speeches · September 14, 1971
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Wednesday, September 15, 1971
10 a.m. (C.D.T.) (11 a.m. E.D.T.)
REGIONAL GROWTH, MIGRATION, AND
ECONOMIC PROGRESS IN THE BLACK COMMUNITY
A Convocation Address by
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Presented At
Bishop College
Dallas, Texas
September 15, 1971
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REGIONAL GROWTH, MIGRATION, AND
ECONOMIC PROGRESS IN THE BLACK COMMUNITY
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
When I was invited to speak at this institution, I was told
that I could select any topic. With such a wide choice, I could have
focused readily (and easily) on the host of problems in the area of
national and international economic policy. Because of my own
responsibilities, I do share in the official efforts to resolve the
tenacious problems of inflation, unemployment, and the persistent
deficit in bur country's balance of payments.
However, I decided against that route. Instead, because
Bishop College is predominantly a black institution, I thought it
might be useful to present the results of some work I have been doing
recently on trends in economic conditions in the black community.
Because this college is located in Dallas — one of the leading cities
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am indebted to a number of persons for assistance in the pre-
paration of these remarks. At the Board, Mr. David Wyss and
Mrs. Diane Sower undertook the econometric analysis of net migration
based on Census Bureau statistics. Mr. Wyss also did the analysis of
gross migration patterns based on Social Security data. Miss Harriett
Harper made the informal survey of welfare trends in leading cities,
and Mr. Albert Teplin undertook the analysis of regional growth and
income trends. In the Department of Commerce, Messrs. Robert Graham
and David A. Hirschberg provided statistics on State and regional
economic activity; Mr. Hirschberg also did the computer work required
to obtain data from the Social Security One Per Cent Sample Survey.
I am also indebted to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission for
sharing with me their 1970 data on patterns of employment in American
industry by occupation, race and State.
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in the Southwest (but which also inherited an historic legacy from the
Old South) — it might be interesting to focus particularly on the
recent economic experience of blacks in the South.
Almost daily, the Nation's attention is drawn to some new
aspect of the social and political revolution that is reshaping the
lives of Negroes and whites in the South. The further withering of
racial segregation (especially in the public schools) and the
widening participation of Negroes in voting and other aspects of the
political process naturally receive most of the attention. Simulta-
neously, however, another side of the racial revolution in the South
is also of considerable importance. This is the quickening tempo
of economic progress among blacks in this section of the country.
From time to time, notice is taken of the wider sharing of blacks
in the area's economic activity, but the breadth of the changing
situation is not always fully appreciated.
On the other hand, Negroes are s t i ll leaving the South at
a heavy rate. The pace of out-migration has been so strong that
today just over half of the black population lives in the South —
compared to three-fifths as recently as a decade ago. This large
net outflow of blacks is in sharp contrast to the sizable net inflow
of whites to the South. It is true that blacks increasingly are
finding the South a better place in which to live (and a few
prominent Negroes have attracted national attention by returning home
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to the South). Yet, on balance, the disincentives .inducing blacks
to leave the region still seem to out-weigh the advantages inducing
them to remain or to return. And when blacks leave the South -- to a
greater extent than is true of whites -- they are likely to move into
the heavily populated urban areas of the North and West -- areas with
a galaxy of problems that need not be catalogued here. Thus, the
pattern o f migration -- black and white -- in relation to economic
development is interesting (and important) both regionally and
nationally.
Some of the results of the studies I have had underway are
presented in the rest of these remarks* It might be helpful to
summarize the highlights here:
- During the decade of the 1960fs, the South recorded
the highest rate of economic growth among the
major regions of the country. As a result, its
share of the nation's income rose significantly.
- Blacks participated substantially in the
Southfs economic progress. However, the extent
of sharing was quite uneven from one State
to another. There continues to be a noticeable
short-fall in the proportion of nonfarm jobs
held by blacks, especially in the Deep South
States. Nevertheless, Negroes' share of total
money income did expand during the 1960's.
- Yet, net migration of blacks from the South
remains exceptionally large. Between 1960 and
1970, the net outflow from Border States
moderated, but it continued heavy from Deep
South States -- the same States in which the
short-fall in jobs for blacks remains the
largest. On the other hand, a closer look at
the movement of blacks out of the South --
based on gross migration rather than on net
migration figures — suggests that the tendency
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for blacks to leave the South is roughly the same
as it is for whites• The observed differences in
the rate of net migration are due mainly to the
failure of the South to attract blacks from other
regions.
- In trying to explain the heavy net outflow of
Negroes from the South, most students of the
question have identified better jobs and higher
incomes as the main incentives. However,
some observers have suggested that the movement
may be partly in response to higher welfare
benefits in the North and West. Still others
have suggested that differences in educational
opportunities may partly account for the higher
rate among blacks. The results of my own work
(some of it supported by computer-based econometric
analysis) indicate that brighter job and income
prospects are the main factors influencing the
movement of blacks from the South -- the same
incentives which induce most whites to move.
State difference s in educational expenditures
seem to have a small but noticeable effect on
the migration of blacks -- but not on the
migration of whites. State differences in
welfare payments also appear to be positively
related to net migration rates for blacks, but
not for whites. Yet, for blacks, the impact is
extremely small. Moreover, the States with
high welfare payments are also the States with
high incomes and high outlays for education.
So, one cannot readily unravel the joint effects
of these factors on migration.
This conclusion is reinforced by the results
of an informal survey of welfare trends in 25 of
the leading cities with the largest Negro population.
All of them have experienced large increases in
recent years in the number of persons receiving
public assistance. However, the number of Negroes
as a proportion of all persons on welfare appears
to be unrelated to the pattern of net migration
experienced by the cities during the 1960!s.
Moreover, there seems to be no appreciable
difference in the situation in Southern cities
compared to those in the North and West.
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- This analysis has led me to conclude that, as
economic growth in the South continues, blacks will
have a chance to share even more fully in the benefits
of economic development. However, to realize this
potential, there must be an accelerated effort -- on
the part of whites as well as on the part of blacks
-- to bring about genuine equality of opportunity.
In response to such an improved environment, more
Negroes (especially young people) would probably
remain in the South. While some observers would
encourage them to stay in order to lessen further
pressures in the urban areas of the North and West,
I would do so for another reason: since the South
is making the investment in its youth -- both
black and white (and although it remains inadequate
compared with the national average) -- the South
itself should get a larger share of the benefits from
the development of its human resources.
We can now turn to a fuller discussion of these main points.
Regional Economic Growth
During the last decade, the South expanded faster than any
other major region in all principal types of economic activity. The
contours of this performance can be traced in the growth and
distribution of civilian income from current production. On the
basis of data in Table 1 (attached), it appears that income in the
South expanded at an annual average rate of 8.1 per cent, between
1960 and 1970, compared with 6.6 per cent for all other regions and
6.8 per cent for the country as a whole. As a result, the Southfs
share of income from current production rose from 15.4 per cent to
17.3 per cent of the total.
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In the South, as in the rest of the Nation, the highest
annual rate of growth was registered in the government sector
(10.1 per cent vs. 9.6 per cent), followed by services (9.7 per cent
and 8.7 per cent, respectively). But, relative to the performance
of other geographic areas, the Southfs widest lead in the rate of
growth was in the manufacturing sector. Here the annual rate of
expansion in the South was 9.0 per cent, compared with 6.0 per cent
for other regions and 6.4 per cent for the country. In 1960, income
originating in manufacturing accounted for 24.1 per cent of the
total in the South; the corresponding figures were 30.6 per cent in
other regions and 29.9 per cent in the country at large. By 1970,
the South had made up a substantial part of the lag. In that
year, the proportions of income earned in the factory sector were:
South, 26.3 per cent; other regions, 29.0 per cent; and the United
States, 28.5 per cent. Paralleling the expansion in manufacturing,
the Southfs traditionally heavier reliance on farming lessened much
faster than was the case in the rest of the country. In 1960, about
7.5 per cent of the Southfs income from current production arose in
agriculture, compared with 4.2 per cent in other regions and 4.7 per
cent for the Nation. Last year, the farm share had shrunk to 4.7 per
cent in the South, to 2.8 per cent in other regions, and to 3,1 per
cent in the country as a whole.
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Negroes Share in Regional Expansion
As indicated above, Negroes did share extensively in the
expansion of economic activity in the South in the last decade. But
this was also true of Negroes in the North and West. Consequently,
it is necessary to ask whether blacks in the South did relatively
better -- or worse -- than their brothers in the rest of the country.
To obtain an answer, one must examine the evidence relating both to
jobs and income in each State.
The ideal information for this purpose will be provided by
the 1970 Census of Population. Since this will not be available for
some time, I have relied on the data collected by the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) — based on annual reports submitted by
private employers with 100 or more workers. These figures were used
to calculate Negro employment as a percentage of total nonfarm
employment and in principal occupations in the 28 States and the
District of Columbia with a substantial proportion of Negroes in their
population. The calculations were made for 1966 and 1970, so one can
study employment trends during the last half of the 1960fs. For
comparison purposes, the percentage of Negroes in the total population
in each State in 1970 was also calculated. The results are shown in
Table 2.
Several important aspects of blacks1 employment situation
stand out in these data. The first thing to note is the rise in the
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share of total jobs held by blacks in the country as a whole -- a
rise from 8.2 per cent in 1966 to 10.3 per cent in 1970. Since
Negroes constituted 11.2 per cent of the total population, the gap
between their shares of population and jobs narrowed appreciably --
to about 1 percentage point. This relatively small spread should be
kept in mind, because it will serve as a useful benchmark in the
discussion below. At the national level, the position of blacks in
the principal occupations differed considerably. They were greatly
under-represented in the white collar fields -- and heavily over-
represented in the blue collar and service occupations.
In most regions, the population-jobs gap among blacks
narrowed substantially between 1966 and 1970. Leaving aside Washington,
D. C., Negroes1 share of population and their share of total employment
reported in the EEOC statistics in 1970 differed by only one or two
percentage points in all States — except in those located in the heart
of the South. In these States, the population-jobs deficit was
exceptionally large, with blacks1 share of population exceeding their
share of jobs by the following percentage points: Tennessee, 3.3;
North Carolina, 5.9; South Carolina, 9.6; Georgia, 5.3; Alabama, 7.4;
Mississippi, 12.9; Louisiana, 8.9; Arkansas, 5.2. In contrast, the
situation was far different in the Border States and in those making
up the outer rim of the South: Virginia, 0.1; West Virginia, 1.1;
Florida, 1.5; Oklahoma, 0.8; Texas, 0.9; and Kentucky, no gap at all.
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In these figures, one can see a large part of the explanation
of why there is a continuing heavy migration of blacks from the South.
Those Southern States -- and especially those in the Deep South — in
which the deep jobs deficits prevail are also the States showing
the largernet outflows of black population.
Trends in the Level of Income
The improvement in black employment has also been reflected
in both their absolute and relative income positions. For example, in
1969, Negroes in the United States had a median family income of $5,998,
according to figures published by the Bureau of the Census. The median
was $9,793 for whites and $9,433 for all families in the country. Thus,
in 1969, the black-white median income ratio was 61.0 per cent, and the
black-total ratio was 63.5 per cent. In 1959, the median income of
Negro families was $3,721 (expressed in 1969 prices); the median was
$7,360 for whites and $7,058 for all families. In 1959, the median
income of blacks was 50.5 per cent of the median for whites and 52.5 per
cent of that for all families. So, over the decade, Negroes registered
significant improvement in their relative income position in the Nation
at large. However, the absolute gap between black and white incomes
widened further. In 1959, the median for black families was $3,639
below that for white families and $2,337 below the median for all fami-
lies in the country. By 1969, the margin of white over black income
had risen to $3,795, and the margin for all families had climbed to
$3,435.
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Over the last decade, income trends for blacks differed
significantly among the principal regions of the country. In the
North and West, blacks' relative position improved somewhat -- but
to a lesser extent than it did in the South. In 1959, in the North
and West, the black-white median income ratio was 71.0 per cent, and
the black-total ratio was 72.1 per cent. By 1969, the black vs.
white ratio had risen moderately to 72.7 per cent and the black vs.
total to 74.1 per cent. In the South, the proportions were: black-
white, 45.5 per cent in 1959 and 56.8 per cent in 1969; black-total,
51.1 per cent in 1959 and 61.5 per cent in 1969.
Historically, the widest absolute gaps between the incomes
of blacks and whites have been found in the South, and the differences
were strengthened further during the last decade. For instance, in
1959, the typical white family in the South had $3,414 more in money
income than the typical black family. In the North and West, the
edge favoring whites was $2,245. By 1969, the margin had climbed to
$3,776 for whites in the South and to $2,790 for whites in the North
and West. Within each region, the trend in the income gap between
blacks and whites varied somewhat, depending on the place of residence.
Among families living in central cities of metropolitan areas in the
South, the spread declined over the decade -- from $3,422 in 1959 to
$3,317 in 1969. For similarly situated families in the North and
West, the spread rose during the same period -- from $2,555 to $2,664.
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In both regions, the difference in income between black and white
families living in the suburban rings of metropolitan areas became
even greater: in the South the spread increased from $4,226 in
1959 to $4,338 in 1969; in the North and West, the increase was from
$2,771 to $2,987. Again, in both regions the trends in relative
incomes of blacks and whites reflected the accelerated movement of
whites from central cities to the suburbs.
Today — as for many years — the families with the lowest
incomes are s t i ll found in the South, among both blacks and whites.
For both races in the South (as in the rest of the Nation) the poor were
found outside of metropolitan areas. In 1969, median family income
for blacks in small Southern towns and rural areas was $3,699, and
for whites it was $7,487. The highest incomes among blacks in the
South ($6,256) were received by those in suburban rings of metropoli-
tan areas—which was also true of whites ($10,594). So, within the
black community, the ratio of the lowest to the highest incomes was
59 per cent; among whites it was 71 per cent.
Trends in Regional Income Distribution
During the last decade, the South made noticeable gains
in its share of the Nation's total money income. This was an outcome
one would expect -- given the faster pace of economic growth in the
region compared with the rest of the country. Simultaneously, an
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outcome that was not equally expected is the degree to which Negroes
in the South shared in the overall redistribution of income. The
extent of the regional shift in income shares and the division
between blacks and whites can be traced in Tables 3, 4, and 5.
Respectively, these tables show total money income in 1959 and 1969,
total population in 1960 and 1970, and the percentage distribution of
income and population -- all by region, race and, metropolitan or
nonmetropolitan residence. In broad terms, of the $605 billion of
total money income in 1969, residents of the South received $161
billion, and $444 billion were received by residents of the North and
West. I n the Nation as a whole, Negroes got $38.7 billion, whites
received $561 billion, and the remainder accrued to other races.
Other details describing trends in the distribution of income are
shown in the tables.
However, the essence of the story is told by compar-
isons of population and income distributions among regions and between
blacks and whites. The results are shown in Table 5. These data
indicate clearly the sizable shift in the distribution of income
that occurred over the last decade. For example, the South had about
the same proportion of the Nation's total population (30.5 per cent)
in both 1960 and 1970. Yet, its share of total money income rose
from 24.4 per cent in 1959 to 26.6 per cent in 1969; a gain of 2.2
percentage points . The North and West with the residual population
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(69.5 per cent) experienced a shrinkage in its income share from
75.6 per cent to 73.4 per cent, a loss of 2.2 percentage points.
While these may appear to be relatively small statistical changes,
they represent a shift of over $13 billion of total money income
to the South. This shift was equal to about 8 per cent of the
region's total income in 1969.
The other noticeable shift in income distribution was the
rise in the share of total money income received by Negroes. They
received 5.1 per cent of the total in 1959 and 6.4 per cent in
1969, a gain of 1.3 percentage points. This percentage change was
equivalent to $5 billion — equal to 13 per cent of Negroes1 total
money income in 1969.
Within the black community, however, the bulk of the
relative gain (three-fifths) accrued to Negroes in the North and
West, and only two-fifths accrued to blacks in the South. At the
beginning of the decade, three-fifths of the black population were in
the South, and two-fifths were in the North and West. However, the
division of income between blacks in the North and West and those
in the South was 57 per cent and 43 per cent, respectively, in 1959.
The same proportionate division in income prevailed in 1969. On the
other hand, high net migration rates had changed drastically the
distribution of the black population between the two regions --
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reducing the fraction in the South from 61 per cent in 1960 to 53 per
cent in 1970. Thus, a sizable improvement occurred in per capita as
well as in total income of blacks in the South. For them, the change
meant that their share of the Nation's total money income rose from
2.21 per cent in 1959 to 2.74 per cent in 1969. This represented a
shift of about $3.2 billion in their favor over the course of the
decade.
In summary, these figures indicate that, during the 1960's,
the Nation saw a significant redistribution of income with respect to
both regions and racial groups. The North and West lost to the South
2.2 percentage points in relative income shares. Within the South,
that gain was split roughly 25-75 per cent between blacks and whites.
At the same time, however, blacks in the North and West also improved
their relative position -- raising their share of the Nation's total
money income from 2.87 per cent in 1959 to 3.66 per cent in 1969.
Thus, there seems to have been a redistribution of relative shares
from whites located in the North and West to Negroes of that region
and to both whites and blacks living in the South.
Having noted these improvements, however, we should also
note that blacks as a group are s t i ll lagging considerably behind
whites in the Nation at large in terms of their overall share of
income. In 1969, Negroes constituted 11.3 per cent of the total pop-
ulation, but they received only 6.4 per cent of total money income.
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In 1959, the population and income proportions were 10.3 per cent and
5.1 per cent, respectively. So, while a moderate narrowing of the gap
occurred over the decade, the absolute short-fall suffered by blacks
remains large -- and poses one of the strongest challenges s t i ll facing
the United States.
Net Migration From the South
As I indicated at the outset, the continued heavy net migra-
tion of Negroes from the South is one of the most striking characteris-
tics of the contemporary economic scene in the United States. Between
1960 and 1970, the net outflow of blacks from the region amounted to
about 1,380,000. (See Table 6.) Over the same period, net migration
added 1,807,000 to the area's white population.
The large out-migration of blacks during the decade as shown
in the 1970 Census of Population came as a surprise. In fact, the
Census Bureau had been projecting a sharply reduced annual rate of
outflow during the decade. The Bureau's estimate had put the annual
rate a t approximately 80,000, or substantially below the annual net
outflow o f 147,000 in the 1950-60 period and 160,000 in the 1940-50
years. As it developed, the annual rate of net migration of blacks
from the South was about 138,000 between 1960 and 1970 — not appre-
ciably different from the rate recorded in the previous two decades.
Actually, the reported figures on net migration of blacks
from the South as a whole fail to show the great diversity of experience
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among different States. The situation in individual States is described
by the statistics in Table 6, showing net migration in each of the last
three decades. The general picture which emerges is easily understood:
in a number of Southern States, the expected slowdown in the rate of net
migration of Negroes did occur in the 1960!s. In fact, the moderating
trend was already evident in the 1950's. Nearly all of these were
Border States. In contrast, there was virtually no slackening in the
rate of outflow of blacks from the Deep South. Seven of these States
(North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Arkansas and, West Virginia) lost more than 15 per cent of their 1960
population through net migration during the decade of the 1960!s. In
five of these, the loss was nearly equal to one-quarter of their 1960
Negro population. The rate of loss was much smaller in Tennessee,
Virginia, Florida, Oklahoma, and Texas. Kentucky had a small net gain
through migration of blacks, and Texas almost broke even.
While the Southern States continued to lose a sizable share
of their black population in the last decade, about a half dozen
Northern and Western States (New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Michigan,
Illinois, and California) were adding substantially to their Negro
population through the net inflow of migrants. All of these (except
Maryland) gained more than 100,000 new citizens on this basis. These
inflows represented expansions in their respective 1960 black population
of nearly one-third in California, about one-quarter in New York and
New Jersey, and one-sixth in Maryland and Michigan.
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In contrast, while blacks were moving into these six States
in great numbers, whites were leaving them (except for Maryland and
California) in even larger numbers. In percentage terms, the net out-
migration of whites was fairly small, but the pattern was comprehensive
and unmistakable.
Public Welfare and Migration
The reasons why blacks leave the South in such large numbers
seems fairly obvious to most students who have studied the question;
they move in search of better employment opportunities and higher incomes.
These are the same factors that induce whites to migrate -- and which
induce blacks to move from one area to another within the North
and West.
However, some observers have suggested that many blacks move
from the South into large cities of the North and West in order to
obtain more generous welfare benefits. In view of the lack of evidence
supporting this notion, one might have thought that it would have
ceased to be current. In fact, several studies (including a compre-
hensive one recently published by the Urban Institute) have produced
findings which cast doubt on the validity of the argument. Yet, the
idea continues to flourish. The matter is of more than passing academic
interest. It has been urged by a number of influential spokesmen that
public welfare policies be refashioned to reduce the incentive that may
be provided low income groups (meaning mainly blacks) to move into
large urban areas.
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As I was preparing these remarks, I thought another effort
should be made to determine whether a connection can be established
between the pattern of black migration and the availability of welfare
benefits. The task was undertaken in two parts. The first involved
an informal telephone survey of the 30 leading cities with the largest
Negro population. The second involved a computer-based econometric
analysis of the principal factors influencing net migration rates.
In the informal telephone inquiry (in which officials in 26
cities were finally reached-^) information was requested on the total
number of persons receiving public assistance and the approximate
percentage which Negroes represented of the total in mid-1971. The
same information was requested for five years earlier. In all 26
cities, figures were provided for the total number of persons on the
welfare roles in mid-1971, and in 17 cities a rough estimate for the
proportion of blacks was also obtained. The reports for earlier years
(mainly 1965-1966) were less complete, and very few figures were
available showing blacks as a percentage of the total.
The statistical information obtained is shown in Table 7.
For comparison purposes, the table also shows for each of the 26 cities
1/ For a variety of reasons (such as vacations and misplaced
messages) successful contact was not made in four cities: Philadelphia,
Pa.; Richmond, Va.; Jacksonville, Fla.; and Milwaukee, Wise.
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the Negro population in 1970, the change during 1960-70, and the ratio
of Negro to total population in 1970. Net migration during 1960-70 in
2/
each of the cities for Negroes and other races is also indicated.—'
Several conclusions are suggested by these results: in each
of the 17 cities reporting information, blacks do make up a substantial
proportion of the total number of persons receiving welfare assistance.
The smallest proportion (about one-fifth) was reported by Boston. In
New York City and Buffalo, blacks represented about two-fifths. They
were around one-half in Columbus, Ohio, Los Angeles, California, and
in Houston and Dallas, Texas. In the remaining cities (except Washington,
D. C.) the ratio was in the 70~90 per cent range. In the Nation's
Capitol blacks made up virtually all of the welfare rolls.
Another striking feature of these data is the substantial
variation by region and net migration experience. The cities in the
South showed as much diversity as cities in the North and West. Cities
which lost population by the net out-migration of blacks had propor-
tionately as many blacks on the welfare rolls as did cities which gained
population. These data suggest that, if there is a relationship between
welfare benefits and black migration, it is far from obvious.
2/ Figures were not available for Negroes separately. In the country
as a whole, Negroes constitute 92 per cent of this group. However, in
particular citie s (especially on the West Coast where many Orientals live)
the Negro percentage would be smaller.
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The same conclusion is suggested by the results produced by
the computer-based econometric analysis of net migration mentioned
above. The objective of the analysis was to identify and to measure
quantitatively the main factors which affect interstate net migration
rates of black and white people. It was assumed that the most important
incentive for both races was provided by income differentials among
States -- that is, migrants would move to the location of the more
favorable economic climate. In addition, an attempt was made to account
for migration patterns which may be in response to factors that are
not purely economic -- such as racial discrimination (for blacks) or
retirement conditions (for whites).
The statistical methods used are described in the appendix
3/
(attached) and need not be discussed here.— The key statistical tests
performed related net migration rates to state differences in per capita
personal income, welfare benefits, and expenditures on elementary and
secondary education. An effort also was made to capture the effects
of an observed tendency for Negroes to leave the South at above-average
rates and for whites to move at abave-average rates into a few
states (Florida, Arizona, amd Nevada) offering strong retirement
and recreational incentives. The analysis was carried out with
the assistance of several members of the Board's staff.
3/
— For those with a technical interest in the subject, the estimating
technique used in this study was multiple regression analysis. Tests
of the models were performed using data for the continental United States
and the District of Columbia for the Census decades 1950-1960 and 1960-
1970. These data appear in Appendix Table 1. The regression
statistics are shown in Appendix Table 2.
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In general, I wanted to know the answer to the following question:
By how much should one expect net migration rates to vary in response
to differences in per capita personal income among states. The answer
can be stated in terms of changes in the ratio of per capita income in
a given state to average per capita income in the nation as a whole.
The tests based on 1950-60 migration data suggested that a 1.0 percentage
point change in the income ratio might induce a parallel change of 0.76
per cent in the net migration rate for blacks and of 0.31 per cent in
the rate for whites. The tests based on 1960-70 data yielded roughly the
same estimate (0.70 per cent) for blacks, but the second estimate for
4/
whites was much smaller (0.08 per cent).— In other words, a relative
improvement in a state's income position would induce both blacks and
whites to migrate into its territory -- but the response of blacks would
be much stronger than that of whites.
To estimate the effects of welfare payments on the direction
of migration, payment per recipient under the Aid to Families with
Dependent Children program was added to the basic test. The results
suggest that black migrants, in fact, may respond positively to state
differences in welfare programs, whereas whites may not. A 1.0 percentage
point change in welfare payments per recipient may be associated with a
0.17 per cent change in the net migration rate for blacks and with a
-0.11 per cent change in the rate for whites.
4/ In technical terms, the 1960-70 estimate for whites is not
statistically significant, and may be underestimated.
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In interpreting these results, extra caution is required.
Welfare benefits may be positively related to per capita income,
since States with high incomes also typically have high welfare
benefits. Moreover, it will be noted even for blacks the estimated
influence of income substantially outweighs the influence of welfare
(about 0.70 per cent vs. 0.17 per cent). So, given the necessary
limitations of data and the statistical estimating techniques, I
assign much more importance to income as a factor affecting net
migration rates among blacks than I assign to welfare payments.
A second variation in the basic test was made to estimate
the effects of State differences in educational opportunities on
net migration rates. For this purpose, educational expenditures per
pupil in elementary and secondary schools were used instead of welfare
payments. Again, it appears that black migrants might respond positively
to State differences in educational outlays, but whites may not.
A 1.0 percentage point change in educational outlays per pupil may be
associated with a 0.19 per cent change in the net migration rate f6r
blacks and with a -0.15 per cent change in the rate for whites. How-
ever, in this case also, I must repeat the cautionary comment made
above. High education expenditures and high incomes are generally
found in the same States, and the statistical tests may be attributing
effects to education which are actually due to differences in income.
In summary, these several statistical tests indicate that
most people (both black and white) seem to move more in response to
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economic conditions than to differences in either welfare benefits or
educational advantages. In fact, the statistical measures suggest
that there is steady pressure for people to move out of any given
state unless it is counter-balanced by a strong growth in income.
Gross Migration and Income Gains
As I indicated at the outset, it is necessary to look beyond
the net migration figures if one is to get a clear understanding
of the direction and cause of movements. The Census Bureau's
statistics on net migration are the most readily available, so they
are the ones relied on by most analysis.
Fortunately, however, there is another set of statistics
which a few other investigators have used to examine migration
patterns. These figures are contained in the one per cent sample of
Social Securit y records, and I have been able to draw on them
for the present study. In the first quarter of 1970, the sample
contained records on appromixately 800,000 individual workers, of
whom more than 80,000 were Negroes. The Social Security records
yielded a rich harvest of information, including data on race, sex,
age, income, and region of employment. I was also able to obtain
data from the sample for the first quarter of 1965. Since workers
keep the same*. Social Security numbers throughout their lives,
information from the sample can be used to answer a variety of
questions relating to migration.
I have summarized in Tables 8, 9, and 10 gross and net migration
rates for men by region, age, and race for the period 1965-1970.
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Several aspects of black-white migration patterns, which were hidden
by the Census Bureau figures on net migration, stand out most dramatically.
In the first place, it is clear from Table 8 that the tendency for blacks
to leave the South is not greatly different from the propensity of whites
to migrate. For example, among men age 25-44, the gross out-migration
rate was 15.9 per cent for blacks and 12.8 per cent for whites. On the
other hand, the gross in-migration rate for blacks was far below that for
whites (6.1 per cent vs. 14.1 per cent). The result was a net outflow of
black men (-9.8 per cent), compared with a small net gain (1.3 per cent)
for white men. On the other hand, the pattern of migration did vary
considerably with age. In both races, men 45 and over had much lower
migration rate s (gross and net) than was the case in the younger age
group.
Thus, it is the Southfs failure to attract black people from
other regions -- rather than an exceptional tendency for its black
citizens to leave -- that accounts for the high net outflow reported
in the Census statistics. As one would expect, when blacks do leave
the South, they are likely to move to the same Northern and Western
states that already have large Negro populations. This expectation is
strongly supported by the data in Table 9, showing origin and destina-
tion of men who migrated in the 1965-70 period. For present purposes,
however, the most valuable information from the Social Security sample
relates to migration and income, presented in Table 10. In all eight
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regions, the incomes of black migrants were below those of black
workers who did not move. The same was true of white migrants in
four of the regions, but not including the Southeast where migrants1
incomes were one per cent above the incomes of those who remained at
home.
In all race and age categories, wages of migrants from the
South increased more over the five-year period than did incomes of
non-migrants. This was especially noticeable in the 25-44 age bracket,
where black male migrants averaged wages 18.5 per cent below non-
migrants in 1965 and 14.5 per cent above in 1970. This represented an
improvement relative to non-migrants of 33 percentage points.-- the
largest gain recorded for any group. White male migrants from the
South increased their relative income from one per cent above the
incomes of non-migrants to 14 per cent above -- a relative increase of
13 percentage points«
In summary, the foregoing analysis strongly suggests that
Negroes are not leaving the South in abnormally high numbers. About
as great a proportion of whites as of blacks leave the region. The
difference in net migration is caused by the fact that blacks do not
migrate into the South at the same pace.
Concluding Observations
In conclusion, the analysis presented here has convinced me
that, as economic growth in the South continues, blacks will have a
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chance to share more fully iri the benefits of economic develop-
ment. However, to realize this potential, there must be an accelerated
effort -- on the part of whites as well as on the part of blacks -- to
bring about genuine equality of opportunity.
In response to such an improved environment, more Negroes
(especially young people) would probably remain in the South. While some
observers would encourage them to stay in order to lessen further
pressures in urban areas of the North and West, I would do so.for another
reason: Since the South is making the investment in its youth -- both
black and white (and although it remains inadequate compared with the
national average) -- the South itself should get a larger share of the
benefits from the development of its human resources.
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Table 1. Civilian Income from Participation in Current Production, by Industry, and Region, 1960 and 1970.
(Billions of Dollars)
INDUSTRY UNITED STATES SOUTHEAST ALL OTHER REGIONS
Change Change Change
Annual Annual Annua 1
Average Average Average
Growth Growth Growth
1960 1970 Amount Rate 1960 1970 Amount Rate 1960 1970 Amount Rate
Total 319.3 617.4 298.1 6.8 49.3 106.8 57.5 8.1 270.0 510.6 240.6
m
Farms 14.9 19.1 4.2 2.5 3.7 5.0 1.3 3.1 11.2 14.1 2.9 2.3
Mining 4.3 6.6 2.3 4.4 1.1 1.9 0.8 5.6 3.2 4.7 1.5 3.9
Contract Construction 21.0 38.6 17.6 6.3 3.4 7.2 3.8 7.8 17.6 31.4 13.8 5.9
Manufacturing 94.6 176.1 81.5 6.4 11.9 28.1 16.2 9.0 52.7 148.0 65.3 6.0
Wholesale and Retail
Trade 62.4 105.5 43.1 5.4 9.7 18.3 8.6 6.6 52.7 87.2 34.5 5.1
Finance, Insurance,
and Real Estate 16.2 33.2 17.0 7.4 2.4 5.2 2.8 8.1 13.8 28.0 14.2 7.3
Transportation, Communi-
cation, and Public
Utilities 24.8 44.9 20.1 6.1 3.8 7.8 4.0 7.4 21.0 37.1 16.1 5.9
Services 41.7 96.3 54.6 8.7 6.1 15.3 9.2 9.7 35.6 81.0 45.4
f^B
W
Government 38.2 95.2 57.0 9.6 6.8 17.8 11.0 10.1 31.4 77.4 46.0 9.4
Other 1.0 1.9 0.9 6.6 0.2 0.4 0.2 7.2 0.8 1.5 0.7 6.5
Source: Survey of Current Business, Vol. 41, No. 8, August, 1961, Table 70, p. 19, and Vol. No. 51, No. 8, August, 1971, Table 70, p.37.
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Table 2. Negro Employment as a Percentage of Total Employment
in Principal Occupations in Selected States,
1966 and 1970
Negro
As Per
Cent of
Total To tal Offi cials Sa les Off ice Ser vice
Pop. Emplo yment White Collar & Mana gers Profes sional Tech nical Wor kers & Cle rical Blue C ollar Craf tsmen Opera tives La bo rers Wor kers
State 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 1970 1966 197#
\
L'nited States 11.2 8.2 10.3 2.5 4.8 0.9 1.9 1.3 2.5 4.1 6.2 2.4 4.4 3.5 7.4 10.7 13.2 3.6 5.6 10.8 14.2 21.1 21.9 23.0 26.6
New England
Massachusetts 3.1 2.9 3.7 1.3 2.3 0.4 1.0 0.7 1.4 2.0 3.1 0.7 1.8 1.8 3.6 3.5 4.3 1.7 2.3 3.7 4.7 6.1 6.2 3.6 1100..00
Connecticut 6.0 5.3 7.3 1.8 3.4 0.6 1.1 0.7 1.4 2.6 4.1 1.7 2.5 2.8 5.7 7.2 10.0 2.7 4.5 8.1 12.5 13.4 13.7 13.9 18.8
Mideast
New York 11.9 7.6 10.7 4.4 8.2 1.3 2.7 2.0 3.9 5.9 8.4 2.8 5.0 6.6 13.3 9.2 11.7 3.9 6.0 9.5 12.4 17.4 19.2 21.7 26.6
New Jersey 10.9 9.8 11.3 3.1 5.1 1.3 2.2 2.1 2.7 5.2 7.3 2.7 4.1 4.0 7.7 14.3 16.1 5.4 7.2 15.3 17.9 23.7 22.9 23.6 27.5
Pennsylvania 8.7 6.2 7.5 2.5 4.4 0.8 1.6 1.2 2.1 4.1 6.6 2.7 4.0 3.2 6.7 7.1 8.0 3,6 4.6 7.0 7.9 13.0 13.7 20.1 23.8
Delaware 14.2 11.0 12.9 1.7 3.5 0.7 1.7 0.5 1.6 2.6 4.0 3.1 4.6 2.2 5.4 18.6 21.9 4.5 5.7 17.0 19.3 43.0 45.0 27.1 31.9
Maryland 17.9 16.0 18.6 3.7 7.3 1.6 3.7 1.6 3.2 6.0 9.9 4.6 8.1 4.6 10.2 22.0 26.5 6.4 11.5 21.6 26.5 47.2 49.3 43.8 46.7
District of
Columbia 71.0 24.4 33.1 10.3 20.6 4.2 9..0 6.2 10.3 17.5 26.8 9.3 25.1 13.7 28.8 33.6 43.5 10.9 17.6 42.7 55.1 68.1 73.9 65.1 72.6
North Central
Michigan 11.2 10.6 13.7 3.1 6.6 1.0 2.7 1.3 3.5 3.9 7.2 3.7 5.9 4.5 10.8 14.2 17.2 3.3 5.0 17.9 21.1 16.5 21.9 22.7 28.5
Ohio 9.1 7.1 9.0 2.2 4.2 0.8 1.7 1.0 2.2 4.6 6.3 2.4 4.0 2.7 6.1 8.4 10.4 3.0 4.5 9.4 11.7 13.7 15.9 25.1 28.2
Indiana 6.9 6.1 7.9 1.6 3.3 0.5 1.5 1.0 1.5 3.2 6.3 1.8 3.4 1.9 4.3 7.6 9.3 3.1 4.2 8.2 10.4 11.1 12.6 17.7 23.2
Illinois 12.8 11.0 13.0 3.9 6.8 1.2 2.5 1.7 2.8 4.1 7.6 2.9 6.4 6.2 10.6 15.1 17.3 5.4 7.8 15.8 18.8 24.9 25.7 25.7 26.5
Wisconsin 2.9 3.2 3.8 0.8 1.5 0.3 0.7 0.3 1.2 1.0 1.9 0.9 1.4 1.0 2.2 4.3 5.0 1.5 2.0 5.2 6.2 5.4 5.6 7.0 8.0
Missouri 10.3 8.2 11.0 2.5 5.7 0.8 1.8 1.6 6.0 6.6 9.4 2.6 5.0 2.8 6.9 9.3 12.2 3.1 5.5 9.6 12.4 18.8 22.2 31.4 37.3
Southeast
Virginia 18.6 16.0 18.5 2.9 5.6 1.6 2.8 1.2 3.7 o.O 8.6 3.5 6.3 3.0 7.0 20.8 24.8 7.2 11.4 16.4 23.3 48.7 46.2 43.2 47.7
West Virginia 4.3 3.1 3.2 0.8 1.5 0.2 0.4 1.4 1.0 0.8 2.2 1.2 1.8 0.9 2.2 3.1 3.2 1.4 2.0 3.4 3.5 5.1 4.5 15.7 14.0
Kentucky 7.5 6.9 7.5 1.6 3.2 0.7 1.2 0.9 2.3 4.2 5.5 1.7 3.4 1.7 4.1 7.5 8.2 2.8 3.3 5,8 8.7 16.1 12.7 25.5 26.2
Tennessee 16.1 10.5 12.8 2.0 4.2 0.8 1.8 1.7 1.8 5.9 8.2 2.0 4.1 1.9 5.4 12.0 15.5 3.8 6.2 10.4 15.1 26.1 28.8 37.1 39.8
North Carolina 22.4 12.6 16.5 2.3 5.0 0.8 1.8 1.8 4.1 6.7 6.9 2.6 6.2 2.2 6.4 14.5 19.7 4.7 8.5 10.5 18.2 42.0 41.1 45.8 50.1
South Carolina 30.4 14.4 20.8 1.8 4.1 0.6 1.4 1.4 1.7 4.3 7.9 2.9 7.3 1.7 4.6 17.2 25.3 5.9 10.7 13.3 24.6 47.0 50.2 38.7 54.5
Georgia 25.9 15.9 20.6 2.9 6.6 1.0 2.4 2.8 4.8 2.3 9.0 4.5 7.3 3.1 8.8 20.5 26.7 5.8 10.0 16.8 25.8 46.1 50.4 43.8 54.0
Florida 15.5 13.3 14.0 1.7 3.9 1.1 2.0 0.7 1.7 4.1 4.8 1.8 4.3 1.6 5.3 22.9 23.2 4.6 6.6 19.5 23.3 49.3 44.0 24.3 31.9
Alabama 26.4 16.5 19.0 3.0 5.2 2.1 2.1 1.7 3.4 8.7 12.9 4.1 6.3 2.0 5.6 20.0 23.6 6.1 9.8 17.1 22.3 49.2 48.5 49.5 52.5
Mississippi 36.8 17.9 23.9 1.6 4.9 1.0 2.6 1.8 6.6 2.6 7.2 2.2 5.6 1.5 4.7 22.3 30.1 6.3 12.5 18.5 28.6 52.8 54.8 47.4 57.9
Louisiana 30.1 18.2 21.2 2.4 6.1 1.0 2.6 1.1 3.3 4.9 6.8 3.2 9.2 2.7 7.6 26.2 28.4 7.0 10.3 24.8 32.3 59.6 55.7 50.1 60.2
Arkansas 18.6 10.9 13.4 1.1 3.1 0.4 1.0 0.4 1.8 5.0 6.8 1.6 4.3 0.9 3.4 13.2 15.8 4.0 5.7 11.8 16.8 21.8 22.5 30.9 35.9
Southwest
Oklahoma 7.0 3.6 6.2 0.9 2.4 0.3 0.7 0.5 1.1 2.2 5.1 1.0 1.6 0.9 3.4 4.3 6.9 1.4 2.7 4.2 7.3 10.9 14.6 19.5 26.4
Texas 12.7 9.3 11.8 1.7 3.9 0.7 1.4 1.2 1.7 4.5 6.6 1.4 4.5 1.7 5.3 13.1 16.6 2.9 6.7 13.0 18.5 30.7 30.1 30.4 37.2
Far West
California 7.0 5.5 6.8 2.4 4.1 0.7 1.6 1.1 1.9 3.7 5.5 2.3 3.9 3.5 6.2 7.5 8.7 3.2 4.7 8.7 10.3 12.8 12.3 16.3 17.9
Source: U.S. Squal Employment Opportunity Commission
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Table 3. Total Honey Income in 1969 and 1959, by Region, Race, and Metropolitan-Nonmetropolitan
Residence: 1970 and 1960
(In Millions of 1969 Dollars)
1969 1959
Metropolitan Metropolitan
Inside Outside Inside Outside
Central Central NNoonnmmeettrroo-- Central Central NNoonnmmeettrroo--
RReeggiioonn aanndd RRaaccee TToottaall Total Cities Cities ppoolliittaann TToottaall Total Cities Cities ppoolliittaann
UNITED STATES
Negroes 38,680 31,420 24,950 6,469 7,265 20,740 16,670 13,860 2,810 4,070
Whites 560,800 394,800 155,600 239,100 166,000 386,900 275,100 133,000 142,050 111,8^
All Races 604,900 430,800 183,100 247,700 174,100 410,500 293,900 148,400 145,500 116,350
SOUTH
Negroes 16,570 10,645 7,760 2,881 5,936 9,080 5,439 4,326 1,116 3,543
Whites 143,700 85,800 36,700 49,000 57,900 90,700 53,900 29,470 24,380 36,880
All Races 160,800 96,700 44,600 52,100 64,100 99,932 59,400 33,800 25,900 40,500
NORTH AND WEST
Negroes 22,110 20,780 17,090 3,590 1,350 11,760 11,230 9,532 1,696 535
Whites 417,100 309,000 118,900 190,200 108,100 296,200 221,200 103,500 117,700 74,900
All Races 444,140 334,100 138,400 195,600 110,000 310,500 234,500 114,600 119,900
Source: Derived from U«S. Bureau of the Census, "Social and Economic Characteristics of the Population in Metropolitan and
Nonmetropolitan Areas: 1970 and I96011, Current Population Reports, P-23, No. 37, June 24, 1971.
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Table 4. Distribution of the United States Population, by Region, Race, and Metropolitan-Nonmetropolitan
Residence: 1970 and 1960
(Thousands)
1970 1960
Metropolitan Metropolitan
Inside Outside Inside Outside
Central Central NNoonnmmeettrroo-- Central Central NNoonnmm^^^^pp--
RReeggiioonn aanndd RRaaccee TToottaall Total Cities Cities ppoolliittaann TToottaall Total Cities Cities ppoollrrwwnn
Population
UNITED STATES
Negroes 22,807 16,122 12,587 3,536 6,685 18,391 11,910 9,480 2,430 6,481
Whites 177,429 113,628 45,088 68,539 63,802 158,698 99,431 47,638 51,793 59,267
All Races 202,534 131,519 58,635 72,883 71,015 178,677 112,367 57,785 54,582 66,310
SOUTH
Negroes 12,243 6,301 4,505 1,797 5,942 11,135 5,072 3,738 1,334 6,063
Whites 49,385 25,438 10,780 14,658 23,947 43,202 21,029 11,155 9,874 22,173
All Races 61,884 31,855 15,328 16,527 30,030 54,541 26,173 14,915 11,258 28,3^
NORTH AND WEST
Negroes 10,564 9,821 8,082 1,739 743 7,256 6,838 5,742 1,096 418
Whites 128,044 88,190 34,308 53,881 39,855 115,496 78,402 36,483 41,919 37,094
All Races 140,650 99,664 43,307 56,356 40,985 124,136 86,194 42,870 43,324 37,942
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Social and Economic Characteristics of the Population in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Areas:
1970 and I960", Current Population Reports, Series P-23, No. 37, June 24, 1971, Table 2, p. 19.
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Tabic 5. Percentage Distribution of Population, 1970 and 1960, and Total Money Income, 1969 and 1959,
by Region, Race, and Metropolitan-Nonmetropolitan Residence
1970 1960
Metropolitan Metropolitan
Inside Outside Inside Outside
Central Central Nonmetro- Central Central Nonmetro-
Region and Race Total Total Cities Cities politan Total Total Cities Cities politan
UNITED STATES
Negroes
Population 11.26 12.26 21.47 4.85 9.41 10.29 10.60 16.41 4.45 9.77
Money Income 6.39 7.29 13.63 2.61 4.17 5.05 5.67 9.34 1.93 3.50
Whites
Population 87.60 86.40 76.90 94.04 89.84 88.82 88.49 82.44 94.89 89.38
Money Income 92.70 91.64 84.98 96.53 95.34 94.25 93.60 89.62 97.63 96.09
All Races
Population 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Money Income 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
SOUTH
Negroes
Population 6.04 4.79 7.68 2.47 8.37 6.23 4.51 6.47 2.44 9.14
Money Income 2.74 2.48 4.24 1.16 3.41 2.21 1.85 2.91 0.77 3.04
Whites
Population 24.38 19.34 18.38 20.11 33.72 24.18 18.71 19.30 18.09 33.44
Money Income 23.76 19.92 20.04 19.78 33.26 22.10 18.34 19.86 16.76 31.69
All Races
Population 30.56 24.22 26.14 22.68 42.29 30.52 23.29 25.81 20.63 42.78
Money Income 26.58 22.46 24.36 21.03 36.82 24.34 20.21 22.77 17.80 34.80
NORTH AND WEST
Negroes
Population 5.22 7.47 13.78 2.39 1.05 4.06 6.09 9.94 2.01 0.63^^
Money Income 3.66 4.82 9.34 1.45 0.78 2.87 3.82 6.43 1.16 0.46
Whites
Population 63.22 67.06 58.51 73.93 56.12 64.64 69.77 63.14 76.80 55.94
Money Income 68.96 71.73 64.94 76.79 62.09 72.16 75.26 69.75 80.89 64.38
All Races
Population 69.44 75.78 73.86 77.32 57.71 69.48 76.71 74.19 79.37 •57.22
Money Income 73.42 77.55 75.59 78.97 63.18 75.64 79.79 77.22 82.41 65.24
Source: Tables 3 and 4.
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Table 6. Estimated Net Migration of the Negro and White Population of Major Regions and Selected States,
1960 to 1970, 1950 to 1960, and 1940 to 1950
(Numbers in Thousands)
Negro Population White Population
1960 to 1970 1950 to 1960 1940 to 1950 1960 to 1970 1950 to I960 1940 to 1950
Region and St-ate plumber Per Cent—/ Number Per Ponf1' Numhor Per Cenfci' fit Hither Per Hen^/ Nnmher Pai» rpnfi' Number Per Cen
UNITED STATES -85 -0.5 -131 -0.9 -180 -1.4 2,284 1.4 2,668 2.0 1,522 1.3
northeast!/ 612 20.2 496 24.6 463 33.8 -520 -1.3 -211 -O.d -173 -0.5
New England 72 29.5 60 42.1 29 28.7 205 2.0 -52 -0.6 68 0.8
Middle Atlantic 540 19.4 436 23.2 434 34.2 -724 -2.3 -159 -0.6 -242 -0.9
NORTH CENTRAL?^ 382 11.1 541 24.3 618 43.5 -1,272 -2.6 -690 -1.6 -948 -2.5
East North Central 356 12.3 504 27.9 573 53.6 -617 -1.9 173 0.6 ' 75 0.3
West North Central 26 4.6 37 8.8 45 12.7 -655 -4.4 -863 -6.4 -1,023 -7.8
SOUTH!' -1,380 -12.2 -1,473 -14.4 -1,599 -16.1 1,806 4.2 57 0.2 -538 -1.7
South Atlantic -538 -9.2 -556 -10.9 -545 -11.6 1,807 9.0 1,189 7.4 604 4.6
East South Central -560 -20.8 -622 -23.0 -596 -21.4 -153 -1.6 -346 -9.6 -694 -8.7
West South Central -282 -10.2 -296 -12.2 -459 -18.9 152 1.1 -286 -2.4 -448 -4.2
WEST!' 301 27.7 305 53.5 339 198.3 2,269 8.8 3,512 18.7 3,181 23.8
Mountain 16 12.6 27 40.6 21 58.5 295 4.5 547 11.3 155 3.9
Pacific 286 29.7 278 55.2 317 236.2 1,974 10.2 2,965 21.3 3,026 32.3
NEW ENGLAND
Massachusetts 33 29.5 20 26.9 12 22.4 23 0.5 -122 -2.6 8 0.2
Connecticut 38 35.4 37 69.2 15 45.8 166 6.8 195 10.0 98 5.8
MIDEAST
New York 396 27.9 255 27.7 266 46.6 -638 -4.2 -72 -0.5 -6 (Z)
New Jersey 120 23.3 107 33.5 61 26.8 -336 6.1 466 10.3 231 5.9
Pennsylvania 25 2.9 75 11.7 107 22.8 -423 -4.0 -552 -5.6 -467 -4.9
Delaware 4 6.6 6 13.4 4 10.9 32 8.4 57 20.8 17 7.2
Maryland 79 15.2 31 8.1 37 12.4 290 11.3 284 14.6 231 15.2
District of Columbia 36 8.7 51 18.3 61 32.8 -137 -39.7 -213 -41.2 -14 -3.0
NORTH CENTRAL
Michigan 124 17.3 122 27.5 186 89.4 -124 -1.7 28 0.5 146 2.9
Ohio 45 5.8 129 25.2 131 38.7 -191 -2.1 274 3.7 110 1.7
Indiana 32 12.0 42 , 24.3 39 32.1 -58 -1.3 17 0.4 57 1.7
Illinois 127 12.2 182 28.2 203 52.3 -215 -2.4 -64 -0.8 -142 -1.9
Wisconsin 27 36.1 29 101.5 14 112.6 -29 -0.8 -82 -2.4 -96 -3.1
Missouri 14 3.7 24 8.2 31 12.7 -25 -0.6 -161 -4.4 -222 -6.3
SOUTHEAST
Virginia -79 -9.7 -74 -10.0 -29 -4.4 206 6.5 85 3.3 194 9.6
West Virginia -20 -22.2 -41 -35.4 -17 -14.0 -247 -14.0 -406 -21.5 -219 -12.3
Kentucky 1 0.5 -16 -8.0 -18 -8.3 -158 -5.6 -375 -13.7 -349 -13.3
Tennessee -51 -8.7 -59 -11.0 -48 -9.4 1 (Z) -217 -7.9 -97 -4.0
North Carolina -175 -15.7 -204 -19.4 -164 -16.7 81 2.4 -121 -4.0 -95 -3.7
South Carolina -197 -23.8 -218 -26.5 -208 -25.5 44 2.8 -4 -0.3 -24 -2.2
Georgia -154 -13.7 -205 -19.3 -243 -22.4 198 7.0 -8 -0.3 -49 -2.4
Florida -32 -3.6 96 16.0 12 2.4 1,340 33.0 1,516 70.0 564 40.8
Alabama -231 -23.6 -224 -22.9 -204 -20.8 -5 -0.2 -145 -7.0 -140 -7.6
Mississippi -279 -30.4 -323 -32.7 -326 -30.3 10 0.8 -110 -9.3 -108 -9.7
Louisiana -163 -15.7 -93 -10.5 -147 -17.3 26 1.2 43 2.4 -2 -0.2
Arkansas -112 -28.7 -150 -35.1 -158 -32.6 38 2.7 -283 -19.1 -259 -17.6
SOUTHWEST
Oklahoma -3 -2.1 -21 -14.2 -47 -27.8 -4 -0.2 -193 -9.5 -361 -17.1
Texas -4 -0.3 33 -3.3 -107 -11.6 92 1.1 147 2.2 173 3.2
FAR WEST
California 272 30.7 255 55.2 289 232.4 1,528 10.6 2,788 28.1 2,373 36.0
NOTE: JL/ Base is population at beginning of period. V Regions and divisions as defined by U.S. Bureau of the Census.
(Z) Less than 0.05 per cent or 500.
SOURCE: U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Preliminary Intercensal Estimates of States and Components of Population Change, 1960 to 1970",
Current Population Reports, Series P-25, No. 460, June 7, 1971, Table 7, p. 17.
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TABLE 7. NEGRO POPULATION TRENDS, NET MIGRATION, AND TRENDS IN WELFARE ASSISTANCE-' IN SELECTED CITIES^7
(Nuabers in Thousands)
TRENDS IN WELFARE ASSISTANCE—1/
POPULATI ON TREN DS NET MIGRATI ON, 1960 TO 1970 .MID -1971 MID-1960'S CCHHAANNGGEE::: MID-I960'S TO 1971
Negro Population 1970 Change 1960-1970 Negro and Other Races Negro and Other Races Hearo and Other Races Negro an1d O ther Birpi
Avg. An. Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Total Persons PPeerr CCeenntt
Per Cent of Per Cent Sate of Total of State of 1 Total of Total Avg. An. ooff TToottaall Avg. An .
Area and City Number Total Nuaber Change Growth Nuaber Per Cent—' Persons Total Nuaber (Est.) Total Year Persons Nuaber (Est.!I Total Nuaber Rate Nuaber (Est.) CChhaannggee Race
New Ensland
Boston, Mass. 105 16 42 66.7 5.3 26 39 76,963 28.5 17,009 **//2222 1965 25,465 51,498 20.0 -
Mid B N e e u a w f s f Y t a o lo r , k , N N .Y .Y . . 1,66 9 7 4 2 21 0 57 2 9 3 3 5 2 3 . . 4 2 4 2 . . 4 8 436 9 3 1 8 2 84 5 0 3 , , 3 1 9 2 5 2 6 4 5 . . 2 7 I135 2 8 0 , , 0 5 0 5 8 8 6/3 4 9 3 1 1 9 96 6 5 0 1 3 9 1 3 , , 1 6 8 8 1 9 _ _ _ 6 2 4 1 6 , , 9 7 4 0 1 6 1 9 4 . . 3 3 A
Newark, N.J. 207 54 69 50.0 4.1 32 23 ,.95,100 21.4 - 1965 41,694 53,406 14.7
Pittsburgh, Pa. 105 20 4 4.0 0.4 -6 -6 — 84,586 13.9 _ _ 19_65_ 51,3_96 _ 33,190 8.7
Baltlaorc, Md. 420 46 94 28.8 2.6 32 10 31,000 18.1
Washington, D.C. 538 71 126 30.6 2.7 38 9 75,871 100.0 73,974 1/98 1960 21,225 - - 54 , 646 12.3
Great Lakes
C C C C D In o h l i e e n d l i t u c v c i r a a a e i o n g b n l i a o u n t a n , , s a p d , t o , M 1 i l , O 1 i i s O c 1 h , O h . h i o . h i o I io n d. 1,1 6 2 1 1 1 0 6 8 2 3 0 3 0 8 5 4 0 4 3 2 3 1 1 4 8 8 3 8 9 2 1 9 3 7 3 2 1 0 7 8 6 3 6 3 3 3 1 2 1 6 5 6 4 4 9 . . . . . . 7 7 7 9 7 9 3 3 2 3 1 1 . . . . . . 2 7 2 1 4 4 1 - 9 1 - 1 3 3 9 8 3 5 - - 2 1 1 1 1 2 0 5 2 4 i 1 1 1 i 1 £ ' 5 1 { / / 2 4 4 4 4 2 0 5 2 0 8 , , 4 , , , 7 0 0 8 8 5 0 3 7 3 2 8 5 7 4 2 3 1 1 7 2 2 2 1 2 9 . . . . . . 6 3 1 3 3 3 — ^ ! . £ ,1 9 ' / 3 2 2 2 7 4 8 2 5 , 8 , , 5 - , , 1 3 2 l 9 6 4 3 9 1 4 5 7 3 li 22 / // 7 77 8 - 6 5 1 99 1 7 5 1 1 1 1 1 I9 9 9 9 9 9 6 6 6 6 6 6 0 5 5 5 6 6 1 1 i 1 ^ 1 1 5 / / / / 1 2 2 5 6 0 2 3 0 7 8 6 . , , , . , 2 5 8 7 3 6 1 9 8 6 1 6 8 2 7 8 9 8 8 _ _ _ 3,9 48 12/7 _ _ 9 I 1 1 1 ? 2 1 ^ / / / 1 3 2 1 / 6 2 0 3 0 8 9 3 4 4 ^ , , , 2 , , 6 5 1 4 2 6 6 3 6 1 0 7 4 4 2 6 9 2 1 1 1 1 1 4 5 0 8 6 3 . . . . . . 0 6 1 7 8 9 264,345 7799 13.8
Gary, Ind. 93 53 24 34.8 3.1 10 14 !§/ 33,147 26.1 - 1965 H/11,528 - 16/21,619 19.3 -
Plains
K S a t. n s L a o s u C is i , t y, M o M . o. 2 1 5 1 4 2 4 2 1 2 4 2 0 9 3 1 4 8. . 7 9 3 1. . 7 0 - 1 I 3 1 - 6 12/ 3 7 1 1 , , 7 4 8 4 9 0 3 1 8 7 . . 2 0 17{ 6 2 2 5 , , 8 7 6 4 7 9 8 8 8 1 1 1 9 9 6 6 5 5 11/1 3 3 6 , , 1 4 6 4 7 6 H/ 2 9 9 ,8 ,5 7 2 5 1 8 7 1 5 17/1 3 8 4 , , 6 9 2 9 2 4 1 15 1 . . 8 9 12/1 3 5 3 , 8 3 7 4 4 6 9 8 5 5 1 17 3 ^ .4 3
Southeast
M A H B e t l e r l w o a a p n l O n h t r g l a l s e h , , a a n G T c, e s a , n . n A L . l a a . . 2 2 2 1 6 5 2 4 7 5 6 3 4 4 3 5 2 5 9 1 6 - 3 5 9 9 3 9 3 3 - 1 6 2 7 4 . . . . 7 1 1 1 -0 33 2 11 . .. . .. 7 22 8 33 - - 1 2 2 3 1 3 3 3 -1 - 1 1 5 7 2 8 18/5 9 2 5 9 2 4 6 , , , , 1 0 4 7 0 5 4 1 7 8 1 8 2 3 3 1 9 0 3 4 . . . . 4 4 4 1 JJ/5 4 6 1 1 8 , , , - 9 3 8 7 7 0 1 7 4 8 7 - 7 8 3 5 1 1 1 9 9 9 6 6 6 5 5 5 15/1 4 1 6 3 1 , , , 4 7 0 _1 6 2 5 4 6 2 6 _ 9 , , 7 7 2 6 6 0 6 6 61 8 1 1155//44 4 4 22 8 5 ,, , , 66 3 4 44 4 1 33 3 5 22 3 1 44 1 3 .. . . 00 0 2 3 3 9 4 ,0 6 * 5 4 1 f 'b i 1 1 J 5 i.O .0
Nashvllle-Oavldson,
Tenn. 88 20 12 15.8 1.5 2 3 15,710 8.9 1965 4,414 11,296 24.0
Southvest
H D o a u ll s a t s o , n T , e T x e a xa s s 3 2 1 1 7 0 2 2 6 5 1 8 0 1 2 4 6 7 2 . . 4 8 3 5. . 0 9 4 5 7 6 2 3 6 6 1 1 1 2 / 7 5 6 3 2 , , 6 5 0 6 4 0 1 14 7 . . 7 1 AA22//33 2 22 8 ,, , 77 0 11 3 99 5 1 11 9 22 / // 5 5522 2 1 1 9 9 6 6 5 5 !£/7 8 , , 21 m 0 19/ 4 5 5 5 , 1 4 3 4 9 6 4 4 3 4 7 . . 0 0
• ar West
' os Angelas, Cj. 3d-. 18 169 50.5 4.1 120 29 652,619 39.8 311,299 22/48 1965 12/188,084 464, 535 23.0
Oakland, Ca. 125 35 41 48.8 4.1 29 30 i^/88,545 5.4 1965 33,943 54,602 17. 3 J
San Francisco, Ca. 96 13 22 29.7 2.7 37 28 64,742 4.0 - - 1965 26,837 37,905 I >. 8
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TABLE 7. NEGRO POPULATION TRENDS. NET MIGRATION,
AND TRENDS IN WELFARE ASSISTANCE^' IN SELECTED CITIES^/
FOOTNOTES
JL/ Aid to families with dependent children.
2/ The 30 cities with the largest Negro population in 1970, according to
the Bureau of the Census, except for Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,
Richmond, Virginia, Jacksonville, Florida, and Milwaukee, Wisconsin,
where welfare officials could not be contacted.
3/ Base is population at beginning of period.
4-/ From sample taken September 1969. Ratio may have declined to 20 per cent
nonwhites to 80 per cent whites, as whites are getting on welfare irt
increasing numbers.
j)/ Based on actual distribution of welfare rolls as of June 1969.
Puerto Ricans included in whites; whites 57.4 per cent. In 1968,
family aid case load was 13 per cent white, 40 per cent Puerto Rican
and 47 per cent nonwhite.
J3/ Openings of cases. Distribution 61.3 per cent white to 38.7 per cent
nonwhite. Thought to reflect current situation. Usually in past ratio
was 50:50. New applications running 64 per cent white to 36 per cent
nonwhite. Closings, 61.8 per cent white to 38.2 per cent nonwhites.
7/ Allegheny County; two-third population within the city.
I8/ As of January 1970. Probably higher now.
j)/ 1970 cases. Estimate is that whites are getting on faster now than non-
whites and ratio may be 78:22 or 77:23, nonwhites to whites.
10/ 1964 data. Families with fathers at home.
11/ For all welfare programs. Distribution was 70.9 per cent Negroes,
24 per cent white, 0.1 per cent American Indian, 0.4 per cent Mexican-
American, and 4.6 per cent not classified.
12/ Cuyahoga County.
13/ Hamilton County.
14/ Franklin County.
15/ Marion County.
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TABLE 7.
FOOTNOTES (Continued)
16/ Lake County.
17/ Jackson County.
18/ Shelby County.
19/ Harris County.
20/ Statewide survey as of July 1, 1971: Race of Payee (by family).
Distribution was Anglo 14.7 per cent, Negro 52.3 per cent, Latins
32.9 per cent, American Indian 0.05 per cent, Other and Unknown
0.05 per cent. Increases in new recipients have slowed markedly
in last few months of 1971. Officer in Austin could not give an
explanation.
21/ Dallas County.
22/ December 1967, family groups and unemployed fathers programs.
Distribution 30.44 per cent white; 47.68 per cent Negro; 20.37
per cent Mexican-American; 0.52 per cent American Indian; and
0.60 per cent Other.
23/ Los Angeles County.
24/ Alameda County.
Sources: Population and Migration. "The Social and Economic Status
of Negroes in the United States, 1970,11 Special Studies,
B.L.S. Report No. 394, Current Population Reports, Series
P-23, No. 38, U.S. Dept. of Commerce/Bureau of the Census,
U.S. Dept. of Labor/Bureau of Labor Statistics, Tables 11
and 12, pp. 17 and 18.
Welfare estimates: Telephone survey of responsible welfare
offices.
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TABLE 8. GROSS AND NET MIGRATION RATES FOR MEN, BY REGION, AGE AND RACE, 1965-1970
(Per Cent)
Age 25-44 Age 45 and over
Negro White Negro White
Out In Net Out In Net Out In Net Out In Net
Region Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration 1 ligratioi
New England 21.5 28.2 6.7 13.0 12.3 -0.7 8.9 12.6 3.7 6.9 7.5 0.6
Mideast 9.0 12.3 3.3 10.6 10.0 -0.6 4.2 5.3 1.1 5.8 5.7 -0.1
Great Lakes 8.2 19.1 10.9 11.5 11.4 -0.1 3.9 5.8 1.9 7.2 5.8 -1.4
Plains 21.3 22.0 0.7 17.7 14.5 -3.2 7.4 11.1 3.7 10.0 8.4 -1.6
Southeast 15.9 6.1 -9.8 12.8 14.1 1.3 5.7 3.1 -2.6 7.6 10.4 2.8
Southwest 13.1 13.1 0.0 15.9 19.1 3.2 7.3 6.9 -0.4 9.5 11.8 2.3
Rocky Mountain 38.2 52.9 14.7 23.9 21.3 -2.6 12.5 28.1 15.6 14.6 10.5 --44..11
Far West 13.2 22.9 9.7 14.4 14.8 0.4 7.1 9.2 2.1 8.8 8.1
„
AVERAGE 12.7 _ 13.1 5.3 _ « 7.6
Source: Social .Security Administration, One Per Cent Sample Survey.
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TABLE 9. ORIGIN AND DESTINATION OF MALE MIGRANTS, TO AND FROM THE SOUTHEAST,
BY REGION, AGE AND RACE, 1965-1970
(Percentage Distribution)
Age 25-44 Age 45 and Over
Orig in Destination Orij in Destination
?
RReeggiioonn Negro White Negro White Negro White Negro White
New England 7.2 5.3 5.0 5.1 3.1 5.6 6.8 5.6
Mideast 48.5 28.0 38.6 28.3 45.4 29.3 37.1 33.4
Great Lakes 20.2 30.1 34.4 31.8 20.8 26.9 24.1 27.6
Plains 3.3 6.0 4.0 7.0 2.3 5.9 8.9 6.3
Southwest 12.1 11.2 8.7 16.2 16.9 10.5 15.2 15.5
Rocky Mountain 0.7 1.5 1.0 1.4 0.8 1.3 1.3 1.2
Far West 8.1 17.8 8.3 10.2 10.8 20.4 6.8 10.4
TOTAL* 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: Social Security Administration, One Per Cent Sample Survey
* Totals may not add to 100.0 due to rounding.
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TABLE 10, INCOME GAINS FROM MIGRATION,
1965-1970
A. Income Differentials Before and After Migration, by Region and Race
Migrant vs. Nonmigrant Males 25-44
Per Cent
BEFORE MIGRATION AFTER MIGRATION GAIN FROM MIGRATION
REGION NEGRO WHITE NEGRO WHITE NEGRO WHITE
New England -16.2 0.8 -8.2 10.8 8.0 10.0
Mideast -13.9 1.3 -13.8 5.8 0.1 4.5
Great Lakes -22.7 -4.5 -20.5 -1.5 2.2 3.0
Plains -6.2 1.0 -6.3 10.8 -0.1 9.8
Southeast -18.5 1.0 14.5 14.0 33.0 13.0
Southwest -10.9 -3.3 1.2 6.1 9.7 9.9
Rocky Mountain -15.2 -9.2 -13.1 9.0 2.1 18.2
Far West -20.4 -1.5 -15.7 -0.9 4.7 0.6
B. Income of Migrants from Southeast Relative to Non-Migrants
INCREASE
RELATIVE II HCOME IN: RELATIVE TO
1 965 1970 NON-MIGRANTS
NEGRO WHITE NEGRO) WHITE NEGRO WHITE
Males 25-44 81 101 114 114 33 13
Males 45+ 95 117 100 122 5 5
Females 25-44 84 92 108 99 24 7
Source - Social Security Administration, One Per Cent Sample Survey
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APPENDIX: STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF NET MIGRATION RATES
This statistical analysis represents an attempt to identify
and to quantify the factors which affect domestic interstate net
migration rates of black and white people. It was assumed that the
most important incentive for both races was provided by income
differentials among States -- that is, migrants would move to the
location of the more favorable economic climate. In addition, an
attempt was made to account for migration patterns which may be in
response to noneconomic factors — such as racial discrimination (for
blacks) or retirement conditions (for whites).
The estimating technique used in this study was multiple
regression analysis. Tests of the models were performed using data for
the continental United States and the District of Columbia for the
Census decades 1950-1960 and 1960-1970. These data appear in the
Appendix Table 1.
The basic model relates per capita income differentials
and a dummy variable designed to approximate both economic forces not
specified in the equation and noneconomic factors which have contri-
buted to migration patterns. For black migrants, the disincentives to
remain in the Southeastern region were specified as the dummy variable
with values of 1.0 for the Southeastern States (excluding Florida)
and 0.0 elsewhere. White migration rates were related to a dummy
variable which assumed values of 1.0 for the retirement and recreational
areas of Florida, Arizona, and Nevada and 0.0 elsewhere. In all cases,
the regressions were weighted by the black, white, and total populations
for the respective net migration rate equations. The results appear
in Appendix Table 2.
What the basic model (Equation (1)) shows for the two time
periods i s that migrants of both races respond to income differentials
as measured by the per capita income ratio, and to other forces
approximated by the dummy variables. Relatively high income states
appear to attract migrants as well as maintain their own population.
However, it should be noted that Equation (3) for white migrants in
the 1960-70 decade shows an income coefficient which is not statistically
significant at the 5.0 per cent level of confidence. This is probably
the result of statistical biases and the coefficients magnitude may
be underestimated. Aside from the attraction of income, black migrants
were motivated to move out of the Southern region at above average
rates. This effect is shown by the negative and statistically significant
coefficient on the Southern disincentive variable. White migrants
responded to retirement and recreational incentives and moved in that
direction at above average rates.
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To test the effects of welfare payments on the direction of
migration, payments per recipient under the Aid to Families with
Dependent Children Program was added to the basic model. Equation (2)
shows that black migrants responded positively to State differences
in welfare programs whereas whites did not. However, welfare may be
positively related to the income variable, and it may also be coincident
with the trend of black movement out of the South, a low payment area,
to other parts of the nation.
A second variation was tested by replacing the welfare variable
with educational expenditures per pupil (as shown in Equation (3)).
Again, black migrants appeared to respond positively to expenditures
and whites did not. However, per pupil costs are generally lower in
the South relative to the rest of the Nation.
Replacement of the welfare variable with educational
expenditures appears to show no significant difference in the regression
results.
The constant terms in most of these equations are large and
negative. These indicate that there is steady pressure for people
to move out of most States, which -- unless counterbalanced by a strong
income response -- will result in net out-migrations among both races.
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Appendix Table 1.
Net Migration, 1960 to 1970, and Personal Income,
Welfare Payments, and Expenditures on Education,
by Region and State
Ratio of
1P er Capita Personal
Income in State to
1P er Capita Personal Aid to Families With
Net Mig \ ration Income for U.S. Dependent Children - Annual Current Expenditure
Rate (Pe :r Cent) 1969 Payments Per Recipient Per Pupil (Elementary and
Region and State Negro White (Per Cent) (Dec. 1970) Secondary Schools, 19 70)
U.S. Average 100.0 $49.50 $812
New England 109.0 68.58 853
Maine 0.0 -7.2 83.0 40.40 723
New Hampshire 0.0 11.2 92.0 61.35 687
Vermont 0.0 3.5 88.0 61.35 1008
Massachusetts 29.5 0.5 111.0 71.50 841
Rhode Island 12.2 0.5 100.0 61.85 915
Connecticut 35.4 6.8 124.0 65.30 916
Mideast 114.0 67.08 1067
New York 27.9 -4.2 122.0 77.90 1247
New Jersey 23.3 6.1 117.0 62.60 1054
Pennsylvania 2.9 -4.0 100.0 63.10 892
Delaware 6.6 8.4 110.0 36.25 891
Maryland 15.2 11.3 109.0 43.65 888
District of
Columbia 8.7 -39.7 137.0 55.25 971
Great Lakes 104.0 51.32 825
Michigan 17.3 -1.7 104.0 53.80 890
Ohio .5.8 -2.1 101.0 43.85 729
Indiana 12.0 -1.3 96.0 35.95 731
Illinois 12.2 -2.4 115.0 58.55 872
Wisconsin 36.1 -0.8 94.0 64.20 930
Plains 94.0 50.55 804
Minnesota 33.3 -1.2 98.0 72.05 971
Iowa 6.0 -6.9 94.0 52.30 902
Missouri 3.7 -0.6 94.0 30.50 710
North Dakota 0.0 -15.2 76.0 61.50 665
South Dakota 0.0 -14.0 81.0 53.40 680
Nebraska 7.3 -5.6 96.0 41.60 653
Kansas -0.9 -6.7 98.0 55.75 731
Southeast 81.0 27.03 628
Virginia -9.7 6.5 92.0 47.45 753
West Virginia -22.2 -14.0 77.0 27.15 598
Kentucky 0.5 -5.6 78.0 30.80 580
Tennessee -8.7 0.0 79.0 29.65 571
North Carolina -15.7 2.4 82.0 30.90 607
South Carolina -23.8 2.8 75.0 19.70 615
Georgia -13.7 7.0 85.0 28.45 615
Florida -3.6 33.0 93.0 23.85 728
Alabama -23.6 -0.2 73.0 15.20 463
Mississippi -30.4 0.8 66.0 12.10 495
Louisiana -15.7 1.2 78.0 20.10 747
Arkansas -28.7 2.7 71.0 25.00 549
Southwest 89.0 30.78 637
Oklahoma -2.1 -0.2 84.0 37.25 659
Texas -0.3 1.1 90.0 28.95 599
New Mexico -24.7 -13.8 80.0 32.50 751
Arizona -10.2 21.2 92.0 32.00 768
Rocky Mountain 90.0 48.43 707
Montana 0.0 -8.7 86.0 45.85 819
Idaho 0.0 -6.6 83.0 50.60 595
Wyoming 0.0 -42.2 91.0 42.25 884
Colorado 40.9 11.0 97.0 52.15 735
Utah 0.0 -1.9 82.0 42.85 611
Far West 110.0 53.77 859
Washington 20.0 8.0 102.0 60.25 826
Oregon 20.9 8.4 94.0 46.85 875
Nevada 48.0 51.5 116.0 30.85 756
California 30.7 10.6 113.0 53.95 866
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APPENDIX TABLE 2. REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF NET MIGRATION, 1950-60 AND 1960-70.
(See Description of Models Below)
Personal Southern Retirement . Welfare Educational Standard
Race Incomer^ Disincentives!' Incentives—' Benefits^ Benefit^' Constant Error
1950-1960^
Negro
Equation (1) 75.59 -12.97 -59.38 .82 11.2
-- -- —
(5.80) (-2.16) (-4.17)
White
Equation (1) 30.90 -- 67.09 — — -29.80 .67 9.3
(4.25) (9.18) (-3.98)
Both
::
Equation (1) 39.79 57.71 -38.44 .69 8.7
— --
(6.11) (8.71) (-5.78)
1960-1970i/
Negro
:: ::
Equation (1) 69.87 -11.48 60.99 .82 8.1
--
(6.55) (-2.95) (-5.29)
Equation (2) 33.29 -12.66 — 0.35 — -40.10 .85 7.5
(2.12) (-3.49) (2.98) (-3.15)
Equation (3) 23.49 -12.96 0.024 -52.15 .84 7.8
—
(2.53) (-3.41) (2.20) -(4.43)
--
White
Equation (1) 7.79 31.43 -7.12 .54 6.1
-- --
(1.25)* (7.35) (-1.13)*
Equation (2) 29.39 27.18 -0.23 -17.18 .61 5.7
-- --
(3.03) (6.35) (-2.77) (-2.48)
Equation (3) 16.42 31.09 -0.020 -12.20 .60 5.8
-- --
(2.79) (7.65) (-2.47) (-1.93)*
Both
Equation (1) 22.40 26.53 -- -21.31 .55 5.7
(3.97) (6.67) (-3.72)
Equation (2) 40.09 23.15 -0.188 -29.70 .60 5.5
(4.31) -- (5.70) (-2.33) -- (-4.54)
Equation (3) 23.81 26.21 -0.018 -25.90 .66 5.4
-- --
(4.36) (6.94) (-2.46) (-4.51)
NOTE: Model I: Effects of Income; Equation (1)
Model II: Effects of Welfare; Equation (2)
Model III: Effects of Education; Equation (3)
(t-statistics in parentheses)
* insignificant at 5 per cent level of confidence
-- not used in equation
NOTE: Footnotes are on next page.
Digitized for FRASER
http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
APPENDIX TABLE 2. REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF NET MIGRATION,
1950-60 AND 1960-70.
FOOTNOTES
1/ Net migration rates for each State during the decade.
2/ Ratio of each State's per capita personal income to per capita
personal income for the United States, 1969.
3»/ Proxy for the complex of factors beyond differences in personal
income which induce a high rate of net out-migration of Negroes
from the South, excluding Florida.
4/ Proxy for the complex of factors beyond differences in personal
income which induce a high rate of net in-migration of white
persons into three states: Florida, Arizona, and Nevada. These
States are generally retirement and recreational areas.
5/ Payments per recipient under program of aid to families with
dependent children in each State, December, 1970.
6/ Annual current expenditure per pupil -- average daily membership,
elementary and secondary schools, 1970-71.
Digitized for FRASER
http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1971, September 14). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710915_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19710915_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710915_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}