speeches · September 14, 1971
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
A MONETARIST OUTLOOK
Speech by
Darryl R. Francis, President
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
to
Security Analysts, Milwaukee, Wisconsin
September 15, 1971
It is good to have, this opportunity to present
an analysis of the current economic situation and out
look to this meeting of Security Analysts, As you are
probably aware I am a member of a new and growing segment
of the economics profession, frequently referred to as
"monetarists." My enthusiasm after accepting this in
vitation has been increased because of the new eco
nomic stabilization program, and because much of the
recent discussion in the financial press has been
quite critical of ray school of economic thought. I
would like to take this opportunity to review briefly
some of our basic beliefs, to present my analysis of
the current situation and near term outlook, and to
discuss some possible longer term stabilization courses.
Most criticisms of monetarists have been
general and vague. Some question that if these beliefs
are correct, why hasn't the economy expanded more
rapidly in view of the recent sharp jump in the money
stock. Some have been annoyed that the Administration
did not do more with taxes or Government spending: the
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suggestion is that they relied too heavily on the
recent monetary expansion. A few have been dis
turbed by interest rate gyrations, preferring to
blame them on increased emphasis on money in
policy implementation.
Paul Samuelson in a recent Newsweek edi
torial stated and I quote, "It is no secret that
the forecasting ability of monetarists is selling
at a huge discount on the markets of informed
opinion." End of quote*
Of course, I do not claim that all
forecasts based on developments in money are ac
curate, or that any are ever going to be perfectly
correct. We live in a world of much uncertainty, as
security analysts know. In addition, some pro
jections have been based on assumptions of monetary
or fiscal actions which never materialized. This is
an ever present hazard of forecasting. Assumptions
underlying a forecast are easily forgotten, but
the forecast itself may be remembered.
In order that you might better judge the
forecasts emanating from the Federal Reserve Bank
of St. Louis and our policy recommendations, I will
take a few minutes now to present some of our basic
premises and to review the record of our projections.
All were available to the public at the time they were
made in speeches, the Bank's Review, or other releases.
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Premises
The monetarist beliefs are based on tra
ditional economic doctrines which were dominant for
many decades prior to the "Keynesian Revolution."
One of the basic premises of this approach is that
the economic system is basically stable, which is
in sharp contrast to the Keynesian beliefs that
counter-cyclical Government actions are essential
to promote high level employment and stable prices.
Monetarists view most Government stabilization efforts
as a source of instability.
Another basic premise is that the Federal
Reserve System, through its control of the money
stock relative to the demand for it to hold, exercises
a pervasive influence on the course of total spending,
and thereby on prices. Hence, monetarists, attribute
much of the destabilizing movements in total spending
and the inflation to inappropriate monetary actions.
Federal Government spending and taxing ac
tions, alone, are held to exert little net influence
on the trends of total spending or prices over a year
or two. Deficits created by changes in tax rates or
Government spending must be financed by borrowing.
Such borrowing tends to cause offsetting movements
in private spending unless accompanied by a change
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in the money stock. Hence, monetarists do not directly
attribute much of the excessive growth in total spending
and the acceleration of price increases during the late
Sixties to the expenditures for Vietnam, the expan
sion in Government welfare programs, or the inade
quacy of tax rates. Instead, we attribute these economic
developments to the method used to finance expanding
Government programs — that is, by monetary expansion.
Government fiscal actions may affect income distribution
and real growth rates, and have a relatively minor affect
on the time path of total spending. However, they should
not be blamed for causing business cycles or influencing
the pace of inflation, except as they are reflected in
the rate of monetary expansion.
Another premise is that trends in prices re
spond only slowly to changes in monetary developments.
This sluggish response has caused many to question the
effectiveness of monetary actions in curbing inflation.
Investigations at the St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank
have found that monetary actions have their effect
on total spending with a lag distributed over about five
quarters. When total spending does finally slow, growth
of output of goods and services is initially reduced
also, but it is at least three more quarters before
significant progress begins on prices. We estimate
that the entire process of of curbing inflation (with
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production gradually returning to its high level equilibrium)
under a favorable monetary climate would take 4 or 5 years.
The inflationary build-up required a similar period. As
the inflation becomes stronger and more imbedded in the
public's contracts, thinking and anticipations, the pro
cess of eliminating it becomes progressively more painful
and more time consuming• Controls or freezes may have
some effect in revising the public's anticipations for
a time, but controls must be reinforced by sound monetary
actions if they are to be truly effective over a considerable
period.
Experience in Forecasting
A review of monetary developments and subse
quent economic events illustrates the soundness of these
fundamental premises. A marked and sustained change in
the rate of change of money has almost always been followed
by a change in the growth rate of total spending in the
same direction. Because of this fundamental relationship,
monetarists have generally been successful in forecasting
broad cyclical movements in total spending for goods and
services. Changes in spending, in turn, have usually
caused parallel changes in production initially, but
over a prolonged period, production moves back toward
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its equilibrium rate of growth, and the entire impact
of the change in spending trend is ultimately on
prices•
In the March 1970 Review of the St. Louis
Bank, money growth rates and cyclical movements in
economic activity, as determined by the National Bureau
of economic Research, were compared for the period 1913
through 1969. The record clearly indicates that marked
and sustained changes in the rates of growth of money
were usually followed after a brief lag by cyclical
movements in business activity in the same direction.
A similar result, using more sophisticated
tests, for the 1953-68 period was reported in the November
1968 Review. One conclusion of that study was that monetary
influences had a stronger, more predictable, and faster
impact on economic activity than fiscal influences.
Later studies covering the 1919-69 period for this
country (reported in the November 1969 Review) and
the experience of eight foreign nations (reported in
the February 1970 Review) gave broader confirmation
to the earlier conclusions.
In recent years, there have been three occa
sions when forecasts of monetarists were markedly dif
ferent than the standard forecast. In each case, the
economy has moved along the general lines that monetarists
had projected.
The first of the three occasions was in
the fall of 1966. Money had remained on a plateau
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since the spring of the year, after rising markedly
from 1964 to early 1966. Based on this marked and
sustained slowing in money creation, monetarists
anticipated a marked reduction in spending growth
in early 1967, with the initial impact on produc
tion. The consensus forecast at that time, based
on a Keynesian approach, was for continued rapid
economic expansion. Government spending was growing
rapidly both for war materials and welfare programs
causing rising Federal deficits. It was reasoned
that this investment would operate with a multiplier
expanding economic activity. As you know, the
monetarists were correct, the first half of 1967
was a period of marked hesitation, called the mini-
recession,
A second marked difference in projections
occurred in the late Summer of 1968. The consensus
group anticipated considerable slowing of economic
activity in late 1968 and early 1969 as a result of
the 10 per cent surtax and some cutbacks in the growth
of Federal spending. A fear of "overkill" gripped the
economic profession. In the August 5 issue of U.S.
News and World Report, Arthur Okun, the President's
chief economic adviser, stated and I quote. "I know of
no one who would say now that our worries are still
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those of expanding too fast. If anything the balance
has shifted a bit in the other direction." End of
quote. Yet, monetarists, based on the continued rapid
growth in the money stock, correctly projected the con
tinued excessive growth in total spending during the
remainder of 1968 and early 1969, which in turn, caused
an intensification of the inflation.
A third distinct difference in projections
occurred during 1969. By that time both monetary and
fiscal actions had become less expansive, and most
observers expected sluggishness in spending and pro
duction. Many thought in addition, that inflation
would quickly dissipate once excessive total demands
were eliminated. For example, the President's Council
of Economic Advisers in their 1969 Annual Report
projected a slowing in inflation from the 5 per cent
annual rate to about a 3 per cent rate during 1969.
More recently, in view of the lack of progress on
reducing prices, the Chairman of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System, in tes
tifying before the Joint Economic Committee of
Congress on July 23, 1971, stated that "The rules of
economics are not working in quite the way they used
to."
The monetarist position, by contrast, has
consistently been that the road to curing inflation
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would be long and costly, requiring great perserver¬
ance. The forecasting model of the Bank, the results
of which are available in our "Quarterly Economic
Trends" release, has always projected a very slow
decline in the rate of inflation. In a talk to the
Argus Economic Conference in November 1969, I concluded
that: "I am sorry that I cannot present to you a view
which maintains that inflation is fairly easy to conquer
within a year or so. We should remember that our present
inflation was permitted to develop at an accelerating
rate over the past five years. It is rather presump
tuous to assume that this trend can be reversed in a
year or so, or that the cooling-off of inflation can
be achieved in a reasonable time without a period
of very slow growth in output and higher unemployment.
Overly optimistic pronouncements of our ability to
curb the present inflation in a hurry and with only
slight effects on employment are a disservice to our
people and a stumbling block to the working of orderly
corrective processes.11
Current Economic Situation and
Near-Term Outlook
Let us now turn to the current economic
situation and the near term outlook. The economy
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is suffering from both inflation and a less than
full utilization of labor and other resources• The
inflation, as the monetarists see it, was caused by
an excessive growth of the money stock in the late
1960's. From 1957 to 1965, money growth averaged
2.3 per cent per year, and inflation was nearly non
existent. From 1965 to the end of 1968 money growth
accelerated to about a 6 per cent rate. Reflecting
the jump in cash balances, the growth of spending
accelerated. Since the economy was producing at near
capacity, much of the spending growth was translated
into higher prices. Rising prices caused a large re
distribution of real income and wealth, and as a
defensive measure the public gradually imbedded the
price rise into contracts and other anticipations.
Hence, the inflation developed a strong momentum; the
effects of which are referred to by some as cost-push.
Therefore, even though excessive total spending was elim
inated about mid-1969, the inflation has continued,
giving ground only gradually.
During 1969 the money stock grew 3 per
cent, or at approximately the long-run trend rate.
With a brief lag, growth in total spending slowed
to about a 5 per cent annual rate, a pace sufficient
for the trend growth in productive capacity with
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little inflation. However, reflecting the strong
upward momentum of prices, the initial impact of the
slowing in spending centered on production and employ
ment. Production changed little from mid-1969 to
late 1970, and unemployment rose to about 6 per cent
of the labor force. Nevertheless, these transitional
costs were much less than in previous periods
when inflation was resisted effectively.
In an attempt to reduce costs of resisting
the inflation, monetary policy was relaxed in 1970.
It was anticipated that continued downward pressure
could be applied to the inflationary situation while
reducing the transitional burdens on production and
employment. The money stock was increased about 5-1/2
per cent in 1970. As monetarists expected, total
spending, which had been rising at a 5 per cent annual
rate, accelerated moderately -- actually to an 8 per
cent rate since the third quarter last year. Again,
the major initial impact has been on production. De
spite the more rapid growth in money and spending, the
evidence indicates that some downward pressure has re
mained on prices. However, relaxing the intensity of
the battle against inflation logically means that the
struggle must be endured longer. In addition, since
the recent 8 per cent growth in total spending is not
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likely to be consistent with long-run price stability,
another step in monetary tightening, with its
adjustment costs, will still be necessary if price
stability is eventually to be achieved•
In early 1971, the growth rate of the money
stock again accelerated, and quite markedly. Since
January the growth of money has risen to the highest
rate in several decades — 11 per cent per annum.
Increasing concern about the continued 6 per cent
unemployment rate, plus the emphasis on money market
conditions in policy implementation, were largely
responsible for the marked shift to rapid monetary
expansion. The facts that the unemployment rate
usually lags in a period of economic recovery, and
that money market conditions as a guide to short-run
monetary actions have frequently been misleading, were
ignored. The economic consequences of the recent
monetary expansion have not yet had time to be felt.
Experience indicates that much of the anti-inflationary
benefits of the 1969-70 slowdown probably have
been dissipated, and if money is not slowed quickly
inflation may gradually accelerate next year.
The near-term economic outlook as seen
by monetarists, is for expansion. Based on the
moderately expansive monetary conditions of 1970
and the sharply accelerated growth of money since
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January this year, growth in total spending is
likely to accelerate in the next six months* Greater
spending should be accompanied by increases in pro
duction, incomes, corporate profits, and employment.
Real progress against inflation will probably be slow because
of rigidities in the wage and price structure, the
role played by price anticipations, and the rapid in
jection of money since January. As a result of the
current freeze, our published price indexes will
certainly show a slower rate of inflation during these
fall months. However, the attainment of lasting price
stability is dependent on the achievement of a moderate
sustainable rate of growth of money.
The longer-term outlook, as the full impact
of our excesses are felt, is not favorable. Infla
tionary anticipations, which were already strong at
the beginning of this year, have been reinforced by
the large monetary injection this year. This makes the
ultimate attack on inflation all the more difficult.
Growth rates of money must be slowed if real price
stability is ever to be achieved; in fact the growth
of money must be slowed from the rapid rate of early
1971 to avoid an acceleration of prices in late
1972 and in 1973. A material slowing in monetary
expansion, however, is likely to be followed in about
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six months by another hesitation in spending and pro
duction growth and a rise in unemployment. In short,
after two costly experiences in fighting inflation
(the mini-recession of 1966-67 and the recession of
1969-70) we still are faced with the problem. These
earlier experiences were both aborted by excessively
expansive developments just at the point when signi
ficant progress was being made in reducing the rate
of inflation.
Concluding Remarks
In conclusion monetary actions, measured by
changes in money, are important. Experience both in
this country and others indicates that the trend
growth of money is the major cause of price inflation.
Also, marked and sustained changes in the growth of
money are usually followed by short-run changes in
production and employment.
The economy will receive a great stimulus
in the next nine months. Spending, production, income,
employment, and corporate profits will all probably
rise at a relatively rapid pace, reflecting the initial
stimulus of the recent rapid monetary injection. At
the same time, the rate of price increase will probably
slow, as a consequence of the initial effects of
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the freeze as well as delayed effects of the moderated
monetary actions of 1969 and 1970.
The longer-term outlook is not bright. Be
cause of the monetary excesses of 1965 through 1968
and, again, in 19 71, inflation has developed great
momentum. Inflation causes many inequities, and its
removal will be painful.
As I see it, economic activity in the decade
of the 1970's will proceed along one of four courses, none
of which will avoid hardship.
One possible course is a severe prophylactic
depression. Since this approach to abolishing infla
tion seems unduly costly and can be avoided, it is the
most unlikely course.
A second course, at the opposite extreme,
would be to accept the current, or perhaps even inten
sified, inflation more or less permanently. This course
would probably result in the highest real costs for
society over the decade of the 1970's, and, strangely
enough, this scenario is a likely one. It's likelihood
is based on the fact that short-run real benefits to
society can usually be increased by more expansive
monetary policies, while the longer-run costs of such
actions are seldom understood or given much weight in
policy decisions. Redistributions of income and wealth
from a continued or accelerating inflation would be huge.
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In addition, under such a course the economy would
likely continue to suffer cyclical movements in pro
duction and employment and increased controls, as
periodic efforts would be made to resist or moderate
the inflation,
A third course would be to follow a steady
rate of monetary injection consistent with maximum
growth in long-run real income without inflation.
Such a course might involve another moderate tran
sitional slowdown plus several years of production
at less than potential, but in the long-run it would
probably be the least costly of the alternatives
available. Such a course would require great states
manship by policymakers and perseverance by the public.
A fourth course would be to maintain con
tinually some downward pressure on inflation, while
attempting to avoid major cutbacks in the growth of
production. Such a result might flow from a very
gradual slowing of the rate of money creation over a
prolonged period until the long-run optimum rate is
reached. This compromise approach to extinguishing
inflation has appeal but has the disadvantage of pro
longing the transitional costs, requiring even more
perseverance than a more aggressive attack.
Because the long-run outlook appeared so
bleak, many advocated, and the country adopted, a
wage and price freeze. The initial response to the
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freeze has been heartening to those recommending this
course. Such actions however, do not get at the source
of inflation and may create additional problems of their
own unless adequately bolstered by sound monetary
actions.
Recent experience has again demonstrated
the truth of the following monetarist propositions.
1. The trend growth of money should be moderate -
otherwise inflation results. 2. Growth of money
should be steady — otherwise cyclical fluctuations
in spending, production, employment, end profits
result. 3. Emphasis on short-run economic goals
(fine tuning) leads to intensified inflation since
real benefits can usually be increased for a time
by more expansive actions.
The monetarist prescription for the
economy Involves transitional costs, but I am
unaware of any better approach to achieving our
long-run stabilization objectives.
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1971, September 14). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710915_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19710915_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710915_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}