payment for ordinary commercial or financial
transactions. Perhaps the best way to illustrate the size and
direction not only of these volatile capital flows but also the
impact of the other trends we have been discussing is to examine
changes in countries1 reserve positions.
As shown in Table 6, between 1965 and 1970, the net
official reserves of the world's principal industrial countries
(other than the United States) rose almost 40 per cent -- from
$33 billion to $45 billion. Some of this gain (about $1.3 billion)
represented allocations of Special Drawing Rights (SDR's). However,
most of it was associated with the U.S. deficit on the official
reserve transactions basis -- which totaled $9.5 billion for the
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period. Reserves of the countries constituting the European
Economic Community (EEC) increased by over $5 billion -- apart
from SDR allocations. Most of the expansion was concentrated in
Germany, which gained about $6 billion. On the other hand,
France was a major net loser of reserves ($2.2 billion) for that
period as a whole.
Other major Reserve gainers in the 1966-70 period were
Canada ($1.5 billion), Japan ($2.6 billion), and Switzerland
($1.7 billion). In addition, some of the non-industrialized
countries not discussed here increased their reserves considerably.
Although the U.S. deficit on official transactions was quite large,
U.S. reserves losses were held down to under $2 billion. The U.S.
deficits were financed largely by borrowing.
In 1971, of course, there has been an enormous increase
in reserves of foreign countries — a rise of about $20 billion
through August^ and an additional but relatively minor gain has been
registered since then. The published U.S. balance of payments data
cover only the first half of the year, when the official settlements
deficit reached $12 billion. However, from the figures showing
changes in official reserves of leading foreign countries, it is
evident that the U.S. deficits in the last few months were enormous.
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Gains in reserves this year have been spread among
many nations — most noticeably Germany, France, the United
Kingdom, and Japan. But other countries also had sizable increases
relative to their total reserve holdings. By the end of August,
net official reserves of these major countries had reached
$66 billion, compared to $12 billion of reserves held by the
United States. At the end of August, both Germany and Japan had
larger reserves than the United States.
In my opinion, the size of these reserve gains is not
really representative of the size of the U.S. imbalance. It will
be recalled that a dominant feature of the three-month period prior
to August 15 was a massive flow of liquid funds into those currencies
that were thought to be the best candidates for appreciation. This
flow included foreign funds previously held in dollar-denominated
assets in the United States (mainly represented by borrowings by
U.S. banks through their foreign branches) as well as outflows of
U.S. funds either into foreign currencies or into high-yielding
Euro-dollar deposits. However, our discussion of the basic balance of
payments position of the United States has shown that the situation
was not merely a transitory crisis of confidence. Instead, the
fundamental weakness in our trade and other transactions also had
much to do with the deteriorating environment. The cumulative impact
of these difficulties was too great to permit us to continue the
pursuit of the same balance of payments policies.
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-21-
Exchange Rates and Multi-Lateral Adjustment
Once the need for a change in policy was recognized, there
could be no doubt that a large adjustment in the U.S. accounts was
necessary. It was also clear that the adjustment would have to be
distributed over a considerable number of countries. Part of the
adjustment question involves specific actions to lessen discrim-
inations against U.S. goods in world trade and a more equitable
sharing of the burden of defense outlays.
More lastingly, however, there would have to be major
changes in relative shares of world trade that could be brought
about over time only by some adjustment in exchange rates. We
could no longer see any reasonable possibility of effecting such
changes through monetary and fiscal policies to control domestic
inflation. There was* simply too much lost ground to be regained.
From the United States1 point of view, we are interested in
a constellation of exchange rates that — along with other measures
in the trade and burden-sharing areas — assures elimination of our
deficit and provides a safety margin over time. A key to this out-
come is a surplus on current account — which will have to center
mainly in a surplus on trade account.
I am sure there will be agreement on at least one fact:
no one can possibly estimate with any accuracy the effects on a
particular country of the multiplicity of modifications in
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-22-
relative exchange rates and other features of the international
monetary system that are currently at issue.
This very difficulty of seeing clearly what the effects of
such changes will be in the months and years ahead is a strong
argument, in my opinion, for allowing more flexibility of exchange
rates than we have had during the last 25 years. Most of the key
industrial countries seem to agree that some increased flexibility
is a necessary feature of the new international monetary system that
will emerge from the present negotiations. However, the crux of
the issue turns on the extent to which those countries with
sizable trade surpluses are prepared to see these balances shaved
somewhat as part of the multi-lateral effort to make the payments
mechanism function with a reasonable degree of predictability and
efficiency.
In my personal opinion, as I have stated previously, the
most urgent requirement at the present time is for a wider under-
standing among the major industrial nations with respect to the
fundamental goals of the payments system, and for a better
coordination of national goals in the areas of international trade,
investment, and assistance to the developing countries. The
efforts to negotiate new exchange rates and to promote institutional
changes are obviously necessary. But I remain less than optimistic
about the long -run viability of such arrangements unless there is a
broad consensus on goals. The recent Annual Meeting of the
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-23-
International Monetary Fund did result in some movement in that
direction, in that ten of its principal industrial members agreed
on a list of priorities for negotiation and a plan of work over the
months ahead. However, the tough issues of exchange rate adjust-
ment and the reduction of trade barriers remain to be resolved.
If we are successful in resolving these issues and also in producing
fundamental improvements in the payments system, the benefits of
increased international trade and investment would be considerable.
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NOTE ON TRADE DATA
(Tables 1, 2, 3, and 4)
Data in Table 4 are reported on the same basis as in
Table 1 and Table 2 (e.g., balance of payments basis --
exports and imports f.o.b.).
The trade data reported in Table 3 differ from data in
Table 1, 2, and 4 because:
1. Imports in Table 3 are derived from export data
as reported by the partner exporting countries.
For example, exports of the United States to
Canada are also, by definition, Canadian imports
from the United States. These derived Canadian
imports will differ from Canadian imports as reported
in Canadian trade statistics.
2. Export data in Table 3 are adjusted by the United
Nations to conform to U.N. standards.
3. Western Europe's trade balances with the United States
Canada, and Japan, as shown in Table 3, appear to be
consistent with those shown in other sources. However
Western Europe's trade balances with the rest of the
world, as derived from the United Nations data, differ
markedly from those shown in other sources and these
differences have not yet been reconciled.
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Table 1
Regional Distribution of the U.S. Balance on Current Account and Long-Term Capital
(millions of dollars)
1970 1971
1st H 2nd H 1st H
1960 1965 1968 1969 1970 (not seasonally adjusted)
All Areas:
Current account and long-term capital -1.155 -1.814 -1.349 -2.879 -3.038 -2.210 -829 -4.802
Goods, services, and remittances 3,498 6,102 1,321 745 2,182 1,838 345 968
of which: Trade 4,906 4,942 624 660 2,110 1,662 448 -418
Private long-term capital -2,100 -4,577 1,198 -50 -1,454 -1,956 502 -3,284
U.S. Govt, grants and capital 1/ -2,553 -3,340 -3,869 -3,574 -3,766 -2,092 -1,675 -2,488
Canada:
Current account and long-term capital 686 320 -512 -1.367 -1.651 -402 -1.247 -333
Goods, services, and remittances 1,311 1,712 433 47 -596 116 -712 -79
of which: Trade 1,024 864 -435 -799 -1,676 -581 -1,095 -838
Private long-term capital -623 -1,398 -963 -1,417 -1,035 -522 -513 -231
U.S. Govt, grants and capital \J -2 7 19 3 -20 4 -22 -25
Japan:
Current account and long-term capital -131 -466 -1.227 -2.129 -1.577 -683 -895 -1.921
Goods, services, and remittances -98 -479 -1,374 -1,774 -1,545 -583 -961 -1,433
of which: Trade 225 -387 -1,110 -1,390 -1,246 -442 -804 -1,382
Private long-term capital -24 -49 50 -383 -92 -133 41 -454
U.S. Govt, grants and capital JJ -9 62 97 28 60 33 25 -31
EEC:
Current account and long-term capital 4/ 4/ 919 1.725 532 39 494 -794
Goods, services, and remittances -721 -46 497 548 -50 -98
of which: Trade 150 1,045 1,718 1,029 689 340
Private long-term capital 1,527 1,709 -111 -549 438 -591
U.S. Govt, grants and capital 1/ 113 62 146 40 106 -101
Other Western Europe: 2/
Current account and long-term capital -211 -450 987 -614 454 -258 714 -848
Goods, services, and remittances 477 1,166 -698 -1,012 -588 -314 -273 -337
of which: Tride 2,549 2,683 185 391 1,181 685 496 384
Private long-term capital -752 -1,723 1,991 634 1,146 171 976 -436
U.S. Govt, grants and capital 1/ 64 108 -306 -237 -105 -115 10 -74
All Other: 3/
Current account and long-term capital --11,,449999 --11,,221188 -1,516 -494 -796 -906 105 -906
Goods, services, and remittances 1,808 3,703 3,681 3,530 4,414 2,071 2,341 2,915
of which: Trade 1,108 1,782 1,834 1,413 2,133 971 1,162 1,078
Private long-term capital -701 -1,407 -1,407 -593 -1,362 -923 -440 -1,572
U.S. Govt, grants and capital 1/ -2,606 -3,517 -3,792 -3,430 -3,847 -2,054 -1,794 -2,257
1/ Includes U.S. Government nonliquid liabilities to other than official reserve holders.
21 Includes the United Kingdom.
3/ Includes international organizations, unallocated transactions, and certain long-term liabilities to private foreigners
reported by banks not allocated by area.
4/ EEC countries are included in "Other Western Europe" prior to 1966.
Note: Details may not add to totals because of rounding.
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce.
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Table 2
Current and Long-term Capital Transactions Between the United States
and Major Foreign Areas
(millions of dollars)
1970 1971
1st H 2nd H 1st H
1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 (not seasonally adj.)
Trade balance 6,831 4,942 J.,?27 3.859 .ML. 660 2.110 1.662 448 -418
Canada 776 864 783 449 -435 -799 -1,676 -581 -1,095 -838
Japan 200 -387 -629 -345 -1,110 -1,390 -1,246 -442 -804 -1,382
EEC 3,377 2,683 1,309 1,015 150 1,045 1,718 1,029 689 340
Other Western Europe 1/ 625 566 185 391 1,181 685 496 384
All other 2/ ~ 2,478 1,782 1,839 2,174 1,834 1,413 2,133 971 1,162 1,078
Balance on services and
remittances 903 1.160 393 83 697 85 72 176 -103 1.386
Canada 686 848 936 589 868 846 1,080 697 383 759
Japan -92 -92 -277 -239 -264 -384 -299 -141 -157 -51
EEC -805 -802 -871 -1,091 -1,221 -481 -739 -438
[-1,425 -1,517 >
Other Western Europe JL/ -851 -651 -883 -1,403 -1,769 -999 -769 -721
All other 2/ 1,734 1,921 1,390 1,186 1,847 2,117 2,281 1,100 1,179 1,837
Balance on goods, services, and
remittances 7,734 6,102 4,320 3,942 1,321 745 2,182 1,838 345 968
Canada 1,462 1,712 1,719 1,038 433 47 -596 116 -712 -79
Japan 108 -479 -906 -584 -1,374 -1,774 -1,545 -583 -961 -1,433
EEC 504 213 -721 -46 497 548 -50 -98
Other Western Europe 1^/ ( 1,952 1,166 ^ -226 -85 -698 -1,012 -588 -314 -273 -337
All other 2/ 4,212 3,703 3,229 3,360 3,681 3,530 4,414 2,071 2,341 2,915
U.S. Government grants and capital 2/ -3,237 -3,340 -3,379 -4,226 -3,869 -3,574 -3,766 -2,092 -1,675 -2,488
Canada 22 7 16 -54 19 3 -20 4 -22 -25
Japan 50 62 -44 -3 97 28 60 33 25 -31
<
EEC 511 60 113 62 146 40 106 -101
Other Western Europe JL/ 108 ] -227 -367 -306 -237 -105 -115 10 -74
All other 2/ -3,252 -3,517 -3,635 -3,862 -3,792 -3,430 -3,847 • -2,054 -1,794 -2,257
Private long-term capital, net -4,470 -4,577 -2,555 -2,912 1.198 -50 -1.454 -1,956 502 -3,284
Canada -1,138 -1,398 -1,482 -987 -963 -1,417 -1,035 -522 -513 -231
Japan -235 -49 82 64 50 -383 -92 -133 41 -454
EEC -310 -54 1,527 1,709 -111 -549 438 -591
[-2,055 -1,723 >
Other Western Europe 1/ -439 -426 1,991 634 1,146 171 976 -436
All other If -1,042 -1,407 -406 -1,509 -1,407 -593 -1,362 -923 -440 -1,572
Balance on current account and long-
term capital +28 -1,814 -1,614 -3,196 -1.349 -2.879 -3.038 -2.210 -829 -4,802
Canada 346 320 253 -3 -512 -1,367 -1,651 -402 -1,247 -333
Japan -77 -466 -869 -523 -1,227 -2,129 -1,577 -683 -895 -1,921
EEC 705 219 919 1,725 532 39 494 -794
[ -160 -450 >
Other Western Europe 1J -892 -878 987 -614 454 -258 714 -848
All other -81 -1,218 -811 -2,011 -1,516 -494 -796 -906 105 -906
\j Includes the United Kingdom.
2/ Includes international organizations, unallocated transactions, and certain long-term liabilities to private foreigners reported by banks
not allocated by area.
3/ Includes U.S. Government nonliquid liabilities to other than foreign official reserve holders.
Note: Details may not add to totals because of rounding.
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce.
October 6, 1971
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Table 3
Regional Trade Balances of Major World Areas, 1965 and 1970^
(f.o.b. value in millions of U.S dollars)
1965 1970
Unallocated Unallocated
All United Western Rest of or statistical All United Western Rest of or statistical
Areas States Canada Japan Europe World error Areas States Canada Japan Europe World error
All areas
Exports 186,390 20,890 7,840 6,840 84,560 65,150 1,110 311*600 38,940 12,480 15,670 144,330 98,150 2,030
Imports 186,390 27,190 8,110 8,450 79,030 63,610 0 311,600 42,590 16,190 19,320 138,060 95,410 30
Balance 0 -6,300 -270 -1,610 +5,530 +1,540 +1,110 0 -3,650 -3,710 -3,650 +6,270 +2,740 +2,000
United States 2/
Exports 27,190 0 5 ,.560 2,070 9,140 10,415 5 42,590 0 8,810 4,610 14,270 14,910 -10
Imports 20,890 0 4,670 2,510 6,190 7,523 -3 38,940 0 10,580 6,020 11,150 11,206 -16
Balance +6,300 0 +890 -440 +2,950 +2,892 +8 +3,650 0 -1,770 -1,410 +3,120 +3,704 +6
Canada
Export8 8,110 4,670 0 295 1,920 1,220 5 16,190 10,580 0 750 3,050 1,799 11
Imports 7,840 5,560 0 215 1,210 859 -4 12,480 8,810 0 560 1,760 1,353 -3
Balance +270 -890 0 +80 +710 +361 +9 +3,710 +1,770 0 +190 +1,290 4446 +14
JJaappaann
EExxppoorrttss 8,450 2,510 215 0 1,100 4,637 -12 19,320 6,020 560 0 2,920 9,800 20
IImmppoorrttss 6.840 2,070 295 0 620 3,850 5 15,670 4,610 750 0 1,710 8,600 0
BBaallaannccee +1,610 +440 -80 0 4480 +787 -17 +3,650 +1,410 -190 0 +1,210 +1,200 +20
WWeesstteerrnn EEuurrooppee
EExxppoorrttss 79,030 6,190 1,210 620 50,840 19,800 370 138,060 11,150 1,760 1,710 92,810 30,080 550
IImmppoorrttss 84,560 9,U0 1,920 1,100 50,840 21,535 25 144,330 14,270 3,050 2,920 92,810 31,088 192
BBaallaannccee -5,530 -2,950 -710 -480 0 -1,735 +345 -6,270 -3,120 -1,290 -1,210 0 -1,008 +358
RReesstt ooff tthhee WWoorrlldd
EExxppoorrttss 63,610 7,523 859 3,$50 21,535 29,115 728 95,410 11,206 1,353 8,600 31,088 41,540 1,623
IImmppoorrttss 65,150 10,415 1,220 4,637 19,800 29,115 -37 98,150 14,910 1,799 9,800 30,080 41,540 21
BBaallaannccee -1,540 -2,892 -361 -787 +1,735 0 +765 -2,740 -3,704 -446 -1,200 +1,008 0 +1,602
UUnnaallllooccaatteedd oorr
ssttaattiissttiiccaall eerrrroorr
EExxppoorrttss 0 -3 -4 5 25 -37 14 30 -16 -3 0 192 21 -164 N
IImmppoorrttss 1,110 5 5 -12 370 728 14 2,030 -10 11 20 550 1,623 -1<
BBaallaannccee -1,110 -8 -9 +17 -345 -765 0 -2,000 -6 -14 -20 -358 -1,602 c
1/ Based on exports, f.o.b., as reported by individual countries to the United Nations.Imports of a given country (or area) are, therefore, derived
on The basis of the exports to it from other countries (or areas) as reported by such other countries (or areas).
2/ Based on United Nations statistics. Thus, the data for the United States differ somewhat from official export and import statistics, both on the
balance-of-payments and Census basis.
Source: United Nations, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics, June 1971, Special Table B as revised by the U.N. International Trade Statistics Center;
Handbook of International Trade and Development Statistics, 1969, Table 3.1.
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Table 4
Trade Balances of Selected Industrial Countries
(Billions of dollars, f.o.b. basis)
Half-years (AR) N.S.A.
1970 1971
1964 1967 1970 1H 2H
United States 6.8 3.9 2.1 3.42/ -1.9^/
Foreign Industrial Countries:
EEC
Belgium .0 .1 .8 .7 .8 .5
France n.a. .4 .4 .7 .0 1.0
Germany 2.4 5.2 5.8 4.9 6.6 5.4
Italy -.6 .0 -.3 -.5 -.2 .1
Netherlands -.7 -.6 -.9 -.9 -.9 -.9
EFTA
U.K. -1.5 -1.4 .0 .0 .0 .2
Austria -.4 -.5 -.7 -.5 -.9 -.9
Denmark -.4 -.5 -.8 -.9 -.7 -.7
Norway -.6 -1.0 -1.2 -1.0 -1.4 -1.4
Sweden 1/ -.1 -.1 -.2 -.6 .2 .4
Switzerland 1/ -1.0 -0.6 -1.4 -1.4 -1.4 -1.6
Canada .7 .6 3.0 2.6 3.4 2.5
Japan .4 1.2 4.0 2.9 5.1 5.7
Australia .2 .0 .5 .6 .4 .3
New Zealand .2 .1 .2 .4 .1
S. Africa -.7 -.9 -1.6 -1.4 -1.9 - 2.2—/
1/ Imports on c.i.f. basis.
2/ First half 1971 is estimated.
3/ Seasonally adjusted annual rates; 1971 = Jan. - July.
4/ Based on first quarter only.
Source: IMF, International Financial Statistics, September 1971.
October 6, 1971
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Table 5
Current Account Balances^
(millions of dollars)
1965 1970
United States +6,102 +2,182
Germany -751 +1,658
Italy +2,353 +1,325
Netherlands +56 -518
France n.a. +12
Belgium-Luxembourg +212 +918
EEC n.a. +3,395
United Kingdom +280 +1,897
Canada -1 +1,449
Japan +1,026 +2,146
Switzerland -54 +561^
Austria -55
Denmark -174 ^228^/
Norway -88 -148
Sweden -146 -225
1/ Balance on goods, services, and private transfers,
2/ 1969 data.
3/ 1968 data.
Source: IMF, Balance of Payments Yearbook, and U.S. Department
of Commerce.
October 6, 1971
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Table 6
Net Official Reserves 1/
(in millions of dollars, not seasonally adjusted)
2/ 3/
Amounts- Change;
Year-end 1971 Years 1971
1965 1970 March August 1966-70 Jan-Aug
Germany 7,431 13,610 15,802 16,713 +5,977 +2,932
Italy 4,800 5,299 6,024 6,520 +394 +1,114
Netherlands 2,416 3,234 3,542 3,505 +731 +196
France 6,343 4,351 4,881 7,628 -2,158 +3,116
Belgium-Lux. 2,337 2,854 3,081 3,451 +443 +525
EEC (23,327) (29,348) (33,330) (37,817) (+5,387) (+7,884)
United Kingdom 1,097 998 2,176 4,310 -509 +3,012
Canada 3,037 4,679 4,845 4,992 +1,518 +195
Japan 2,152 4,839 5,898 12,514 +2,565 +7,547
3,444 5,132 4,623 6,581 +1,688 +1,449
Switzerland
TOTAL of above 44.996 50.872 66.214 +10.649 +20.087
33,057
United States
Official reserve assets 15,450 14,487 14,342 12,128 -1,830 -3,076
Official settlements balance -9,544 •11,884^'
If Net reserves include gold, SDR's, foreign exchange and reserve position in the IMF, less any
use of IMF credit but not any other official borrowings.
2/ Amounts include SDR allocations in 1970 and 1971.
^3/ Changes exclude SDR allocations.
4/ January-June 1971, not seasonally adjusted.
October 7, 1971
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1971, October 13). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19711014_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19711014_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19711014_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}