speeches · May 29, 1971
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Sunday, May 30, 1971
2:30 p.m. (E.D.T.)
INFLATION, PRIVATE SPENDING,
AND THE PROVISION OF PUBLIC SERVICES
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
At the
171st Commencement Exercises
of
Middlebury College
Middlebury, Vermont
May 30, 1971
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INFLATION, PRIVATE SPENDING,
AND THE PROVISION OF PUBLIC SERVICES
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
By tradition, the commencement season is supposed to be a
joyful one: it is a time to celebrate accomplishment and a time to
look ahead with hope. It certainly is not a time for pessimism and
doubt about our goals and purposes as a people. Yet, at this juncture
in the life of our nation, there is much doubt about us, and many of our
goals are in open conflict. So, the commencement season this year
appears to be a good time to stand aside from some of our day-to-day
concerns to weigh alternative means of reconciling competing aims and
thus enhance the prospects of achieving a more equitable society.
Unfortunately, the necessity of balancing-off competing claims
on our national resources is not always appreciated. This clash of
purposes is illustrated nowhere more clearly than in the drive to
improve the economic position of the disadvantaged (whether because of
advanced age, race, or urban locality) and the effort to quicken
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff for assistance
in the preparation of these remarks. Mrs. Susan Burch helped with the
analysis of the outlook for private spending. Mr. Paul Schneiderman
estimated the impact of inflation on the major functions of State and
local governments. Mr. Jared J. Enzler was responsible for the computer
simulations to assess the costs of transferring resources from the private
to the public sector. Miss Harriett Harper estimated the effects of
inflation on the cost of servicing State and local debt, and she also
helped with other statistical problems.
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progress in the preservation of our natural resources and to stop the
pollution of our air and waterways. At first glance, it might appear
to many observers that our abundant resources are large enough to
support a faster pace of progress on all of these fronts -- to meet
our social and environmental needs simultaneously while continuing to
improve our general standard of living -- especially so since we are
reducing the volume of resources set aside for military purposes.
Sadly, however, a careful analysis of the present and prospective
claims on our national output suggests that such an accomplishment is
likely to be far more difficult than it might first appear. In fact,
it is becoming increasingly evident that the people of this nation
will have to make an even greater effort to establish -- and enforce --
a more careful array of priorities than has been made in recent years.
Even a cursory review of the competing public and private demands for
the goods and services produced in our economy makes it clear that,
even with the end of the Vietnam War, the budgets for all levels of
government ~ Federal, State, and local — will be just as tight in
1975 as they are in the current year.
Moreover, while the growth of our population and the campaigns
for improvement in public services have placed strains on available
revenues, inflationary pressures have also imposed a heavy burden -- a
burden from which governmental units could not escape readily. And
what is evea more distressing, the forces which have generated inflationary
pressures may persist for some time.
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Under these circumstances, I see an inherent conflict among
the major competing claims on our future production of goods and
services. This competition is not simply between the private and
public sectors -- but also between sorely needed new public initiatives
and public programs already in existence, many of which have out-lived
their original purposes. Over the next few years, this conflict may
be intensified rather than lessened -- as the private sector (particularly
consumers) strives to expand its relative claims on national production.
In my opinion, to help reconcile these conflicting objectives and to
help provide the revenue to finance the growing demand for public services,
it may be necessary to raise the average level of taxation in the United
States -- rather than lower it as so many taxpayers hope will be the
trend. Consequently, despite the longing on the part of many persons
for a lessened role for government, the latter may actually have to assume
a proportionally greater responsibility if the expanding demand for
public services is to be met.
I would now like to discuss each of these major points more
fully.
Inflation and the Rising Costs of Public Services
A great deal of concern has been expressed in recent years
about the rising costs of State and local government services. Some of
this concern undoubtedly can be traced to the greatly increased demand
for public services — reflecting larger numbers of children to be
educated in the public schools, larger enrollments in publicly-supported
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colleges and universities, a larger population needing increased
medical care, a greater dependence of poor persons on public welfare,
more traffic on streets and highways, more crime, more air and water
pollution, more parks and recreation facilities — in fact, more of
virtually every kind of service provided by States and local jurisdictions*
Naturally, to meet these demands, expenditures by State and local
governments had to rise. In fact, they more than tripled during the
last 1-1/2 decades, climbing from $39 billion in 1955 to $132 billion
in 1969 (See Table 1, attached). In terms of purchases of goods and
services recorded in the gross national product (GNP) accounts, their
spending also more than tripled over this period. In contrast, total
GNP and personal consumption expenditures rose about 1-1/2 times, and
Federal Government spending expanded about 1-1/4 times.
All major State and local functions shared in the increased
outlays in the 1955-69 period, but the relative rise in expenditures
for higher education was especially noticeable. Spending on local
schools rose roughly in line with general expenditures as a whole.
Public welfare costs increased somewhat more rapidly than total
expenditures, and spending on highways lagged appreciably.
But the most dramatic feature of State and local government
finances was the significant impact of inflation on their activities.
For example, between 1955 and 1970, prices paid by these units rose at
an annual average rate of 4.2 per cent, compared with 3.6 per cent for
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the Federal Government and 2.7 per cent for the economy as a whole.—^
In contrast, the rate of increase was 2.2 per cent for personal con-
sumption expenditures, 2.7 per cent for business fixed investment, and
3.0 per cent for residential construction.
The differential impact of inflation is shown even more clearly
by the experience of different sectors during the years 1965-70, the
period of the most intense inflation associated with the Vietnam War.
Again, State and local governments had to carry the greatest burden of
inflation: for them prices rose at an annual average rate of 5.8 per
cent, compared with 5.0 per cent for the Federal Government and 4.0 per
cent for the country at large. The rate was 3.5 per cent for consumers,
3.4 per cent for business fixed investment, and 4.8 per cent for
residential construction.
The effects of inflation on those units which provide our
basic public services have been even more dramatic than is shown by the
differential trends in prices. In fact, despite the enormous increase
in the volume of services supplied, inflation has been the most important
cause of the increase in the level of State and local government
expenditures. This conclusion is supported strongly by the evidence
in Table 1. An effort has been made to distribute the increase in
expenditures, by major function, according to the source, giving rise
1/ Prices discussed at this point are measured by the implicit
price deflators for the GNP.
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to the higher level of spending. Three sources are identified:
(1) workload (number of people served, number of school-age children,
number of automobiles, number of beds in hospitals, etc.); (2) price
increases (higher costs for the same volume of service); and (3) increases
in scopd or quality of service rendered. The contribution of each of
2/
these factors was calculated for two periods, 1955-69 and 1965-69.—
For all general expenditures combined, between 1955 and 1969,
inflation accounted for well over two-fifths of the total increase in
outlays -- while one-quarter was due to workload, and less than one-
third was accounted for by changes in scope or quality of services.
The impact of inflation varied considerably among different functions.
Higher prices had the most noticeable effect on the growth of expenditures
on local schools (52 per cent) and basic urban services (51 per cent).
The proportion of the rise in outlays due to inflation was below average
in the case of public welfare (30 per cent), higher education (36 per
cent), and general administration (38 per cent). Only in the area of
highways did workload account for a larger share of increased expenditures
than did inflation -- 51 per cent vs 42 per cent. In two functional
areas, changes in scope or quality of service outweighed inflation; these
were public welfare (70 per cent vs 30 per cent) and general administration
(44 per cent vs 38 per cent).
2/ The percentages attributable to workload, price, scope and quality,
1955-69, were estimated by Robert D. Reischauer for Charles L. Schultze,
et. al. , Setting National Priorities: the 1972 Budget, Brookings
Institution, Washington, D. C., 1971, Ch. 6, pp. 138-40. The corresponding
figures for 1965-69 were estimated by Paul Schneiderman of the Board's
staff, using Census Bureau data and Reischauer's estimating technique.
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When one looks at the years of the Vietnam War-related inflation,
1965-69, the general pattern is roughly the same — except that the
impact of inflation is even greater. For all general expenditures, the
proportion of the increase accounted for by inflation climbed to 47 per
cent. Only in the areas of public welfare and higher education was
there a relative decline in the impact of higher prices. In both cases,
a considerable expansion in the scope of coverage was more important.
The rise in the incidence of inflation was particularly striking in the
case of highways and basic urban services.
The reasons why inflation has had such a severe impact on
State and local governments are readily understood. Well over half of
their total expenditures is accounted for by wages and salaries, and
they have been under substantial pressure to raise compensation. These
pressures in turn can be traced partly to efforts to offset increases
in the cost of living and partly to the need to bring traditionally
low wage and salary scales into better alignment with those in the
private sector,. Moreover, the sharp advances in construction costs
in recent years have also had a severe impact on these governmental units.
Inflation and the Rising Cost of Debt Financing
The above are some of the direct effects of inflation on
State and local governments. An important indirect effect is the
significant increase in the cost of financing their debts. As is
generally known, these jurisdictions rely heavily on the issuance of
debt to finance a major share of their capital projects. For example,
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in the fiscal year 1969, their new debt issues amounted to $18.9 billion;
their capital outlays were $28.2 billion. Since borrowing usually
precedes spending (and since a small proportion of borrowing is for
non-capital purposes), debt financing and capital outlays during a
given year may not mesh closely. However, over time, capital spending
is greatly influenced by the ability of State and local governments
to borrow.
Between 1955 and 1969, the outstanding general debt of State
and local governments rose from $44.3 billion to $133*5 billion, an
increase of over 200 per cent. During the same period, the Federal
Government's debt rose from $274.4 billion to $353.7 billion, a gain
of about 30 per cent. In the later part of the period — in the years
1965-69 — State and local indebtedness registered an increase of
$34 billion, an advance of about one-third. The corresponding increase
in the Federal debt was $36.4 billion and 12 per cent.
However, the advance in interest cost was even more striking.
In 1955, the average interest rate paid by State and local governments
3/
was 1.9 per cent.— By 1965, the average rate had risen to 2.5 per
cent, and it rose further to 2.8 per cent in 1969. The corresponding
average interest rates paid by the Federal Government were: 1955, 2.4
per cent; 1965, 2.8 per cent; and 1969, 3.8 per cent. Thus, in the
last 1-1/2 decades, the average cost of borrowing by State and local
3/ It should be kept in mind that the income to investors from
holding State and local securities is exempt from Federal income taxes.
The average rates reported in the text reflect the heavy volume of long-
term debt issued at low rates in the decade following World War II.
Since then,municipal yields have risen considerably — from 2.48 per
cent in 1955 to 3.26 per cent in 1965 and to 5.72 per cent in 1969.
Thus, their debt service in the future will be much higher.
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governments rose by almost one-half (although the proportionate rise was
less than that experienced by the Federal Government where the increase
was nearly three-fifths).
Another way to view the effects of higher interest rates on
State and local governments is to look at the extra cost of maintaining
a given volume of debt. If the average interest rate had remained
unchanged between 1965 and 1969, the interest on the $133.5 billion of
debt outstanding in the latter year would have been $3.3 billion — or
nearly $400 million (12 per cent) less than the $3.7 billion they actually
paid. If the average interest rate paid in 1955 had also been paid in
1969, the interest payments on the debt outstanding in the latter year
would have been $2.5 billion — a saving of $1.2 billion, or 48 per
cent.
Of course, we know that State and local governments -- no
more than any other class of borrowers -- cannot be insulated from interest
rate changes and other conditions in the capital market. We also know
that the substantial rise in the general level of interest rates in
recent years is a by-product of inflation and the effort undertaken to
check the rise in prices. Nevertheless, it is instructive to focus on
the rising cost of carrying State and local debt. Moreover, unlike some
borrowers in the private sector (particularly business firms), State
and local governments cannot recover the rise in interest cost through
higher prices or by writing it off against taxes. Thus, these jurisdictions
-- which bear so much of the burden of providing public services — are
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particularly exposed to the adverse impact of inflation and the attendant
rise in interest rates.
Competing Claims on Future Output
As I indicated above, the major claims on our future pro-
duction of goods and services that have already been identified --
including public programs already in existence -- may make it extremely
difficult to improve our public services in the years ahead. The
severity of the problem we face comes into sharp focus when we try to
match the economy's future production with the demands originating in
particular sectors.
For this purpose, it would be useful to present rough estimates
of the potential output four years from now and to identify some of the
more pressing demands that we now foresee. Let us assume that the
economy returns to full employment by 1973 (defined as an unemployment
rate of 4.0 per cent) and that productivity (or the increase in goods
or services produced by a worker in an hour) will grow at an average
rate of about 3 per cent a year through 1975 -- about in line with the
long-term trend. If the labor force grows at about 1.8 per cent a year
(reflecting both increased population of working age and the rising
participation of women workers) and if there is a further slight
decline in average hours worked, the potential growth of real GNP
in the next four years will average about 4.3 per cent a year. By 1975,
with allowance for the present under-utilization of resources, this would
mean a GNP in 1970 dollars of over $1.2 trillion -- about $200 billion
more than the level of GNP last year.
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Large as it may seem, even a GNP of this size will require
a careful review of priorities, if the public sector is to meet its
responsibilities. The social and environmental improvements desired
by so many today must compete for their share of GNP with the strong
requirements of consumers and business firms. The Tax Reform Act of
1969 and more liberal depreciation rules both reflect the judgment
that -- to a greater extent than many observers think was wise --
private spending should take priority over public spending. As a
result, the automatic expansion of resources available to the government
from what economists have defined as the "fiscal dividend" (a gain in
revenue that accrues, even with an unchanged tax structure, as the
economy generates larger taxable incomes) will be about $10 billion
less in 1975 than without the tax changes.
In the years immediately ahead, a great increase expected in
the relative importance of young families will create an urgent need for
goods and services. There is also a desperate need to upgrade the
currently inadequate stock of housing. Business requirements for
expanding investment in plant and equipment — both to add capacity to
serve the greater number of people but also to control pollutants -- are
also likely to be exceedingly intense as the economy returns to full
employment. Almost automatic increases in public programs already in
existence will also claim significant increments of future GNP as well
as most of the funds diverted from Vietnam.
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These mounting demands were highlighted in the Reports of
the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) in 1970 and 1971. In both
Reports, CEA presented five-year projections of the competing demands
of the private and public sectors for resources. In both years, the
Council came to the gloomy conclusion that -- without further changes
in our tax laws — demands for personal consumption, private domestic
investment (including residential construction), and built-in increases
in present public programs would absorb most of the increase in real
GNP and savings from the Vietnam War in the next few years. Even in
1975, the latest CEA Report suggests that the amount of unallocated
resources at full-employment may be only 1 per cent of GNP. The
Brookings Institution is even more pessimistic in its estimates of
discretionary expenditures possible in the public sector.—^
The Council's Reports thus suggest, in effect, that we have
already mortgaged both our "peace dividend11 and our "fiscal dividend"
as well. The Tax Reform Act and accelerated depreciation -- even with
some offsetting increases in Social Security taxes -- will reduce the
public share of GNP (both direct and including transfers and grants)
from 29.6 per cent in calendar 1969 to an estimated 28.7 per cent in
1975. As a result of these tax changes, "built-in" increases in existing
Federal programs (because of changes in population, workload, and normal
pay increases) and new programs already proposed in the fiscal 1972
4/ Charles L. Schultze, et. al., Setting National Priorities: the
1972 Budget, Washington, D. C., 1971, Ch. 17.
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budget, all but perhaps $12 billion of the projected $57 billion
cummulative increases in full-employment Federal revenues between
fiscal 1972 and 1975 is already allocated.
The point which I have been trying to make so far is that in
the next few years, without a fundamental change in present private
expenditure patterns and in government programs, there will be no large
sum of money which the government can easily devote to the expansion
and improvement of public services. The small "fiscal dividend11 of
perhaps at most 1 per cent of 1975 GNP could easily vanish with a
slower economic recovery than we expect at the moment, or the addition
of even $3 billion a year of other types of new programs. Moreover,
the surplus in the Federal budget which is projected for 1975 will
accrue mainly to the Social Security trust funds, and in the past when
large sums were building up in these funds we have either not gone
forward with scheduled Social Security tax changes or liberalized the
benefits paid from the trust funds. At present, there is already talk
of both possibilities.
Re-ordering National Priorities
It is against this background that we must assess the prospects
of meeting the insistent demand that a greater share of our resources
be devoted to improvements in education, health, urban services, the
environment, and similar areas of public responsibility. Essentially,
with virtually all of our resources already committed, we must determine
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the extent to which resources can be transferred from present --
primarily private -- uses to alternative — mainly public —
purposes. Since the bulk of the actual spending on public services
is done by State and local governments (although Federal grants may
finance a sizable share of the cost of specific programs) , it would
be helpful to look at the problem from the viewpoint of their pur-
chases of goods and services within the framework of the GNP accounts.
The objective would be to obtain a rough indication of the consequences
of transferring a given volume of spending from the private sector to
State and local governments.
One way to approach the task is to employ the modern, computer-
based statistical techniques on which economists are relying increasingly
to identify possible solutions to complex issues of public policy.
During the last few years, the Federal Reserve Board1s staff (with the
technical assistance of economists at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology and the University of Pennsylvania) has developed and is now
operating such a large-scale, econometric model. With help from the
staff, I have employed this computer-based model to pose several questions
relating to the reallocation of resources. The results (in constant
1958 dollars) are shown in Table 2.-^
5/ Mr„ Jared J. Enzler of the Board's staff was responsible for the
computer simulations of the national economy to obtain the projections.
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Essentially, I wanted to know what would be the broad
economic effects -- both direct and indirect -- of allocating a larger
share of national resources to State and local governments during the
period 1970-75. To get an answer, it was first necessary to have an
indication of the share which they would have in the absence of special
measures to produce such a redistribution. Using the Board's econometric
model, a "base projection" of real GNP and principal components in
6/
1975 was prepared."" According to these estimates, real GNP might
climb from $724 billion in 1970 to $893 billion in 1975. Purchases by
State and local governments might account for $97.4 billion (or
10.9 per cent) in 1975, compared with $74.1 billion (10.2 per cent)
in 1970. The share of personal consumption might rise slightly --
from 65.9 per cent to 66.6 per cent. The Federal Government's share
might decline somewhat (from 9.4 per cent to 8.8 per cent), and so
might the proportion going into gross private domestic investment (from
14.1 per cent to 13.2 per cent). The key point to keep in mind is that
the percentage of our resources used by State and local governments
would probably rise slightly during the next few years -- if the
economic forces at work in 1970 were to extend unhampered through 1975.
However, that is the crucial issue. Currently, there is
serious doubt as to whether recent trends will continue. To a con-
siderable extent, the relatively rapid expansion in per capita State
6/ Key assumptions underlying the exercise were that tax rates
were unchanged and that resources were fully utilized, with unemployment
in the neighborhood of 4 per cent in 1975.
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and local government expenditures in recent years reflects spending
for education — which accounts for a large proportion of total out-
lays by these units. In the years ahead, the school-age population will
be growing less rapidly than it did during the last 1-1/2 decades.
Consequently, per capita increases in State and local services might
be expected to moderate.
Because of these considerations, the Council of Economic
Advisers has estimated that real per capita State and local government
spending may grow at an annual average rate of 2.6 per cent between
1969 and 1975; this WDuld represent a moderately slower expansion than
for total output, and it would be well below the 3.8 per cent growth
rate recorded in the period 1955-69. In contrast, the CEA estimates
that real per capita consumption will grow at an annual average rate of
3.6 per cent between 1969 and 1975, substantially above the rate of
2.2 per cent recorded between 1955 and 1969. As a result, the consumer
sector would raise its share of real GNP (in 1969 dollars) from 62 per
cent in 1969 to 64 per cent in 1975. On the other hand, the share of
State and local governments would remain virtually unchanged -- moving
up from 11.9 per cent to 12.0 per cent.
These estimates by the CEA cast in bold relief the issue of
reallocating resources in favor of the public sector. To assess the
consequences of a prospective decline in the growth rate of real per
capita spending by State and local governments, I made a second
projection of real GNP in 1975, using as a guide the Council's estimate
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that such outlays might grow by 2.6 per cent per year through 1975.
The results of this projection are also shown in Table 2 (designated
as the "low11 projection). These results can be compared with the
"base" projection (which, as mentioned earlier, sketches the contours
of the economy in 1975 on the assumption that recent trends would
continue and in the absence of measures to reallocate resources).
Several features should be noted: real GNP would be somewhat higher,
and the proportions taken by personal consumption and private domestic
investment would also rise.—^ But for our purposes, the most important
effect is a cutback of $7.1 billion in the level of State and local
purchases of goods and services in 1975. These would amount to $90.3
billion, compared with $97.4 billion suggested by the "base" projection.
Their share of total GNP might decline to 9.9 per cent, compared with
10.9 per cent indicated by the "base" projection.
This less rapid expansion in the level of spending by State
and local governments would have several side-effects. The level of
unemployment might be slightly higher, the pace of inflation might ease
8 /
somewhat, and interest rates might be moderately lower.— On the
7/ Throughout this exercise, the level of spending by the Federal
government was held constant. The reason for this was the desire to
permit the computer simulation to describe the inter-action of State
and local spending with spending in the private sector.
8/ For those interested in the technical aspects of the simulation,
it should be mentioned that the adverse impact of the slower rate of
growth in per capita spending by State and local units was tempered
by assuming that monetary policy would be relaxed sufficiently to off-
set the depressing effects and maintain full use of resources. Other-
wise, real GNP would decline by $2.2 billion (from the "base" projection)*
the GNP deflator would be 6.8 percentage points lower, and the unemploy-
ment rate would climb to 5.3 per cent -- nearly 1-1/2 points higher
than the estimate in the "base" projection.
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other hand, since population would be higher in 1975, the scope and
quality of public services would probably be deteriorating.
If it were thought desirable to check this tendency, an
effort would have to be made to reallocate a larger share of real
resources to State and local governments. The consequences of pursuing
this course are suggested in the final projection shown in Table 2
(identified as the "high11 projection). These estimates assume that
real per capita spending by these jurisdictions would increase by
3.8 per cent per year between 1970 and 1975. In this case, State and
local outlays might be in the neighborhood of $95.9 billion, or 10.7 per
cent of GNP. While this would be $1.5 billion below the level suggested
by the "base" projection, it would also be $5.6 billion above that
indicated by the "low" projection. Thus, compared with the latter
situation, in which State and local units would yield to the private
sector part of their relative command over resources, the public sector
would have that much more ($5.6 billion) to spend on public services.
However, the real costs of making this transfer would be
considerable. To achieve it might require a relative cutback in real
consumer spending of $12 billion, and business fixed investment might
also be nearly $5 billion less. Expenditures on residential construction
could shrink by as much as $1.2 billion. Moreover, reflecting the com-
bined impact of these changes, real GNP might decline by over $13 billion
from the level indicated by the fbase" projection. In addition, while
the level of unemployment might decline slightly, the pace of inflation
would quicken, and the level of interest rates would be somewhat higher.
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I personally find the results presented here both illuminating
and instructive. While I would not advance the results as definitive,
they do point up a central truth: if real resources are to be transferred
from private use to the public sector, it will involve a real -- and
perhaps substantial -- cost in terms of inflation and the rate of
growth of the national economy. In the opinion of many observers, that
cost is worth paying.
Concluding Observations
From this review of the effects of inflation on State and
local governments -- and from this assessment of competing claims on
our productive resources -- I am personally convinced that we are in
considerable danger of seeing a serious deterioration in the scope and
quality of our public services. Unless steps are taken before too
long to reverse the trend, the situation seems likely to get worse as
newer demands (such as pollution abatement) are added to the already
inadequate supply of traditional public services.
In my opinion, the issue before us is clear: in the last
few years (mainly because of the tax relief provided by the Federal
government in 1969) , private consumption has been given a much higher
priority over public spending than is consistent with our long-run
requirements in the area of public services. If this imbalance is to be
corrected, these lost tax revenues might have to be recaptured and
channeled to State and local governments.
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Thus, rather than looking forward to further tax reductions,
all of us may have to accept the burdens of paying an even larger
share of our already limited incomes in the form of higher taxes.
Moreover, despite the widely-noted longing for a lessened role for
government in our society, we may have to be prepared to see the
government assume even greater responsibility for the provision of
those common services which all of us demand -- and which cannot be
provided by any other means.
Digitized for FRASER
http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 1.
State and Local Government Expenditures,
By Function and Principal Causes of Increases
Fiscal Years 1955, 1965, and 1969
(Amounts in billions of dollars)
Percentage of 1955-69 Percentage of 1965-69
1955-•69 1965--69 increase in expenditure increase in expenditure
Percentage Percentage attributable to increase in attributable to increase in
Amount Percentage of Total Percentage of Total Work- Scope & Work- Scope &
Function 1955 1965 1969 Increase Increase Increase Increase load Price Quality load Price Quality
All Functions 39.0 86.5 131.6 237.4 100.0 52.1 100.0 — — --- — — ---
General Expenditure 33.7 74.5 116.7 246.3 85.8 56.6 86.1 26.2 43.8 30.0 14.2 47.2 38.6
Local Schools 10.1 21.9 33.8 234.7 25.6 54.3 26.4 31.7 52.4 15.9 14.5 57.6 2jL. 6
Higher Education and Other 1.8 6.6 13.5 650.0 12.6 104.6 15.3 25.1 35.5 39.4 25.0 30.3 mm
Public Welfare 3.2 6.3 12.1 278.1 9.6 92.1 12.9 * 29.7 70.3 * 19.2
Highways 6.5 12.2 15.4 136.9 9.6 26.2 7.1 50.8 42.3 6.9 40.0 60.0 **
Hospitals and Health 2.5 5.4 8.5 240.0 6.5 57.4 6.9 18.8 43.8 37.4 7.7 50.8 41.5
Basic Urban Servicesi' 4.3 12.4 14.6 239.5 11.1 17.7 4.9 22.8 50.6 26.6 11.5 88.5 **
Administration and Other!/ 5.3 9.6 15.3 188.7 10.8 59.4 12.6 18.5 38.0 43.6 7.2 46.4 46.4
Utility Deficit 0.4 0.9 1.4 250.0 1.1 55.6 1.1 --- --- — --- ---
Debt Retirement and Additions
to Liquid Assetsx' 3.9 7.3 12.3 215.4 9.1 68.5 11.1 --- — — --- --- --
Contributions to Retirement
Systems 0.9 2.3 3.2 255.6 2.5 39.1 2.0 — -- --- --- --- ---
Sources: Basic data are from the U. S. Bureau of the Census, "Governmental finances" in selected years.
Note: Percentages attributable to workload, price, scope, and quality, 1955-69, were estimated by Robert D.
Reischauer for Charles L. Schultze, et. al., Setting National Priorities: the 1972 Budget,
Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C., 1971, Ch. 6, pp. 138<-40. The 1969 data were revised
since the original publication. The corresponding figures for 1965-69 were estimated by
Paul Schneiderman of the Federal Reserve Board's staff, using Census Bureau data and Reischauer's
estimating technique.
* Workload decreased.
** Scope and/or quality decreased.
1/ Includes fire protection, police protection, correction, sewerage, other sanitation, parks, and
recreation, housing and urban renewal, and transportation and terminals.
2/ Includes administration and general control, general public buildings, interest on general debt,
employment services, and miscellaneous functions.
3/ Excludes social insurance funds.
Digitized for FRASER
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 2.
Principal Claims on Real Gross National Product, 1970
and Alternative Projections to 1975
(Amounts in Billions of 1958 Dollars)
1975: High (3.8 per cent)
1975: Low (2.6 per cent) Growth Rate of Per Capita,
1975: Base Growth Rate of Per Capita State and Local Purchases-'
1970 (Actual) Prolection!/ State and Local Purchase si' Variance from:
Per cent Per cent Per cent Variance from Per cent Base
Sector Amount of Total Amount of Total Amount of Total Base Projection Amount of Total Prolection Proiect^^P
Gross National Product 724.1 100.0 892.6 100.0 907.7 100.0 15.1 894.4 100.0 1.8 -13.3
Personal Consumption 477.1 65.9 594.4 66.6 608.3 67.0 13.9 596.3 66.8 1.9 -12.0
Gross Private Domestic Inv. 102.8 14.1 117.9 13.2 125.2 13.8 7.3 118.3 13.2 0.4 - 6.9
Producers Durable Equipment 56.1 7.7 63.6 7.1 66.3 7.3 2.7 63.4 7.1 - 0.2 - 2.9
Producers Structures 23.1 3.2 25.8 2.9 27.9 3.1 2.1 25.9 2.9 0.1 - 2.0
Residential Construction 20.6 2.8 24.6 2.8 26.2 2.9 1.6 25.0 2.8 0.4 - 1.2
Inventories 3.0 0.4 3.9 0.4 4.8 0.5 0.9 4.0 0.4 0.1 - 0.8
Exports 52.1 7.2 62.5 7.0 62.5 6.9 --- 62.5 7.0 — —
Imports 49.7 - 6.9 58.0 - 6.5 57.2 - 6.3 - 0.8 57.1 6.4 - 0.9 - 0.1
Net Exports 2.4 0.3 4.5 0.5 5.3 0.6 0.8 5.4 0.6 0.9 0.1
Federal Purchases 67.7 9.4 78.6 8.8 78.6 8.7 --- 78.6 8.8 — —
State and Local Purchases 74.1 10.2 97.4 10.9 90.3 9.9 - 7.1 95.9 10.7 - 1.5 5.6
Mem
T
o
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r
e
an
a
d
s
u
u
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ry
:
Bill Rate (Per cent) 6.37 6.20 5.47 - 0.73 6.10 -- 00..1100
roJCHB
Prices (GNP Deflator) 134.9 160.2 156.2 - 4.0 158.8 - 1.4
Unemployment Rate 4.9 3.9 4.3 0.4 4.1 0.2 - 0.2
JL/ The "base projection" is derived from a simulation of the national economy
by using the Federal Reserve Board's econometric model. A key assumption was that
resources were fully utilized with unemployment in the neighborhood of 4 per cent
in 1975.
2/ In this projection, it is assumed that real per capita purchases by State
and local governments will grow about 2.6 per cent per year in the 1970-75 period.
This is the assumption on which the Council of Economic Advisers based its projection
of State and local purchases. (See 1971 Annual Report, p. 98.)
3/ This projection assumes that real per capita purchases by State and local
governments will grow about 3.8 per cent per year in the 1970-75 period — the
same rate of growth that occurred from 1959 to 1969.
Digitized for FRASER
http://fraser.stlouisfed.org/
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1971, May 29). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710530_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19710530_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710530_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}