speeches · July 22, 1970
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release Washington AMfS
Friday, July 24, 1970
ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE
OUTLOOK FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
Remarks By
Andrew F Brimmer
0
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before a Dinner Meeting
of the
Chamber of Commerce
Monrovia, Liberia
Thursday, July 23, 1970
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ECONOMIC TRENDS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE
OUTLOOK FOR DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
I am flattered by the opportunity to address this assembly of
Liberian business and professional men and Government officials. I am
especially pleased to see so many Americans in the audience. Unlike
many American Negroes who have only recently discovered the rich tradi-
tions which have bound our countries together for nearly 150 years, I
was introduced to Liberia as a small child. I learned of your legacy
not simply as a story of black people returning to Africa but as the
romance of an epic journey from slavery to freedom. So for a number
of years, I have looked forward to the day when I could visit this land.
I have long been aware of the close economic ties between our
countries. Today, I would like to reflect on the links between the present
and prospective contours of economic trends in the United States and other
industrialized nations and the future course of probable development in
Liberia and other developing countries. Clearly the prosperity and
growth of these nations depend heavily on the sustained economic growth
of the advanced countries which provide the major export markets as well
as the principal source of capital and technological resources to promote
rapid economic development. Therefore, it is important that the advanced
countries maintain their own economic strength, if they are to support
the aspirations of the developing countries.
*Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to Messrs. Murray Wernick and Samuel Pizer of
the Board's staff for assistance in the preparation of these remarks.
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I am fully conscious of the crucial role of the United States
in aiding the growth of the developing countries. At the present time,
our responsibili ties in this respect require that we bring an end to
the inflationary pressures which are still present in our own economy.
This is proving to be a longer and more difficult task than some of us
had hoped.
Even a brief survey of the economic scene in the United States
provides a reasonably firm basis for assessing the outlook for the next
few years:
The American economy is finally responding to the
restrictive monetary and fiscal policies followed
for the last year or so, and we are making genuine
progress in moderating an overheated economy. Yet,
strong upward pressures on costs and prices are
still evident. Thus, the time has not come for
us to give up the campaign against inflation.
- While the distortions produced by inflation are
still bein g corrected, several indications
suggest that moderate economic expansion will
resume in the near future. For example, the
output of goods and services (corrected for
price changes) apparently rose slightly in the
last quarter -- after declining during the
preceding six months.
Looking farther ahead over the next two or
three years, we can expect continued strong
demands for goods and services in the United
States. In fact, it seems highly likely that
total demands on the American economy will far
exceed the economy's potential. Thus, the
shadow of persistent inflationary pressures will
continue to cloud the outlook. Consequently, we
will have to continue our reliance on stabiliza-
tion policies to keep inflation under control.
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- Moreover, it appears that the United States
will not face these difficulties alone. Most
of the other major industrial countries may
also have to cope with the same kinds of demands
on resources -- which might generate the same
kinds of upward pressures on prices and interest
rates.
Under these circumstances, the road ahead for
developing countries may be a difficult one to
travel. While they will face increasingly strong
needs to lift their standards of living, the
availability of financial and other resources
from developed countries to assist them may be
considerably less than required.
Expanding demand in industrial countries may
provide a growing market for the exports of
developing countries. However, there is a
real danger that spreading protectionist
devices in developed countries -- including
the United States -- may undercut the progress
already achieved at such substantial costs.
The heavy demands for capital on all fronts
may seriously limit the pace of development
for most countries struggling to get ahead.
Given the unpromising outlook in most advanced
countries for further expansions in official
foreign aid, it appears that developing nations
will have to rely increasingly on private
investment if they are to make genuine headway.
Because of this conjuncture of circumstances,
the international financial policies of the
developed countries will be of vital importance
to developing areas. In particular, the
industrial nations -- including the United States —
will have to ensure that measures taken to protect
their own balance of payments do not place undue
burdens on those countries trying to enter the
mainstream of economic progress.
In the rest of these remarks, these main points are amplified
further.
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The Battle Against Inflation in the United States
For this audience, there is no need to dwell on the origins
of the current inflation in the United States. It will be recalled
that it was propelled by a business investment boom and the accelera-
tion of the Vietnam War in mid-1965. At that time, the economy was
already on the eve of full employment, pushed forward partly by public
policies designed to stimulate fuller use of the nation's physical and
manpower resources. The rapid rise in demands for goods and services
for military and business purposes added to an already expanding
economy and resulted in the rapid acceleration of inflation we have
seen in the last five years.
Over the last year, however, as a result of restrictive
monetary and fiscal policies, we have been making significant progress
in eliminating excess demand in the American economy. The rate of
economic expansion has slowed appreciably, and some slack has developed
in markets for labor and other resources. There has been no growth
in real output for the last nine months. Employment has declined, and
the unemployment rate has risen significantly. Unused industrial
capacity has increased, profits have fallen, and investment in plant
and equipment has begun to slow appreciably. Thus, measured by any
standard, the economy has been operating well below its potential.
However, while we have succeeded in erasing excess demand
in our economy, we are still experiencing strong upward pressures on
costs and prices. The distortions resulting from the past persistent
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rise in prices have become deeply rooted. Expectations of consumers,
businesses, and workers have not yet fully adjusted to the current
balance of aggregate demand and supply.
Progress in getting inflation under control in the United
States has been slow, and the effort itself has caused difficulties
in many sectors of the economy. But there is reason to believe that
we are making headway. The rate of productivity growth in manufacturing --
which showed little change last year -- is now improving noticeably.
This turnaround has been reflected in a slowing in unit labor costs --
which in turn should temper price rises. There have also been a
number of signs recently of a moderation of increases in prices in
several major areas. Wholesale food prices have declined, and
especially encouraging has been the slower rise in the prices of a
number of important industrial commodities.
There are also indications that economic progress will be
resumed in the near future. Real output which declined for two
quarters rose slightly in the April-June months. To an important
extent, the economic adjustment that has been underway reflected
efforts of businesses to bring excessive inventories into better
balance with final sales. This apparently has been largely accom-
plished, and as sales strengthen, inventories are likely to be
replenished. In addition, both monetary and fiscal policies have
become somewhat less restrictive in recent months, and interest rates
have begun to decline. With rates declining and money more readily
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available, a significant recovery in home construction and State and
local government outlays should become more apparent in the near future
and should act to bolster aggregate demands. At the same time, prob-
able declines in capital spending and in defense outlays should serve
to limit the upswing.
If we continue to pursue appropriate stabilization policies,
and I think we will, there should not be any re-emergence of excessive
demand pressures later this year or in 1971. Thus, with reasonable
confidence, I look forward to a resumption of sustainable economic
growth as well as to further diminution in the rate of advance in
prices over the next year and a half.
A Longer View of Economic Prospects
Looking farther down the road perhaps two or three years
from now, I see internal demands for improving our standard of living and
increasing our productive capacity continuing to provide strong
underpinnings to the United States1 economy. Of course, both internal
and external demands are limited by the real rate of growth in the
economy. Over the next few years, it seems highly likely that total
demands on the economy will far exceed the economy's potential. This
prospect raises the specter of continued inflationary pressures and
the need for the continuation of stabilization policies to keep infla-
tion under control. But it also means public policy will continually
be faced with establishing priorities among those competing for the
available goods and services.
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It may be helpful to get a better grasp of some of the
constraints the United States is likely to face in the near future.
For this purpose, it would be useful to present some rough estimates
of the potential output 3 years from now and some of the more pressing
internal demands that we now foresee. With a resumption of real growth
in output, productivity in the private economy should reach
about 3.2 per cent per year by 1973. If unemployment is held to about
4.0 per cent of the labor force, the potential growth of real gross
national product (GNP) for our country in the next few years should
increase to about 4.3 per cent a year. By 1973, with allowance for
the present under-utilization of resources, this would mean a GNP in
1969 dollars of around $1.1 trillion. I realize that the prospective
rise in productivity m the United States may appear low in comparison
with trends in some other countries, but it mainly reflects a large
and growing percentage of personal consumption expenditures devoted
to medical, educational, and personal services where productivity gains
are limited by high labor intensity.
The potential growth of the American economy will also reflect
the expansion of resources available to the Government from what
economists have defined as a "fiscal dividend,11 a gain in revenue that
automatically accrues, even with an unchanged tax structure, as the
economy grows. Total receipts of Federal, State, and local governments
(excluding grants-in-aid to States and localities) are expected to increase
over the next decade at an average rate of around 7 per cent per year.
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Savings that might result from declines in defense spending in the next
year or two may be used for other social programs in later years. How-
ever, defense budgets will probably become stable and there are not
likely to be continuous cutbacks in defense spending that might yield
funds for alternative uses in the longer-run.
At first glance, it would seem that with all our available
resources, we could meet both public and private needs. But a brief
review of some of the major claims on national output (including public
programs already in existence) may help bring the problem into focus.
A projection of the claims on our national output suggests that the
Federal Government's budget will most likely be just as tight in 1973
as in the current year. In great part, these budget pressures reflect
a greater social awareness of the needs of the disadvantaged -- whether
because of advanced age, race, or urban locality -- and funds for these
programs are expected to compete with the more traditional requirements
of national security and health and welfare demands. To these demands,
the American people are also increasingly adding a high social priority
for clean air and water and the preservation of our natural resources
of all types.
These important social goals, moreover, must compete for their
share of GNP with strong private demands. Demographic factors in the
United States are now particularly favorable to a consumer boom, and
the pent-up demand for housing (which has resulted from the slowdown
in residential construction activity in 1966 and 1969-70) will intensify
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the pressures. Business requirements for expanding inventory outlays
and plant and equipment expenditures are also likely to be exceedingly
intense.
Thus, pressure on resources and the curtailment of excess
demands will have to be limited by appropriate monetary and fiscal
policies.
Personal consumption. Significant changes in the age
composition of the population and labor force over the next few years
will contribute to a high rate of economic growth. But at the same
time they are likely to affect patterns of household consumption as
well as the level of investment in plant and equipment, the volume of
residential construction, and the types of public programs which will
be given high priority. Because of a large increase in births in the
immediate post-World War II years, the population between the ages of
20 and 35 is increasing rapidly -- an age group with a very high pro-
pensity to consume. In the five years ending in 1973, the number in
this age group may increase by 7.5 million. Most of these young adults
will enter the labor force, a fact which explains the expected increases
in the growth of the civilian labor force from an average of 1.2 mil-
lion per year in the 1960rs to 1.5 million per year in the decade of
the 1970fs. The number of marriages will also increase sharply, and
as a consequence, net household formation is expected to jump by almost
20 per cent.
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These demographic changes probably mean not only a higher
propensity to consume but also a lower saving ratio than we have
experienced in recent years. These young families, despite their
more altruistic ideals, for the most part will still want new cars,
appliances, furniture, recreation and all the other goods and services
which an affluent society has lead them to expect. These outlays will
probably result in a higher percentage of disposable income being
devoted to durable goods and a somewhat lower percentage to nondurables
and savings.
Business investment in plant and equipment. The growth in
real private business investment outlays in the United States has been
very rapid, averaging about 6.5 per cent annually in the I9601 s -- well above
the 2.7 per cent annual growth in fixed investment during the 1950fs.
In 1969, real plant and equipment expenditures increased by 7.0 per
cent.
Part of this unusually large volume of investment in recent
years is undoubtedly attributable to inflationary psychology. The
rapid rise in the price of plant and equipment, especially in con-
struction costs, has caused business to push ahead with new programs,
even when the need for these facilities was not urgent. As price in-
creases moderate, this source of stimulus should fade.
However, strong consumer demand (especially for durables
with their greater capital investment requirements), the expected
demand from the public sector (particularly for urban transportation
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systems), and requirements for changes in the production process
which will curtail pollution of the environment will undoubtedly
generate large capital requirements. In addition, the need to keep
up with accelerating technological advances implies large future
capital expenditures. Moreover, businessmen seem to be increasingly
aware of long-term trends in the economy and are planning their
investments accordingly, with less regard than previously to short-
term fluctuations, and greater attention to the prospective rise in
unit labor costs. All this suggests heavy demands for capital funds
and continuing pressure on capital markets.
Residential construction. The goals of the housing industry
are equally impressive, and they have been clearly defined by our
Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968. This legislation calls
for the construction of 26 million new homes over a 10 year period;
the rehabilitation of scores of urban centers throughout the country,
and the creation of 110 new cities. These requirements reflect the
backlog of housing demand from the severe curtailment of home building
in 1966 and again in 1969-70 due to restrictive monetary policies,
the large increase in household formation and rising incomes. The
legislation was also influenced by the recognition that continued
urban sprawl would create almost insurmountable transportation
difficulties. For some time yet, workers will continue to move
farther from their work into the suburbs, and in some cases, plants
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and service facilities have moved out to these workers -- but the
rehabilitation of center city housing must be part of the solution.
The public sector. As I have mentioned, governments at
all levels in the United States are under great pressure to expand
existing social programs and to embark on new ones. Yet, without
new changes in our tax laws, demands for personal consumption and
private domestic investment are likely to absorb most of the increase
in real GNP which may accrue through 1973. When the Council of
Economic Advisers added up competing demands on output earlier this
year, it found that -- even with no increase in public expenditures
by governments -- claims against our potential GNP would just about
equal gross national product in 1972. Only in 1973 did the Council
suggest that an anticipated rise in public expenditures of $3 to $4
billion might be possible. The reason for this is that with actual
GNP below potential and because of the loss of revenue due to the
changes in the tax law in 1969, there will be -- at best -- only a
modest net gain in revenue until 1973. In the interim, most of the
additional Federal funds for social and environmental problems must
come from the projected decline in defense spending.
In these projections, the Council of Economic Advisers also
foresaw a shift of funds from Federal expenditures to State and local
governments.
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Despite an increase in Federal aid to the State and local
governments, which have primary responsibility for the adminis-
tration of many important social programs, the States them-
selves will have to raise considerably more funds. About one-third
of the projected increase in estimated expenditures will be directly
attributable to population increases, and the remainder was allocated
toward higher real per capita services provided by the State and local
governments. This projected increase in quality, however, is less than the
actual increase from 1962-1968, and it is certain that there will be
considerable pressure for additional funds to improve the standard of
living of poor families, to mitigate the hardships of the urban environ-
ment, and to preserve our natural environment for our expanding popula-
tion. All together, despite the substantial rise expected in the level
of public spending, this package will leave most Americans disappointed.
Outlook for Developing Countries
In the face of this inevitable and universal pressure of
demands for goods and services of all types in the United States and
other industrial nations, there will be even stronger desires and
greater needs for improvements in the living standards of developing
countries. What can we say about the ways in which flows of real and
financial resources between the developed and less-developed worlds
will be influenced by these intensified demands?
Let me stress at the outset that, in these general remarks,
I am aware of the great differences among the developing countries.
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Some will be in a better position than others to benefit from grow-
ing foreign markets or to take care of their own developmental needs.
On this occasion, my primary purpose is to assess in broad terms the
implications for developing areas over the next few years of trends
that are already under way in the industrial regions of the world.
Foreign trade. As far as trade flows are concerned, the
industrial countries will need much greater quantities of primary
materials produced in the rest of the world, and the prices of these
commodities are likely to rise substantially. Moreover, if we are
correct about the intense pressure on the availability of labor and
other resources to meet future demands in the industrial countries,
we should envisage a rising flow of manufactures into these countries
from the countries where such resources are underemployed. I will
come back to this point in a moment.
Meanwhile, the developing countries will have faster population
growth than the industrial nations and a much greater absolute gap between
needs and resources -- and they will have an accelerating demand for the
products of the industrial nations. Consequently, it would seem likely that
net merchandise imports of the developing countries as a group should be
expected to rise. This is simply another way of saying that developed countries
as a whole will encounter a rising demand to provide part of the real resources
needed for economic progress in the less-developed areas.
We are very much concerned in the United States that the
developed countries of the world recognize that these development needs
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have to be accommodated within their overall balance of payments objectives.
It seems to me that if we are not careful the measures taken to deal
with our excessive domestic demands, and to generate balance of payments
surpluses, may conflict with the needs of the developing countries.
One obviously contradictory domestic policy stand is the
attempt to protect industries from external competition. To do so in
the face of a long-term prospect of excessive pressure on domestic
supply capabilities is clearly counterproductive. It seems to me to
make a great deal of sense to open up our markets to goods available
abroad. Beyond that, we should make a special effort to encourage
countries with unemployed resources to develop them more effectively,
with the potential of export markets in the industrial countries
acting as an incentive. If we could move this process along fast
enough,it could help to solve the problems of both groups of countries.
But experience shows that it will take determined policy measures to
reduce existing barriers to trade. As you know, it is difficult at
times -- and the present is an example -- not to lose ground in the
movement toward freer trade.
By the same token, I do not believe that less-developed
countries can help themselves in the long run by trying to encourage
industrial development behind a barricade against imports. It will
certainly not be possible to create industries capable of competing for
export markets, or satisfying domestic requirements at reasonable cost,
if suc h industries are either inherently non-competitive for various
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reasons, or if their operating costs are raised by tariffs on the
materials or equipment they use in production.
For the foreseeable future, then, we must anticipate that
developing countries will be net importers of goods and services on a
large scale -- and that individual countries will not automatically
follow policies to f i ll that gap.
International capital flows. That brings us to the problems
of financing. What we have said about the intense demand pressures
to be expected in the industrialized countries implies a continuing
strong demand for capital. The cost of capital will be high, and the
task of allocating capital availabilities so as to satisfy high priority
social needs will be formidable. It will not be easy to fit into this
picture the mounting flow of financing to developing countries that
will be required. Unless strenuous efforts are made, I would doubt
very much that a sufficient flow of financing can be generated.
As I stressed above, national governments in industrial
countries are confronted with aggregate plans for expenditures at
home that will require very high levels of taxation if inflationary
borrowing in their own capital markets is to be avoided. There will
be considerable resistance to including in their budgets larger amounts
for foreign assistance.
According to reports of the Development Assistance Committee
of the OECD, the net flow of official financial resources from member
countries averaged a little over $6 billion a year from 1961 to 1966 and
was about $7 billion in 1967 and 1968. There was only a small upward
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trend over the period. I doubt that figures for 1969 and 1970,
which are not yet available on a global basis, will show much of a
change. Taking into account price increases over the period, and
rising interest charges on that part of the flow involving credits
rather than grants, there has probably been little if any increase
in the financing flow in real terms. Over the whole period, the share
of the United States in the official resources provided by the DAC member
countries has been about 50 per cent. For all DAC members together, the net
flow of financial resources to developing countries both official and private
equalled about 1 per cent of their combined national incomes in 1968.
There are many efforts at all levels to find ways to increase the
official flow — and to make it more productive. In the United States, we would
like to see more use of the multilateral agencies in this process, less tying of
aid to exports of individual donor countries, and more recognition of the
problems of debt financing -- especially when credits are at high
interest rates and for relatively short maturities. I do not have
to recite all the problems — they have recently been analyzed in
the reports of the Pearson Commission, sponsored by the World Bank,
and the Peterson Report, reviewing the United States1 experience
with foreign assistance.
My point is that a very great effort will be necessary on
the part of the Governments of the developed countries to raise
future flows of developmental assistance. They will have to convince
their citizens that this is a high priority national objective; they
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will have to make room in tight budgets; they will have to find ways
to make the aid process more efficient, and they will have to avoid
the build-up of crushing burdens of debt repayments. For my part, I
would be prepared to work very hard to bring about a larger and more
efficient assistanc e effort. But 1 also want to stress that recipient
countries must understand that we are not talking about providing
excess resources, we are talking about the sharing of scarce resources.
And this process will not work at all unless the resources are really
put to work in the recipient countries. The more evidence we can show
that the aid process is achieving its developmental goals, the easier
it is for us in the industrialized countries to convince our citizens
that they should finance the process through their tax payments.
Private capital movements. The place of private foreign
financing for development is a good deal more controversial, as we
all know. Nevertheless, I think it is necessary to take a fresh look at
both the costs and benefits of such investment.
In the first place, if much more financing will be needed
by developing countries in the years ahead -- and the increase is
more than can be counted on from official sources -- there will be a
need to cultivate sources of private capital to bridge the gap.
Again referring to the reports of the DAC, the net flow of private
capital from member countries to developing areas has been rising
over time, from about $3 billion on average in 1960-64 to $4 billion
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in 1965-67 and nearly $6 billion in 1968. In 1968, net private flows
were only $1 billion less than official flows, and for the whole
1960-68 period private flows accounted for about 40 per cent of all
financial flows to the developing countries from DAC members.
Undoubtedly, there are problems connected with rising flows
of private capital with which we have to cope. One obvious problem
is that a rising portion of the private flow seems to be export
credits -- many of which are relatively short-term with relatively
high interest rates. Although a rising volume of export credit out-
standing is a normal complement to an enlarged flow of trade, we
must be on our guard to avoid dependence on such credits as a
substitute for long-term financing. If not, before long, we will
find a larger and larger part of our developmental flows being
absorbed in repayment of commercial credits. Frankly, industrial
nations -- and not alone the United States -- that are supplying
long-term developmental capital will not be happy if they find they
are merely financing the repayment of export credits from other
countries.
Another potentially important source of capital for
developing areas is the public capital markets. Here we come directly
into conflict with the fact that interest rates even to well-known
domestic borrowers will probably remain very high. For most develop-
ing countries, there would need to be an expensive and extended effort
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to create acceptance of bond issues by the general public in the
United States or European markets. One way out of this is to make
more use of the multilateral organizations as intermediaries in the
borrowing process. To the extent their debt is guaranteed by the
Governments of their members, and they are recognized entitites in
the market, they will be able to borrow on terms at least as good
as those of other prime borrowers. Our capital markets in the United
States have been very receptive to the bond issues of these organiza-
tions -- principally the World Bank.
Another hopeful development is the extraordinary growth
of the European market for international issues, as well as the
increased effort to open up some national markets to foreign
borrowers. Here again, the international institutions are in the
best position to raise funds on reasonable terms. On the whole,
however, I believe it would be advisable for individual countries
to be very cautious about incurring a large bonded indebtedness. To
succeed in selling such issues, a country must be prepared to meet
the test of the market -- which will look to the expected performance
of the country in assessing the risk involved. In most cases, interest
rates will be high, and I would urge borrowers to be very sure that
the proceeds will have a productive use that will contribute --
directly or indirectly -- to the future ability of the country to
repay debt.
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Finally, I would like to comment on the other principal
source of private capital -- private direct investment. This is
really more than a source of financing, because along with a capital
inflow comes the ability and knowledge to put idle domestic resources
to use and to bring a quick return in the form of both rising incomes
and balance of payments benefits. I know the historical record is
mixed: sometimes the foreign investor has taken out of the country
a disproportionate share of the product of the enterprise, and some-
times there have been undesired social or political consequences.
But I believe the Governments of the developing countries are now
better able to see to it that these investments are operated equitably
and maintain a proper role in the society of the host country. For
their part, the direct investors have learned, I believe, that their
long-run interest requires that they fit into the society of the
developing countries, and they recognize that their role must be
developmental rather than exploitative.
Direct investors are not philanthropists -- they will invest
because a profit can be made with reasonable security of capital. I
believe the record will show that on the whole such investment makes
a major contribution to foreign exchange resources -- even after
deducting remittances of earnings -- and that its potential for
generating employment, especially skilled employment, is substantial.
I am not here to promote direct investment as a cure-all for develop-
ment problems. But I believe it has an important place, and that
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developing countries should consider its potentialities, in today's
circumstances, without prejudice but in a straightforward business-
like way. Calculate the costs and benefits realistically -- and
remember to compare these costs and benefits with those that must be
faced when one borrows abroad, or when one attempts to draw domestic
savings into the development process.
Balance of payments constraints. I mentioned earlier the
fact that mounting demands for more and better goods and services
in the industrialized countries will create opportunities for the
less-developed countries, but they will also create difficulties.
We face an immediate difficulty in the United States; our balance
of payments has been in deficit for a long time, and progress toward
a stronger balance is disturbingly slow. We have only recently begun
to improve our trade balance, and it will take careful demand manage-
ment in the years ahead to avoid deterioration. Imports have been
growing relative to our GNP -- particularly imports of finished goods --
and this has already triggered a strong protectionist drive. We have
had to put restraints on capital outflows in order to avoid even
larger deficits. Yet, I believe we have succeeded in confining the
restraints to flows to the other industrial nations without interfer-
ing with flows to developing countries.
These are immediate problems, but they also cast a shadow
on the prospects for the longer run that we have been discussing. It
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seems to me that other industrial countries have to recognize that
the United States cannot shoulder a rising burden of development
assistance unless its export surplus on goods and services is
considerably improved. This is very difficult to accomplish if
competing countries also aim at rising export surpluses, and rising
reserves, and resist exchange rate or other adjustments that would
help to smooth the way for increasing world trade and capital flows.
Developing countries, therefore, have a direct interest
in seeing to it that the international adjustment process works
smoothly. More specifically, industrialized countries other than
the United States will have to be prepared in the years ahead to
finance their growing trade surpluses with long-term financing on
terms that meet the needs of developing countries.
Concluding Observations
I do not want to leave the impression that we will fail
to respond to the needs of the developing countries in the decade
ahead. We all hope they will be years of progress in all parts of
the world. I do want to emphasize, however, that there are not enough
resources in sight to satisfy the aspirations of all of our people,
and that it will take real statesmanship and determination to bring
about the redistribution of resources that will be called for.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1970, July 22). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700723_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19700723_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700723_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}