speeches · February 11, 1971
Speech
Darryl R. Francis · President
ECONOMIC OUTLOOK FOR 1971
Speech Presented by Darryl R. Francis,
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
at National Mortgage Banking Conference
Chase-Park Plaza Hotel
February 12, 1971
I am pleased to have the opportunity to discuss with
you the economic outlook for 1971. The implications of national
economic trends for your industry are too obvious for me to belabor
here. Consequently, I feel that I can be most useful to you by
discussing trends in the national economy as we see them evolving
at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.
I would like to discuss three topics with you. First,
I will review the developments of the 1960's which led to our
current inflation. Second, I will summarize the present situation,
and, third, will give our outlook for 1971.
Review of the 1960's
In reviewing the developments of the 1960's which
produced our current problem of curbing inflation, I refer you
to several charts. The first chart (Figure 1) is "Demand and
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Production." The top line, labeled "Total Spending," defined as
gross national product in current dollars, is the total spending
of households, business firms, and governments (state, local, and
Federal) on goods and services — the total dollar volume spent on
final goods and services. Total spending moves upward for two
reasons: (1) a larger quantity is purchased, or (2) higher prices.
The second line, labeled "Real Product," is real gross
national product. It is quantity produced, or physical volume.
This measure of real output increases for the reason that more and
more units are produced.
A problem in economics is that unit sales of real product
can increase only so much a year when we are at full-production
employment of our resources, particularly labor force and plant
capacity. Given such conditions, output can grow over time only
as our resources grow and our technology progresses. So we are
limited at full employment to a growth rate of about 4 per cent
each year for real output. In some years real product growth,
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however, may depart from 4 per cent, for example when we come out
of a recession, as in the early 1960's.
Look now at the gap between the two lines. The gap
represents price increases; that is, were it not for changes in
prices, total spending and real product would be identical. When
these two lines diverge, this represents inflation, and when the
gap widens it represents an acceleration of inflation. As an
approximate guide to the rate of inflation on this chart, subtract
the rate of increase of real product from the rate of increase of
total spending. Chart 2 presents movements in the general price
level.
With the aid of these two charts, let us now examine
the course of our economy from the early 1960's to the present.
Look now at the early years of the 1960's. We had an expansion
from the first quarter of 1962 to the fourth quarter of 1964, with
total spending growing at a 6.1 per cent annual rate and real
product at a 4.6 per cent rate. This was a period when the unemploy
ment rate persisted near the 6 per cent range. Subtracing 4.6 from
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6.1, we find that prices rose at about a 1.5 per cent annual rate.
Economists do not label that as inflation because we know there is
great imprecision in our measurement of price increases. So a 1.5
per cent rate of price rise is considered sort of a normal
situation, particularly when you take into consideration quality
changes for the goods which make up our gross national product.
Then, in 1964 we began to have an acceleration of total
spending which rose from the fourth quarter of 1964 to the fourth
quarter of 1966 at a 9.3 per cent annual rate. This was the period
of the acceleration of the Vietnam War and an acceleration of non-
defense expenditures. Many analysts have lost sight of the fact
that nondefense expenditures accelerated just as rapidly in this
period as defense expenditures. This was thus a period in which
we had a very rapid increase in total Federal government spending.
While total spending rose at a 9.3 per cent rate, real
product rose in the early part of this period to an 8.2 per cent
annual rate because we still had considerable slack in our economy,
this period the unemployment rate moved down to 4 per cent. This
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was a period in which plant capacity utilization increased into the
mid-90 per cent level. In about the fourth quarter of 1965 our
economy peaked out; and we hit our full employment rate of growth.
We could not expand output any faster because we did not have idle
resources which could be pulled into use.
Real output grew at a 4.9 per cent annual rate, and that
is the point where the gap between total spending and real output
growth widened; this is where we began to have an acceleration of
inflation. There was a slight economic pause in late 1966 and early
1967. Then, from the second quarter of 1967 to the second quarter
of 1968, total spending again rose at a 9 per cent annual rate and
real product at a 5 per cent rate, resulting in a 4 per cent rate of
inflation. Then, for the period from mid-1968 to mid-1969, total
spending growth slowed to a 7.8 per cent rate. As a result, some
economic slack developed, but inflation jumped to about a 5 per cent
rate.
Let us now examine the contributions of monetary and
fiscal actions to the economic developments I have just outlined.
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The chart labeled "Money Stock" (Figure 3) shows the contribution
of monetary policy to our present economic situation. At the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis we use the rate of change of the
nation's money stock to indicate the influence of Federal Reserve
action on economic activity. By Federal Reserve action I mean
changes in the discount rate, in reserve requirements, but more
importantly, changes in our open market purchases of government
securities. Whenever the rate of increase of money accelerates,
it is an expansionary monetary action. When it goes from a high
rate to a lower rate of growth, this is a restrictive monetary
action.
Consider now the course of the money stock from 1962 to
the present. We find that from late 1962 to mid-1965 the money
stock rose at a 3.9 per cent rate. This period was one of sustained
expansion without rising inflation. The money stock from May 1965
to April 1966 rose at a 6.3 per cent rate. That represented a
marked acceleration, and at that time it was the fastest rate of
growth in the nation's money stock since the inflationary days of
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the Korean War. Then, as you remember well, came the credit crunch
of 1966, when the money stock did not rise at all for about 8 or 9
months.
Starting with January 1967 and carrying through to
January 1969, the nation's money stock rose at a 7.6 per cent
annual rate. This was the fastest rate of growth in money since
the inflationary days of World War II. Since early 1969, monetary
policy has been characterized by a slowdown in the first half of
1969 to a 5.1 per cent rate of growth in money, virtually no change
in the last half of 1969, and slightly over a 5 per cent rate of
growth in 1970.
The chart of Federal Budget Influence (Figure 4) shows
the high-employment budget surplus or deficit. The present
administration is using this budget concept for planning economic
stabilization policy, but in the 1960's it was used as an indicator
of fiscal influence. This concept shows what the budget surplus
or deficit would be if we had full employment. It moves primarily
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when we have a change in the taxing provisions of the Federal
government or changes in the rate of increase of government
expenditures. When this line moves up, it indicates restraint;
and when the line moves down, it indicates a stimulus emanating
from the Federal budget.
For 1962 and 1963 we had a budget surplus by this measure
of about $10 to $15 billion. That sharp break in 1964 reflected
the tax cuts of 1964 which carried on into 1965. Then you see the
steady movement downward to the greater and greater stimulus of
mid-1965 to mid-1968. This represents, first, the acceleration of
the Vietnam War expenditures, and, second, the acceleration of non-
defense expenditures. By mid-1968, this measure was in deficit by
$15 billion.
By mid-1969, this measure of fiscal actions indicated
fiscal restraint. It had moved sharply upward to a surplus of $10
billion as a result of the income surtax plus the Expenditure Control
Act of mid-1968. The movement was downward again in 1970, reflecting
the phasing-out of the surtax and rising nondefense expenditures.
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From this review of monetary and fiscal actions we can
conclude that during the period of the 1960's when we had acceler
ation of inflation, there were two important forces at work. First,
fiscal policy was stimulative, and, second, monetary actions were
also stimulative. This course of policy on the part of our
national government, according to my view, was the main cause for
our present inflation.
The Present Situation
Now I would like to review briefly the present situation
as a jumping-off point for analyzing 1971. There are several
observations I would make regarding the present situation.
First, a very important point: we have only had restraint
for about two and one-half years. We had restraint starting with the
fiscal actions of mid-1968 and the monetary actions in 1969. Even
though we have had restraint for about two and one-half years, very
little progress has been made in the fight against inflation.
In 1969 inflation actually accelerated to about a 5.5 per cent
annual rate on a GNP deflator basis. And, in 1970, the rate of
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inflation slowed down very little, maybe 1 percentage point. So
I might say that we have made very little progress at the present
time in the fight against inflation. Also, we have had rising
unemployment, particularly in 1970, when we reached an unemploy
ment rate of 6.2 per cent in December.
Why was this situation allowed to develop? I think
the first reason, which really became obvious about a year ago,
is that inflation carries on under its own power, under what I
call an inflationary momentum. When we exercised restraint in
late 1968 and early 1969, inflation had been growing for about
four years. This high and accelerating inflation was the jumping-
off point for exercising restraint. With the inflationary
momentum that had developed, the initial impact of restraint
was on employment and output rather than on prices.
Another reason for the very slow fight we have had
against inflation is that very mild restraint has been applied
thus far. We have not exercised great restraint on total spend
ing in the economy. The surtax was only temporary, and we have
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had very mild monetary restraint. We have not reduced the nation's
money stock; we only leveled it out for about six months and then
have had a fairly rapid growth in money.
Finally, the adjustment so far in terms of output has
been very mild compared with other episodes of the 1950's. This
has been a saucer recession, a plateau essentially, with a very
mild decrease in real output in the last part of 1969 and early
1970. Since then it has remained flat. We have not had a wide
swing in real output. Also, unemployment has crept up more
slowly in this recession than in the previous recessions follow
ing World War II.
Outlook For 1971
With this background let us examine the outlook for 1971.
I might state that this outlook has to be very limited because I am
an official in the Federal Reserve System. I cannot give you a very
exact outlook, because that would hinge on my view of what Federal
Reserve policy will be. I certainly could not disclose that, even
if I knew what policy was going to be for the balance of this year.
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What I have done is to develop the outlook for 1971 in
terms of two hypothetical rates of growth of the money stock. One
is a 5 per cent rate of growth of money from the fourth quarter of
1970 to the fourth quarter of 1971. This is about the rate of in
crease we had in 1970. It represents a continuation of the recent
trend.
The second assumed path of monetary actions is an 8 per
cent rate of growth of money which would be a substantial relaxation
of monetary policy and would provide added stimulus to the economy.
Of course, there are many persons who advocate this sort of a
stabilization policy. For government expenditures we are taking
the recent budget measures as a basis of inferring an amount for
each of the four quarters of 1971.
We estimate that nominal GNP (total spending) will rise at
about a 6 per cent rate throughout each of the quarters of 1971 if
we have a 5 per cent rate of growth of money. But what is more
important are the implications of this alternative for growth in
real product. This rate of monetary expansion will produce slow
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growth in the first half of the year of about 1.6 or 1.7 per cent
annual rate. Then for the last half of the year output growth will
average about a 3.5 per cent annual rate of increase. This would be
very moderate expansion, with some growth in the first half of the
year and a moderate pick-up in the last half. I might add that these
estimates do not allow for the distorting factors relating to catch-up
production after the auto strike or stockpiling of steel in anticipation
of a strike.
What are the prospects for prices? I am a little less
than optimistic with regard to our fight against inflation. It has
been our view for the past two years that it would take from three
to five years to curb inflation. We have had two years of this
process already, so in another couple of years we could see the end
of significant inflation if money continues to grow only moderately.
Assuming a 5 per cent growth rate in money, we estimate that the
rate of increase of prices, as measured by the GNP deflator, will
gradually decrease during 1971 from about the present 5 per cent
to a little under a 4 per cent rate a year from now.
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We estimate that unemployment will be a little above 6
per cent by the end of 1971. We already had a 6.2 per cent rate
in December, but the General Motors strike tended to distort that
figure. In other words, unemployment as a per cent of the civilian
labor force has probably peaked, but will remain at a high level in
1971.
Turning to the other alternative, an 8 per cent rate of
increase in money, we believe there would be a moderate increase
in real output, in the first quarter at a 2.2 per cent rate, up to
a 3.4 per cent rate, and then averaging about a 6 per cent rate over
the last half of the year. This would represent a fairly substantial
recovery from our present recession. As a result of having real
output grow at a rate faster than potential at the end of the year,
we would find the unemployment rate peaking at 5.8 per cent and then
working down to 5.6 in the fourth quarter of 1971. We still would
have an average 5.7 per cent unemployment rate and a 4.5 rate of
inflation for the year.
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Summary
Now I would like to summarize briefly my remarks. I think
ray 1971 outlook is for a very slow recovery in real output during
the first half of the year and only a moderate pick-up in the second
half. The extent of these movements will depend in considerable
measure on Federal Reserve policy. Under present policy we would
have only a moderate pick-up but there would be a more substantial
pick-up if we had a more rapid rate of increase in the money stock.
We could have the unemployment rate decreasing by the end of 1971
if we had a more rapid growth of money, but this policy should
take into consideration some implications for the years after 1971.
Faster money growth runs a great risk of rekindling inflationary
pressures. In that case, while we would make gains against
unemployment, we would find ourselves in a position of having
to fight inflation at a later date in 1972, 1973, or 1974. And,
at that time, it would become more difficult yet to curb inflation.
It would take greater effort, greater restraint, and, in my opinion,
much greater loss of output and a greater rise in unemployment than
we have had up to now.
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(1)
Demand and Production
Ratio Scale Ratio Scale
Quarterly Totals of Annual Rates
Trillions of Dollars Seasonally Adjusted Trillions of Dollars
1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
GNP in current dollars. Source: U.S. Department of Commerce
GNP in 1958 dollars.
Percentages are annual rates of change for periods indicated.
Latest data plotted:3rd quarter
Prepared by Federal Reserve Bank of St, Louis
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(2)
G e n e r al P r i ce I n d ex
1964 1965 1966 1967 1963 1969 . 1970 1971
*As used in National Income Accounts Source-. U.S. Department of Commerce
Percentages are annual rates of change for periods indicated.
Latest data plotted: 4ih quarter preliminary
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(3)
Money Stock
Ratio Scale Ratio Scale
Monthly Averages of Daily Figures
Billions of Dollar:;
Seasonally Adjusted
+6.3%
191692 62 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1963 1969 1970
Percentages are annual rates of change for periods indicated.
Revised series - November 1970.
Latest data plotted: December
Prepared by Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
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(4)
Federal
Budget
S t i m u l us or Restraint
Quarterly Totals at Annual Rates
Billions of Dollars Billions of Dollars
Seasonally Adjusted
20
15
10
5
\
j
\
0
-5
-10
-15
V
-20
1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1960 1969 1970
Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
*The High-Employment Budget, first published by the Council of Economic Advisers.
Latest data plotted: 3rd quarter
Prepared by Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
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Cite this document
APA
Darryl R. Francis (1971, February 11). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710212_francis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19710212_francis,
author = {Darryl R. Francis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1971},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19710212_francis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}