speeches · March 18, 1971
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Friday, March 19, 1971
8:30 p.m. C.S.T. (9:30 p.m. E.S.T.)
THE ECONOMIC OUTLOOK AND MONETARY
POLICY IN 1971
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
Eleventh Assembly of Bank Directors
Fairmont Hotel
Dallas, Texas
March 19, 1971
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THE ECONOMIC OUTLOOK AND MONETARY
POLICY IN 1971
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
I am delighted to share my views on the conditions bearing
on monetary policy in the current year. To provide a framework for
such a discussion, it would be helpful to present a brief review of the
record of money and credit flows in the recent past and to make an
assessment of the general economic outlook as well.
Before taking up this task, however, I must make it clear
at the outset that the views expressed here are my own. By long
tradition, when members of the Federal Reserve Board address themselves
to such matters in remarks such as these, they speak for themselves
and not for their colleagues. Also by tradition, Board members and
Federal Reserve Bank Presidents serving on the Federal Open Market
Committee (FOMC) try to avoid making comments that might be interpreted
as forecasting the future course of monetary policy. I believe that
both traditions are well-founded, and I personally try to abide by
them.
It is also well to remember that -- despite the numerous
and diverse voices that might be heard urging a particular course for
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to Mr. Frederick M. Struble and Miss Harriett
Harper for assistance in the preparation of these remarks. In addition,
Miss Mary Jane Harrington did some of the calculations to obtain part
of the data on bank credit flows.
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monetary policy -- the responsibility for monetary management rests
with two clearly defined and statutory bodies: the seven-member
Federal Reserve Board and the 12-member Federal Open Market Committee
(consisting of the seven Board members and five of the Reserve Bank
Presidents). There is no need (nor is this the occasion) to dwell
on the distribution of tasks between the two groups or on the way in
which monetary policy is made. It is sufficient to recall that the
Board meets several times each week, the FOMC meets every three or
four weeks, and open market operations are engaged in virtually on a daily
basis -- and monitored daily by the Board and the FOMC. Thus, there
is continuous opportunity to formulate and execute monetary policy in
a timely and flexible fashion.
I wanted to make these points because a great deal of confusion
develops from time to time (and the present appears to be such a time)
about the locus of responsibility for monetary policy. Again, it is
the responsibility of the Federal Reserve System. Having made these
points, I must go on to stress that monetary policy is a component
of national economic policy and it must be conducted as part of an over-
all strategy for the achievement of economic growth with reasonable price
stability. Expressed differently, the Federal Reserve, by Congressional
action, is endowed with a significant degree of independence which must
be exercised within the Federal Government and not apart from it.
At the same time, I believe that it is incumbent on the Federal Reserve
to weigh and assess alternative courses of national economic policy
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and to keep the consequences of the different choices in mind at all
times.
Against this background, what appears to be the proper task
of monetary management at the present juncture? To answer this question,
we should consider the constraints which might limit the scope for
monetary policy as well as the opportunities that might be open for
monetary policy to contribute further to the stimulation of economic
expansion. One factor to which I personally attach considerable
weight is the serious deficit in our balance of payments. Another
constraint is the persistence of strong inflationary pressures --
despite the existence of an unusually high rate of unemployment and
a substantial backlog of excess plant capacity. On the other hand,
the very existence of these unused resources creates an opportunity to
employ monetary policy to help reduce the real cost to the economy
which they represent. How to "balance off these competing objectives
is the basic question troubling economic policy makers.
In the rest of these comments, my own views with respect to
the proper priorities among these objectives are spelled out fully.
They can be summarized here:
- While the economy has been operating well below
its potential for more than a year, we s t i ll have
made l i t t le lasting progress in the campaign to
check inflation. Thus, a good part of the task
remains ahead of us.
- At the same time, the exceptionally high unemploy-
ment rate and the sizable backlog of excess capacity --
indications of the real costs of national policies
adopted in the fight against inflation -- have led
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to a new scaling of priorities which assign
more weight to the expansion of output and less
weight to moderating the rise in prices.
- Under these complex circumstances, the task of
monetary policy is obviously difficult. In my
judgment, the moderate rate of growth of money
and credi t in the last year has already restored
much of the economyfs lost liquidity. I believe
it has also helped to lay a foundation for the
growth of real output at a pace about as rapid
as can be safely encouraged without rekindling
the inflationary pressures that are only now
beginning to abate.
- Finally, the large and continuing deficit in our
balance of payments should also be a cause of
concern -- a point which monetary policy must
also take into account.
- But, if further simulation proves to be needed,
instead of pressing for even greater monetary
ease, I think it is preferable to adopt fiscal
measures to strengthen the propensity of consumers
to spend and to encourage businesses to increase
investment in fixed assets.
We can now turn to the main body of the analysis.
Credit Flows in 1970: An Overview
To a considerable extent, credit flows in 1970 returned to
more traditional channels — thus correcting a significant part of
the distortion which resulted from the policy of severe monetary
restraint followed the previous year. The policy of restraint itself,
of course, was necessary as part of the national campaign to check
inflation. Likewise, in 1970, the policy of moderate easing in credit
conditions was part of the national effort to cushion the slowdown in
the economy and thereby prevent a large decline in output and an
excessive rise in unemployment. In both years, the pattern of credit
flows was a by-product of concerted efforts to achieve national
economic objectives.
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In 1970, according to preliminary figures from the flow of
funds accounts prepared by the Board's staff, total funds raised by
nonfinancial sectors amounted to $95.4 billion. (See Table 1, attached.)
This was an increase of $5 billion (or 5 1/2 per cent) over the level
raised in the previous year. However, when the borrowing activity of
the Federal Government is set aside, there was a year-to-year decline
of $11.4 billion -- a drop of 12 per cent -- in the volume of funds
raised. In 1969, the Federal Government's net repayment of debt
amounted to $3.7 billion; of this amount, $1.3 billion was indirect
public debt issues, and $2.4 billion was in issues of Federal agencies
included in the budget. In contrast, last year, the Federal Government
was a net borrower -- in the amount of $12.7 billion. It raised
$12.8 billion in direct debt while budget agencies made net repayments
of $100 million.
Setting aside the capital market activities of the Federal
Government, other nonfinancial sectors raised $82.7 billion in 1970,
compared with $94.1 billion in the previous year. Among major sectors,
only State and local governments and agricultural businesses increased
the amount of funds obtained. In the case of farms, the rise was
very modest -- by only $100 million to $3.3 billion. On the other
hand, State and local governments raised $12.2 billion in 1970, an
increase of $3.7 billion or 45 per cent, above the amount raised in
1969. Their share of the total advanced from 9 per cent to about 15 per
cent. So last year, State and local units registered some progress
toward making up the short-fall in borrowing which occurred during the
period of credit stringency in 1969.
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The largest drop in volume of funds raised occurred among
households. Last year, they obtained $21.3 billion, a decline of
$10.9 billion or one-third from the proceeding year. While households
accounted for one-third of total funds raised in 1969, their share
declined to one-quarter in 1970. A substantial part of the reduced
borrowing by households in 1970 centered in home mortgages ($12.7 billion
vs. $15.7 billion) and consumer credit ($4.3 billion vs. $9.3 billion).
Both of these types of borrowing in turn reflected the lower rate of
spending on home construction and consumer durable goods.
Nonfinancial corporate businesses raised $37.9 billion in
1970, about $1.2 billion less than the amount raised in the previous
year. But, because of the greater relative shrinkage in borrowing by non-
financial sectors as a group, the share of corporate businesses rose slightly --
from 42 per cent to 46 per cent. In 1969, the corporate sector was the
principal gainer in funds raised in both absolute and relative terms.
In that year, their heavy borrowing was undertaken partly to finance
a sizable expansion in current output and partly to finance a strong
investment boom. Last year, both of these activities registered only
modest gains, and net corporate borrowing responded accordingly.
In terms of the sources of funds supplied in 1970, the more
traditional pattern was also substantially restored. In 1969, there
was a sharp swing away from financial institutions and toward houses
holds and nonfinancial businesses as sources of funds. The reverse
was true last year.
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As shown in Table 1, there was a modest expansion last year
in funds supplied by the Federal Reserve System. The amount rose from
$4.2 billion in 1969 to $5.2 billion in 1970. This represented a
slight increase in the System1s share of total funds supplied
(from 4.7 per cent to 5.2 per cent). Here again it must be stressed
that these figures represent net changes recorded in the flow of
funds accounts, and they should not be interpreted as measures of the
impact of monetary policy. The U.S. Government played a moderately
enlarged role in the aggregate supply of funds last year -- raising
its share from 3 per cent to about 5 per cent. Somewhat over half
of the expansion was accounted for by credit agencies.
Among other sources, the most striking turnaround occurred at
commercial banks. In 1970, these institutions supplied $31.1 billion
(one-third of the total), compared with $12.2 billion (one-seventh of
the total) the previous year. In 1969, the relative position of commercial
banks shrank drastically from what it had been the year before.
These institutions, which bore the brunt of monetary restraint, lost
a sizable amount of time deposits in 1969, and their lending ability was
constrained accordingly. In 1970, with a slowing in economic activity and
the move of monetary policy toward moderate ease, they gained deposits
(especially time accounts), and they increased greatly the volume of
funds supplied. Private nonbank financial institutions (particularly
savings and loan associations) also expanded somewhat the volume of
funds supplied. Last year, the amount provided by S&Lfs came to
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$14.9 billion (16 per cent of the total), compared with $10.4 billion
(12 per cent of the total) in 1969. Again, the much stronger perfor-
mance of these institutions reflected the greatly enhanced flow of
savings to them (as well as to mutual savings banks and other financial
intermediaries).
In contrast to the expanded role of financial institutions,
private domestic nonfinancial sources experienced a sharp decline in
the volume of funds supplied. In 1969, these sources (businesses,
households, and State and local governments) provided $39.5 billion
and accounted for over two-fifths of the total funds supplied. In
1970, the amount of funds originating with them dropped to $7.5 billion
and represented only 8 per cent of the total. The decrease was
especially noticeable among both businesses and households. In both
cases, the flows reflect a fundamental change in the attitudes of
businesses and individuals with respect to the valuation of market
securities as investment outlets. During 1969, a substantial part of
the outflow of funds from commercial banks and savings institutions was
channeled into market securities -- including highly attractive
Federal agency issues and short-term commercial paper. During 1970,
as market yields declined and investor sentiment deteriorated somewhat,
particularly after mid-year, these flows were reversed, and nonfinancial
businesses and individuals constituted much less hospitable outlets for
market issues.
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Sources and Uses of Commercial Bank Funds
At this point, we might look somewhat more closely at
the behavior of commercial banks. It is in the response of these
institutions that one can trace most graphically the impact of monetary
policy on credit flows. The figures in Table 2 can be used for
this purpose.
The expanded role of commercial banks as a source of funds
in 1970, discussed above, was made possible by a sizable increase
in their resources. As measured by the net increase in their liabilities,
these resources rose by nearly $40 billion last year, compared with
$18 billion the year before. The rise in demand deposits was about
the same in both years ($6.4 billion and $5.2 billion, respectively).
However, the situation with respect to time deposits was dramatically
different. As already mentioned, in 1969 commercial banks experienced
a sizable attrition in time deposits -- amounting to nearly $10 billion.
Actually, the decline in negotiable certificates of deposit in
denominations of $100,000 and over (CD's) was about $12 1/2 billion;
this was partly offset by an increase of nearly $ 3 billion in
other types of time deposits. In 1970, the banks1 time deposits
jumped by $38 billion, of which $15 billion (two-fifths of the
total rise) was accounted for by CD's. Again, the sharp swing
in these deposit flows reflected the changing posture of monetary
policy in both years. As market yields rose in 1969 above the ceilings
set by the supervisory authorities on the maximum rates of interest
which could be paid on time deposits, the banks lost funds. In 1970
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(and particularly after mid-year when the ceilings were suspended with
respect to CD's with maturities of less than 90 days), interest rates
offered by the banks were again competitive with market yields which
were declinin g sharply -- and the banks gained funds.
The figures in Table 2 also show the principal uses the
banks made of their enlarged resources last year. Their net acquisition
of financial assets amounted to $42 billion in 1970 -- more than double
the total for the preceding year. Moreover, an overwhelming proportion
of their funds went into investments in 1970 rather than into loans.
This was in marked contrast to the banks1 behavior during the year
before. In the latter period, the banks liquidated $9 1/2 billion of
U.S. Government securities and switched the funds into loans. In
fact, bank loans rose by approximately $27 billion in 1969. Of this
amount, over $5 billion represented real estate mortgages, over
$3 billion was consumer credit, and other loans (including loans to
businesses) accounted for $18 billion. In 1970, there was only
modest growth in bank loans, the net increase was in the neighborhood
of $5 billion- But bank investments expanded by nearly $20 billion.
Well over one-half of the rise ($11.2 billion) was in State and local
government securities, and about two-fifths were in U.S. Government
issues.
Finally, last year, the commercial banks employed a substantial
portion o f their enlarged resources to repay liabilities to their
foreign branches. During 1969, these liabilities (mainly Euro-dollar
borrowings) rose by $7 billion as U.S. banks sought actively for
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alternative resources to expand loans in the face of shrinking deposits.
The rise in such borrowings accounted for nearly two-fifths of the
net increase in the banks1 liabilities in 1969. Subsequently, as
domestic funds became more readily available last year (and at lower
costs), a considerable proportion of these liabilities was unwound.
During the course of the year, commercial banks reduced the liabilities
to their foreign branches by $6 billion.
On the basis of the foregoing analysis, it is clear that
commercial banks entered 1971 with a greatly enhanced capacity to
meet a sizable share of the economy's financial needs as the year
unfolds. In the last few months, their position has been strengthened
even more by further easing in credit conditions. Again we shall return
to thi s subject in the final section of these comments. In the meantime,
it would be helpful to sketch the main features of the economic out-
look for 1971.
The Economic Outlook: GNP Projections
Although the first quarter of 1971 is nearly over, it is
s t i ll to o early to have a definite view of economic prospects for the
current year. Yet, the information that has become available in the
last month or so seems to indicate that a boom in economic activity is
not likely to be generated in the near future. The unfolding evidence
also suggests that the performance of the economy in 1971 may
not come up to some of the more optimistic expectations advanced at
the beginning of the year.
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While it is s t i ll too early in the year to have a firm
factual basis for an assessment of the economy's prospective per-
formance, a bumper crop of forecasts has already been made available
to the public. There is no need here to summarize these extensively
or to examine them in detail. However, it would be helpful -- when
we return to the discussion of monetary policy -- to have in mind a
general outline of the expected level and pattern of economic activity
in the current year -- as seen in the official Federal Government
projection and in private forecasts. The noticeable divergence
between these projections has been commented on quite widely. Never-
theless, the differences are important, and the implications for public
policy are significant. Thus, it might be worth pausing at this point
to compare the two sets of forecasts. The figures are shown in
Table 3.
For this purpose, a number of private forecasts were
reviewed, and from these a "consensus" forecast of GNP and selected
components was developed. The official Federal Government's "target"
forecast (prepared by the Council of Economic Advisers), along with
a few key components that are said to be consistent with such a target,
is shown. As a benchmark, the actual GNP estimates for 1970 are
listed.
As indicated, the official projection of $1,065 billion for
GNP in current dollars for 1971 is $15 billion above the consensus
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forecast of $1,050 b i l l i o n ^. In the official forecast, the year-to-
year increase in GNP would amount to $88.5 billion, or 9 per cent.
In the consensus forecast, the gain is projected at $73.5 billion,
or 7 1/2 per cent.
Since the official forecast includes estimates for only a
few components, it is not possible to say very much about the economic
underpinnings on which the growth in GNP is expected to rest^)# How-
ever, the broad estimates provided do spotlight a number of crucial
differences i n assumptions on the part of the Federal Government compared
with most other economists about the probable behavior of major sectors
of the economy during the current year.
Perhaps the most striking difference is the projected
behavior of consumers. In the official forecast, personal consumption
expenditures are estimated to rise by $58.3 billion to $675 billion;
this is an increase of about 9 1/2 per cent -- a rate of expansion
slightly faster than the projected rise in GNP as a whole. In the
consensus forecast, consumer spending is projected at $665 billion,
a rise of $48.3 billion -- or $10 billion smaller than in the official
projection. This would represent a gain of 7.8 per cent. The stronger
(1)In passing, I should mention that my own assessment of the
economic outlook leads me to conclusions not essentially different from
the consensus feimcast.
(2) In this presentation, I see no need to enter the controversy
over the "best" way to forecast GNP -- i.e., whether to project com-
ponents separately and add them up to get the total or whether the
total should be forecast independently of the components. But in
passing, I would observe that -- for both analytical and policy deter-
mination purposes -- some insight into the expected behavior of the
components is esstential. It should be noted that the Council supplied
the estimates of components after the $1,065 billion GNP target was
submitted in the Annual Report. The components add up to $1,067 billion,
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performance by the household sector visualized in the official
projection assumes that personal saving as a proportion of disposable
personal income would decline from 7.3 per cent in 1970 to 6.9 per
cent i n 1971. Principal factors underlying the assumed decline in
the saving rate include improving economic conditions and consumer
confidence, and rising consumer assets and liquidity. Reflecting the
higher level of residential construction and the after-effects of last
year's automobile strike, consumer expenditures for furniture, house-
hold equipment, and automobiles are also assumed to exert downward
pressure on the saving rate.
On closer examination, however, it becomes clear that the
official projection -- although not stating it explicitly -- also
assumes a much larger increase in personal income (both before and
after taxes) than that projected in the consensus forecast. Other-
wise, the official projection of a $58 billion rise in consumer
expenditures cannot be sustained. Most estimates included in the
concensus forecast put the rise in personal income in 1971 in the
neighborhood of $55 billion, the rise in after-tax income at about
$50 billion, the increase in consumer expenditures at $48 billion, and
the decline in the saving rate to around 7 per cent. Since the saving
rate is essentially the same in the official and consensus forecasts
(6.9 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively), the much larger expansion
in consumptio n outlays shown in the official projection presupposes
either a much faster rise in personal income (perhaps on the order
of $6-$8 billion) or greater relief in personal income taxes -- or
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some combination of both. It is well to keep this important point in
mind when judging the reasonableness of the two sets of forecasts.
Another significant difference in assumptions leading to
differences in the projections relates to expectations about the
behavior of expenditures for residential construction. In the official
forecast, such outlays are projected at $41 billion in 1970, compared
with $29.7 billion last year. Thus, an increase of $11.3 billion
(or nearly two-fifths) is assumed in the official estimate. In
contrast, the consensus forecast suggested a rise of $9.3 billion --
to $39 billion (or an advance of less than one-third). The official
estimate for residential construction expenditures assumes that housing
starts will climb to about 2 million in 1971, compared with 1.43 million
in 1970, an increase of about 40 per cent over last year. The central
estimate in the consensus forecast puts housing starts in 1971 in
the neighborhood of 1.9 million, an increase of roughly 33 per cent.
The much stronger performance of the housing sector visualized in
the official forecast -- 100,000 more starts and $2 billion in spending -
apparently can be traced (at least in part) to an expectation of stronger
flows of funds to savings institutions and lower mortgage rates -- both
of which in turn seem tp presuppose a greater availability of credit
than anticipated in the consensus forecast.
There is l i t t le difference between the two projections with
respect to business fixed investment. Both expect such outlays to
total about $106 billion in 1971, reflecting an increase of 3 1/2 to
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4 per cent from the previous year. With respect to investment in
business inventories, however, the official forecast assumes a much
more vigorous rise. In the official projection, the increase in
such stocks is put at $8 billion, double that assumed in the
consensus forecast. While both projections allow for some catch-up
following the automobile strike last year, the official forecast
also assumes a much more energetic expansion in the pace of economic
expansion. This in turn would give an appreciable l i ft to the rate
of inventory accumulation.
In the case of total government purchases, both projections
are fairly close together. However, they diverge somewhat with respect
to the expected behavior of the Federal vs. State and local governments.
The official forecast assumes a slightly larger decrease in Federal
spending -- and a somewhat larger increase in State and local spending --
than is assumed in the consensus forecast. The official estimate
rests heavily on expectations of an extraordinary rise in Federal
grants to State and local units as well as on the projected improvement
of the economy and the concomitant increase in State and local tax
revenues. In addition, the greater availability of credit assumed
in the official projection is expected to provide extra stimulus to
State and local spending for capital improvements. In passing, it
should be pointed out that the official assumption of a sizable rise
in Federal grants is made although the main source of the expansion --
revenue sharing, if enacted -- would not begin until the fourth quarter
of the current calendar year.
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The above analysis of the two projections leads to the
following conclusion: the official projection is much more optimistic
than the consensus forecast, and the explanation of the difference
is also clear. The official outlook visualizes powerful thrusts from
consumer spending which would stimulate business inventories as well as
outlays for residential construction. Underlying both is the critical
assumption of a significant further easing in monetary oonditions from
the already easier conditions achieved through monetary policy operations
by the beginning of this year.
Implications of the GNP Projections
The consequences of the divergent forecasts for real output,
prices and unemployment are worth noting. Again, the official projections
provide l i t t le information on expected developments with respect to
these factor s during 1971. Instead, the focus is on a longer run
horizon — mid-1972 -- and only the general direction of changes in
prices, unemployment, and real output during the current year are
indicated. It is stated that a $1,065 billion GNP in 1971 would assure
satisfactory progress toward an unemployment rate in the 4 1/2 per
cent zone and an inflation rate approaching the 3 per cent range by
mid-1972. Given the assumed growth in GNP in 1971, real output would
rise strongly, the unemployment rate would be substantially lower at
the end 6f 1971 than it was at the close of 1970, and the rate of
increase in prices would be declining through the year.
These qualitative expectations cannot be translated easily
into quantitative estimates. However, by drawing on testimony and
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coraments by Federal Government officials -- as well as by inferences
derived from the official forecast -- one can sketch the broad contours
of changes in output, unemployment, and prices consistent with the
official GNP projection. These can then be compared with the changes
implied by the consensus forecast.
The results of my own analysis suggest that the two sets
of estimates, respectively, might be in the following zones: the rise
in real output, 4 per cent vs. 2 3/4 per cent; the rate of unemploy-
ment, 5 1/2 vs. 6, and the rate of increase in prices, 5 per cent vs.
4 1/2 per cent. Even if these estimates are only approximately
correct, they put into sharp focus the probable consequences of the
alternative paths of economic performance implied by the two projections.
If the official forecast actually shouldbe achieved during 1971 -- a
point which is by no means certain -- it would probably yield a larger
gain i n real output and a larger reduction in unemployment than would
most likely occur if the consensus forecast were the outcome. On
the other hand, very l i t t le progress would be l i k e l y^ checking the rate
of Inflation. This is the dilemma which the framers of national
economic policy -- and the country at large -- must face. We shall
return to this issue in the closing section of these remarks.
The Impact of Monetary Policy
In the case of monetary policy, it is clear that the moderate
expansion of bank reserves that has been underway for more than a year
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has already had a significant impact on money and credit flows. The
evidence is summarized in Table 4. A number of conclusions are suggested
by these figures, but several should be mentioned explicitly. In
the first place, if one is to have a clear view of monetary trends, it
is of crucial importance that one avoid being trapped into following
any single statistical measure. This is particularly true if that
measure happens to be the narrowly defined money supply (currency plus
private demand deposits). As indicated in Table 4 -- so defined -- the
money supply rose by about 5 1/2 per cent in 1970, compared with 3 per
cent in 1969. During the first nine months of last year, the expansion
was close to 6 per cent at an annual rate. However, in the fourth
quarter, the annual rate dropped to 3 1/2 per cent, and it fell further
to 1 per cent in January of this year. This behavior of the narrowly
defined money supply led to a great deal of comment with a number of
observers suggesting that monetary policy should be made significantly
more stimulative.
I am personally gratified that the Federal Reserve did not
follow that advice. Instead, the System adhered to a moderate pace
of monetary growth. Simultaneously, it was pointed out that a con-
siderable amount of liquidity had been created, and much of it was
showing up in the form of time and savings deposits in commercial
banks and savings institutions. In 1970, such deposits rose by
18 1/2 per cent, and at S&Lfs and mutual savings banks the rise was
8 per cent. In the final quarter of last year, the increases were
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at annual rates of 22 per cent and 12 per cent, respectively. For both
groups, the annual rate of growth jumped to about 25 per cent in January.
Officials in the Federal Reserve also stressed that the spreading
effects of the automobile strike last fall would have an adverse impact
on the demand for money and credit. While this point appears obvious, it
apparently was given l i t t le weight by many of those who have become fascinated*
by the behavior of the narrowly defined money supply -- and were there-
by induced to urge that the Federal Reserve flood the economy with even
more liquidity. By February, as the economy began to show the effects
of the resumption of automobile production, it became even more evident
that bank credit and money would expand along with the quickening of
economic activity. In February, bank credit (as measured by the
adjusted bank credit proxy) rose at an annual rate of 13 per cent
and the narrowly defined money supply at an annual rate of 14 1/2 per
cent. If January and February changes are combined, the growth rates
of all 6f the monetary variables are higher than for 1970 as a whole,
and some of them even exceed the noticeably rapid rates of expansion
in the third quarter of last year.
The impact of sluggish economic conditions -- which were
further depressed by last fall's automobile strike -- on the behavior of
bank credit is also reflected in Table 5. As these figures show,
total loans at commercial banks declined at an annual rate of 1 per
cent during the fourth quarter but then a sharp turnaround occurred over
the first two months of this year. A marked swing in business loan
growth (from an annual rate of decline of 9 per cent to an annual rate
of growth of 10 per cent) was mainly responsible for this shift in credit
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growth. In addition to the contrast in the strength of business conditions
in the two periods, heavy repayment of bank loans out of the proceeds of
capital market financing during the fourth quarter and a sharp let up
in such repayments early this year was responsible for the differing
rates of business loan growth.
From my examination of these trends in money and credit, I
am convinced that the Federal Reserve has already gone a long way
toward providin g the reserves the economy will need to restore the
liquidity lost during the period of monetary restraint in 1969. In
fact, as I reflect on the enormous stock of short-term assets which
banks, households, business firms, and other sectors have accumulated
in the last year, I think we can -- and should — consider whether
enough liquidity has also been created to see the economy well on
its way toward generating a considerable expansion in real output in
the current year -- and this without rekindling the inflationary
pressures which are only now subsiding.
Interest Rates, Capital Flows, and the Balance of Payments
My concern for avoiding an excessive growth of credit stems
partly from the sharp fall that has already occurred in interest rates.
While the decline has been most dramatic in short-term rates, long-
term rates have also declined appreciably. Currently, yields on 3-
month U.S. treasury bills are in the neighborhood of 3.50 per cent.
In contrast, during 1969, yields on these issues reached a high of
8 per cent. In 1970, the average was close to 6 1/2 per cent. The
federal funds rate has also dropped to about 3.50 per cent — from a
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high of 9.68 per cent in 1969 and an average of 7.17 per cent last
year. The discount rate at the Federal Reserve Banks has been
reduced from 6 per cent to 4 3/4 per cent since last November.
In the capital markets, yields on U.S. Government securities
with a 10-year maturity have declined to 5 3/4 percent. In 1969,
interest rates on these issues climbed to a high of 7.84 per cent.
Reflecting the continuing heavy volume of new issues, the decline in
interest rates on corporate bonds has been somewhat smaller. For
example, yield s on new corporate issues rated Aaa declined from a
high of 9.30 per cent in 1970 to 6.76 per cent during the last week
of January. However, under the impact of a large volume of flotations,
yields backed up sharply and climbed to 7.79 per cent in the first
week of March. Subsequently, these rates eased off to a current level
of about 7.54 per cent. Rates on residential mortgages (as measured
by FNMA auction yields) have decreased from a high of 9.36 per cent in
1970 to about 7.43 per cent currently.
On balance, there might be an opportunity for some further
decline in long-term rates, particularly if the stream of new
flotations ease s up somewhat. But, in the case of short-term rates,
I personally think that the level of short-term yields may already
have dropped so far -- and so rapidly -- as to stimulate an
undesirable outflow of short-term capital from the United States.
To a considerable extent, as indicated above, this out-
flow has centered in the repayment by U.S. banks of Euro-dollars
obtained primarily through their foreign branches. As shown in Table 5,
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total Euro-dollar borrowings rose by $8 1/2 billion in 1969. Last
year, such borrowings shrank by $5.9 billion. However, three-quarters
of this amount ($4 1/2 billion) was repaid in the second half of the
year, when domestic interest rates declined sharply (both absolutely
and relative to interest rates abroad), the costs to the banks of
holding on to such funds became increasingly burdensome. For a number
of banks , the potential advantage of maintaining a reserve-free base
for Euro-dollar borrowings under Federal Reserve Board regulations
continued to be appealing.
Yet, with the progressive decline of interest rates in this
country, a growing number of banks decided they could no longer afford
to pay the differential cost of funds (perhaps on the order of 1 per-
centage point), and a substantial amount of Euro-dollar liabilities was
paid down. These liabilities (including borrowings from other institutions
as well as from foreign branches) declined by $2 1/2 billion in the third
quarter of 1970, by $2 billion in the fourth, and by another $2 billion
in the first two months of this year. The liabilities of banks to
their own foreign branches declined by $1 1/2 billion in the third
quarter of 1970, and $3 1/2 billion in the fourth quarter. So far this
year there appears to be no appreciable slowing from 1970fs second-half
rate of repayments, although the sales of $1.5 billion of special
Export-Import Bank securities to foreign branches of U.S. banks has
absorbed dollars which might well have ended up in the reserves of foreign
central banks. As of March 17, outstanding liabilities to foreign
branches amounted to abQUt $4-8 billion, compared to $14 1/2 billion in
January 1970 (the peak from which the current decline began). Even
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when the,$l 1/2 billion of Ex-Im securities are included, the amount
outstanding on March 17 ($6.3 billion) is less than one-half that of
just over a year ago. At some point, however, one might expect a
moderation in the pace of repayment of Euro-dollars -- despite the
continued somewhat higher cost of maintaining the liabilities. The
reason underlying this expectation is the need on the part of some of
the head offices of U.S. banks to hold a certain amount of Euro-dollars
as working balances and to facilitate the activities of their foreign
branches.
What I find most troubling about these outflows of short-term
capital is the fact that the funds end up in foreign central banks.
When this happens, the result is a deepening of the deficit in the U.S.
balance of payments, measured on the official settlements basis. In
1970, this deficit amounted to $10.7 billion, and the decline in liabilities
to foreign commercial banks (including branches of U.S. institutions)
accounted for three-fifths of the total. While central banks in a
number of countries have demonstrated a willingness to hold a substantial
amount of dollars in their international reserves, we can scarcely
expect them to be other than reluctant to see a significant ris6 in such
holdings. Neither can they be expected to refrain indefinitely
from exchanging some af their dollar accumulations for
other reserve assets (especially gold or SDR's).
I certainly would not like to over-emphasize the potential
problems which could arise if short-term capital outflow from the
United States continues at anything like the recent rate. Never-
theless, I doubt that anyone would argue that the international monetary
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system is strengthened by such flows. Instead, they undoubtedly
make more difficult an already hampered adjustment process in trade
and payments. They also contribute to undermining the efforts of a
number of other industrial countries to bring their own inflations
under control.
For these reasons, I believe that, in the conduct of monetary
policy in the months ahead, the Federal Reserve should give close
attention to the impact of its decisions on capital outflows.
Economic Policy for Stable Growth
Despite the constraints on monetary policy described above,
I s t i ll believe the monetary authorities have a constructive role to
play in our national efforts to spur a faster rate of economic growth.
However, in my personal opinion, that role certainly does not require
the Federal Reserve to swamp commercial banks and savings institutions
with an unbridled flood of additonal liquidity. In fact, some observers
have argued th&t the System may have already provided more reserves
than the economy can use productively in the near term. I realize,
of course , that judgments can -- and will -- differ on this point.
However, the sharp decline in short-term interest rates and the greatly
increased availability of credit certainly do suggest that the economy
is not suffering from a shortage of money.
Instead, in my opinion, there is a serious shortage of
effective demand. Neither businesses nor consumers appear willing to
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step up their rate of spending for goods and services -- which would
in turn stimulate increased production, rising employment, and a
decline in the backlog of unused plant capacity. Moreover, the
sluggish propensity to spend on the part of consumers seems to reflect
pessimistic expectations about future employment prospects and the
likelihood of a foreseeable check to inflation. Businesses -- too --
seem to be suffering from a pessimistic view of the economic outlook.
Caught in a severe profits squeeze and facing substantial excess
plant capacity, they see little need for -- and l i t t le chance
to benefit from -- a large increase in spending on new plant and
equipment in the near term. In fact, given the weakness in consumer
demand, many firms are s t i ll cutting back on the volume of current
operations. This partly explains the moderate decline in the Federal
Reserve Board's index of industrial production in February -- contrary
to a general expectation of a further rise as the economy continued to
rebound from last fall's automobile strike.
Under these circumstances, the situation may well call for
direct measures to strengthen effective demand in the private economy.
Since the major participants in the private sector (households and
businesses) apparently are unwilling to provide the autonomous support
required — that is, by spending more and saving less out of a given
income we may face a classic case that might call for action by
the Federal Government. In my opinion, if that action should be
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tequired, it could take a variety of forms. However, a key requirement is
that it work directly through the provision of inducements to consumers
to spend and inducements to business firms to undertake fixed investment.
For thi s purpose, fiscal measures are clearly the most promising.
There is no need to list an extensive catalog here, but a few examples
recommended by others can be summarized to illustrate the essence of
the point. Just this week, the Congress took two steps which should
lend some support to consumer spending in the months ahead. It quickly
passed a 10 per cent boost in Social Security payments and simultaneously
postponed the rise in payroll taxes to finance them. The base for these
taxes -- in earlier legislative plans — was scheduled to be raised from
$7,800 to $9,000 effective January, 1971. The change was delayed for
a full year. The effect of this action should be a $1.4 billion gain in
disposable personal income and a similar reduction in business costs.
It has also been suggested that scheduled reductions in personal income taxes
be accelerated. The personal exemption and the standard deduction are
scheduled to increase at the beginning of next year, increases that were
adopted as part of the tax reduction program in the Tax Reform Act of
1969. If both of these projected reductions were moved forward to this
year, they might provide an additional boost of $2 1/2 billion to
consumer's spendable income.
Still other efforts have been urged to strengthen the rate
of fixed investment. While different surveys of investment intentions
vary widely in their estimates of planned expenditures, most observes
seem to expect the rate of increase to be in the neighborhood of
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3 1/2 per,cent. Hence, there appears to be room to encourage a some-
what more vigorous effort. It will be recalled that a move has
already been undertaken to liberalize depreciation guidelines for
business equipment. This action will yield a stimulus of about $3 billion
in 1970. Beyond this, Congress has been urged to restore the invest-
ment tax credit which was repealed nearly two years ago. At that time,
some of us argued against the decision -- because we foresaw the long-
run need to strengthen investment incentives. If the tax credit were
restored, the short-run impact on after-tax profits and thus the flow
of investible funds might be around $2 1/2 billion.
If furthe r stimulation of the economy proves to be needed
(which is not certain at this time), I urge that careful consideration
be given to the fiscal approach -- rather than to the reliance on a s t i ll
easier monetary policy. On the other hand, we must be extremely careful
to insure that the steps we take and the instruments we use in the near
term do not defeat our longer-run objective: the achievement of
sustainable economic growth with a reasonable degree of price stability.
Since inflation is far from checked, we must not provide the fuel for
its rekindling before it has been effectively abated. I am personally
convinced that the zone open to the Federal Reserve System within which
to allo w a further expansion of money and credit — without adding
to inflationar y pressures -- is not very wide, and it is important that
we stay within it.
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Table 1. Amount anfr^ources of Funds Raised in Capita^j
Markets by Major Sectors, 1969 and 1970
(Amounts in billions of dollars)
1969 1970
Per cent Per cent
Sector Amount of total Amount of total
Total funds raised by nonfinancial
sectors 90.4 100.0 95.4 100.0
U. S. Government^ - 3.7 - 4.0 12.7 13.3
Public debt securities - 1.3 - 1.4 12.8 13.4
Budget Agency issues - 2.4 - 2.6 - 0.1 - 0.1
All other nonfinancial sectors 94.1 104.0 82.7 86.7
Distributuion among sectors 94.1 100.0 82.7 100.0
State and local governments 8.5 9.0 12.2 14.8
Households 32.2 34.2 21.3 25.8
Nonfinancial business 49.7 52.9 46.3 56.0
Corporate 39.1 41.6 37.9 45.8
Nonfarm noncorporate 7.4 7.9 5.1 6.2
Farm 3.2 3.4 3.3 4.0
Foreign 3.7 3.9 2.8 3.4
Sources of funds advanced 90.4 100.0 95.4 100.0
Federal Reserve System 4.2 4.7 5.0 5.2
U.S. Government 2.7 3.0 4.5 4.7
Direct 2.5 2.8 3.3 3.5
Credit agencies (net) 0.2 0.2 1.2 1.2
Funds advanced 9.0 9.9 8.8 9.2
Less funds raised in credit
market 8.8 9.7 7.6 8.0
(2)
Commercial banks, netv ' 12.2 13.5 31.1 32.6
Funds advanced 16.5 18.3 29.3 30.7
Less funds raised in credit
market 4.3 4.8 - 1.8 - 1.9
Private nonbank finance 30.4 33.7 37.3 39.1
Savings institutions, net 10.4 11.5 14.9 15.6
Insurance 21.8 24.2 23.3 24.4
Finance, N.E.C., net - 1.8 - 2.0 - 0.9 - 0.9
Private domestic nonfinancial 39.5 43.7 7.5 7.9
Business 13.8 15.3 1.9 2.0
State and local gov't., gen. 6.1 6.7 - 2.7 - 2.8
Households 18.0 19.9 7.0 7.3
Less net security credit - 1.6 - 1.8 - 1.2 - 1.3
Foreign 1.3 1.4 10.0 10.5
(1) Excludes sponsored credit agencies.
(2) Includes unconsolidated bank affiliates.
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Table 2. urces and I ces of Funds by Commer^^. Banks,
' ~ 1969 and 1970
(Amounts in billions of dollars)
19 69 19 70
Per cent Per cent
Source or Use Amount of total Amount of total
Net acquisition of financial assets 19.7 100.0 41.9 100.0
Total bank credit 16.5 83.8 29.3 69.9
Credit market instruments 17.7 89.9 27.5 65.6
U.S. Gov't, securities - 9.5 - 48.2 8.2 19.6
Direct - 9.3 - 47.2 5.2 12.4
Agency issues 1.1 5.6 3.7 8,8
Loan participation certifs. - 1.3 - 6.6 - 0.7 - 1.7
State and local obligations 0.4 2.0 11.2 26.7
Corporate bonds - 0.1 - 0.5 0.5 1.2
Home mortgages 3.0 15.2 0.9 2.1
Other mortgages 2.3 11.7 1.0 2.4
Consumer credit 3.3 16.8 1.9 4.5
Bank loans, N.E.C. 17.8 90.4 0.6 1.4
Open market paper 0.5 2.5 3.2 7.6
Security credit - 1.1 - 5.6 1.8 4.3
Loans to affiliate banks 0.6 3.0 - 0.1 - 0.2
Vault cash and member bank
reserves 0.4 2.0 2.2 5.3
Miscellaneous assets 2.2 11.2 10.5 25.1
Net increase in liabilities 18.0 100.0 39.8 100.0
Demand deposits, net 5.2 28.9 6.4 16.1
U.S. Government i< 2.7 6.8
Other 5.2 28.9 3.7 9.3
Time deposits - 9.7 - 53.9 38.0 95.5
Large negotiable CD's - 12.6 - 70.0 15.2 38.2
Other 2.9 16.1 22.8 57.3
Federal Reserve float 0.1 0.6 0.7 1.8
Borrowing at Federal Reserve Banks * * 0.2 0.5
Loans from affiliates 0.6 3,3 - 0.1 - 0.3
Bank security issues 0.1 0.6 * *
Commercial paper issues 4.2 23.3 - 1.9 - 4.8
Profit tax liabilities 0.1 0.6 0.1 0.3
Miscellaneous liabilities 17.4 96.7 - 3.7 - 9.3
Liabilities to foreign branches 7.0 38.9 - 6.1 - 15.3
Other 10.4 57.8 2.4 6.0
Discrepancy 0.3 - 0.1
Current surplus 3.1 3.0
Plant and equipment 1.0 1.1
Note: Data show combined statement for commercial banks and affiliates.
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Table 3 Projections of Gross National Product for 1971
(Amounts in billions of dollars)
Change: 1970 - 71
1971 Forecast Amount Percentage
1970 Official Official Official
Category < (Actual) Consensus Adm. Consensus Adm. Consensus Adm.
Gross National Product 976.5 1050.0 1065.0 73.5 88.5 7.5 9.1
Personal Consumption
Expenditures 616.7 665.0 675.0 48.3 58.3 7.8 9.4
Durable goods 89.4 97.0 n.a. 7.6 n.a. 8.5 n.a.
Nondurable goods 264.7 234.0 n.a. 19.3 n.a. 7.3 n.a.
Services 262.6 284.0 n.a. 21.4 n.a. 8.1 n.a.
Gross Private Domestic
Investment 135.7 149.5 155.0 13.8 19.3 10.2 14.2
Business fixed
investment 102.5 106.5 106.0 4.0 3.5 3.9 3.4
Residential construction 29.7 39.0 41.0 9.3 11.3 31.3 38.0
Change in business
inventories 3.5 4.0 8.0 0.5 4.5 14.3 128.0
Net Exports 3.6 3.5 4.0 - 0.1 0.4 - 2.8 11.2
Government Purchases 220.5 232.0 233.0 11.5 12.5 5.2 5.7
Federal 99.7 98.5 98.0 - 1.2 - 1.7 - 1.2 - 1.7
Defense 76.6 73.5 n.a. - 3.1 n.a. - 4.0 n.a.
Other 23.1 25.0 n.a. 1.9 n.a. 8.2 n.a.
State and local 120.9 133.5 135.0 12.6 14.1 10.4 11.7
n.a. Not Available.
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Table 4. Trends in Selected Monetary Variables,
1969, 1970 and January-February, 1971
(Per cent, annual rates of change)
Annual Quarterly and Monthly
1st Q. 2nd Q. 3rd Q . 4th Q. Jan. Feb. Dec.'70
1969 1970 1970 1970 1970 1970 1971 1971 Feb.'71
1. Total reserves -1.6 6.4 -2.9 2.6 19.1 6.6 12.2 11.1 11.7
2. Nonborrowed reserves -3.0 9.5 -0.4 4.1 24.4 9.4 8.8 14.9 11.9
3. Currency plus private demand
deposits 3.1 5.4 5.9 5.8 6.1 3.4 1.1 14.5 7.8
4. Commercial bank time and
savings deposits -5.0 18.4 1.4 14.1 32.2 21.8 25.5 28.6 27.3
a. large CD's -53.3 132.4 9.5 61.8 256.2 79.4 50.9 12.4 31.9
b. other time and savings 1.4 11.5 0.9 11.3 16.5 15.4 22.3 30.5 26.7
5. Savings deposits at mutual
savings banks and S&L's 3.4 7.8 2.5 7.0 9.3 11.5 25.3 13.4 19.5
6. Adjusted bank credit proxy n.a. 8.3 0.5 6.5 17.2 8.3 10.5 13.3 12.0
Concepts of Money
7. Mx: (3) 3.1 5.4 5.9 5.8 6.1 3.4 1.1 14.5 7.8
8. M2: (3) + (4b) 2.4 8.2 3.4 8.4 11.0 9.2 11.5 22.4 17.0
9. M3: (3) + (4b) + (5) 2.8 7.9 2.7 7.9 10.3 9.7 14.2 21.5 18.0
!
n.a. Not available.
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Table 5. Changes in Bank Credit and Related Measures,
1969, 1970 and January-February, 1971
1969 1970 1971
First Second Third Fourth First
Year Year Half Half Qtr. Qtr. 2 months
(Seasonally adjusted annual rate) (per cent)
Total bank credit 1/ 4.0 7.4 4.5 10.1 13.9 6.1 15.2
U.S. Government securities -15.7 11.8 8.5 14.4 25.9 2.8 16.5
Other securities 20.1 10.4 28.3 20.3 34.5 29.4
Loans 1/ 9.9 3.4 2.4 4.4 9.8 -1.0 10.9
Business loans 1/ 13.1 2.1 8.1 -3.7 1.8 -9.2 9.7
In billions of dollars
Euro-dollar borrowing (including
from other than branches) 8.5 -5.9 -1.4 -4.5 -2.5 -2.0 -2.1
Bank-related commercial paper 4.3 -1.9 3.3 -5.3 -3.0 -2.3 -0.4
1/ Adjusted for transfers of loans between banks and their affiliates.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1971, March 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710319_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19710319_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710319_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}