speeches · June 19, 1970
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Saturday, June 20, 1970
10:00 a.m. (E.D.T.)
ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE RESTORATION OF
PRICE STABILITY IN THE UNITED STATES
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
Annual Convention
of the
Vermont Bankers Association
Equinox House
Manchester, Vermont
June 20, 1970
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ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE RESTORATION OF
PRICE STABILITY IN THE UNITED STATES
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
The campaign to restore price stability in this country has
now moved onto the crucial testing ground. The next few months may
well determine whether we stay on the field until the objective is
achieved -- or whether we lose heart as the real costs of fighting
inflation become increasingly evident. For me, personally, the proper
course is clear: national economic policy should continue to give
a high priority to checking the inflation that has plagued this
country for the last five years.
Unfortunately, it appears that this objective no longer
enjoys the widespread support evident as recently as last winter. Of course,
few people-- if any -- would advocate publicly the abandonment of
the effort to restore price stability. However, it is also becoming
evident that this target is being downgraded by some observers, and
public officials are being urged to revamp policies to reverse the
slowdown in economic activity that has been underway for the last year.
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff
for assistance in the preparation of these remarks. Mrs. Mary
Smelker and Mr. William Costello helped with the analysis of
price trends. Mr. James R. Wetzel helped to trace labor market
developments, and Miss Harriett Harper assisted in the analysis
of changes in national income. Messrs. Henry S. Terrell and
Jared J. Enzler made separate contributions (through the use of
econometric techniques) to the analysis of the effects of changes
in real output on prices and employment, respectively.
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I can understand these concerns. The pace of economic
expansion has slowed considerably. There has been little -- if any --
growth in real output for the last nine months; in fact, there was an
actual decline during the six months ending in March. The expansion
of employment has slackened, and the unemployment rate has risen
significantly. The margin of unused industrial capacity has also
widened appreciably. Thus, measured by any standard, the economy is
operating well below its potential, and prospects are for a continua-
tion of this trend for a number of months -- regardless of the course
of public policy over the near term.
Yet, there is an element of dissonance in all of this: the
ravages of inflation are still wasting the income and wealth of the
nation. An inflation which had its origins in the excess demand
created by an investment boom and the acceleration of the Vietnam
War five years ago has been transformed into a cost inflation whose
tenacity has been consistently underestimated. The distortions
resulting from the persistent rise in prices have become deeply rooted.
So, in my opinion, the time and effort required to correct these strains
will be both long and difficult. Given this outlook, I think it is
far better that we rededicate ourselves to this task -- rather than
use our energies and imagination in a vain pursuit of measures which
might promise relief from inflation while failing to redress the
imbalances that inflation itself has created.
In the rest of these remarks, I will try to share my own
assessment of the magnitude of the unfinished assignment which we
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still face. I will also indicate my own view of the appropriate role
for monetary policy over the months ahead. In the meantime, the
principal conclusions of the analysis can be summarized briefly:
Serious inflation still exists, and there is
little prospect of eradicating it in the near
future. While the pressures of excess demand
have been dampened significantly, the pressures
on costs and the shrinkage of real income have
transformed the inflation into a type that is
even more difficult to master. The element
that is the most difficult to overcome is the
expectation that inflation may -- in fact --
continue.
Yet, the mainsprings of the current inflation
are being drained. The business investment
boom is finally waning, and outlays for fixed
investment in the current year may rise at a
rate only half that recorded a year ago.
Federal Government expenditures in the current
year may actually decline. The main reason
centers in defense spending. While the debate
over the Vietnam War has intensified, the
unwinding of the military effort is becoming
increasingly evident in economic terms. For
example, almost one-third of the decline in
industrial production since last July and
about the same proportion of the rise in
unemployment in manufacturing in the last
year can be traced directly to the waning
impact of defense spending.
The real costs of fighting inflation are
mounting rapidly. Among these, the sizable
increase in unemployment is undoubtedly the
most visible. The unemployment rate (which
averaged 4-1/2 per cent in the January-May
months) probably will rise steadily during
the second half of the year; it may average
5-1/2 per cent over the next six months and
5 per cent for 1970 as a whole.
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Yet, the pace of inflation may slacken only
moderately. By the end of the year, prices
will most likely still be rising at rates
well beyond what the public would find
acceptable in the long-run. Thus, a serious
dilemma is posed: how much unemployment is
the public willing to endure as a by-product
of the campaign to check inflation?
Some of the analytical work I have done suggests
that a significant impact on the pace of infla-
tion can be achieved only if we are prepared to
see the economy run well below capacity --
including a somewhat higher level of unemployment --
for quite some time.
The implications of these results for national economic policy
are clear. While pressing on with the fight against inflation, we
should also press on With the adoption of the necessary measures to
ensure that the burdens will not fall unduly on a few segments of
society. With respect to monetary policy, in my personal judgment, we
should see that the growth of bank credit is kept moderate enough to
avoid reinforcing an inflation whose successful checking remains to be
accomplished.
Origins and Transformation of Domestic Inflation
We need not dwell on the genesis of the current inflation,
for this has already been explained many times. It is sufficient to
remind ourselves that its mainsprings center in a business investment
boom and the acceleration of the Vietnam War in mid-1965. At that time,
the economy was already on the eve of full employment, having been
propelled forward partly by public policies designed to stimulate
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fuller use of the nation's resources. The rapid rise in demand for goods
and services for military purposes (unmatched by higher taxes to pay
for the war) made the Federal Government a principal source of infla-
tion. For three years -- until the passage of the 10 per cent income
tax surcharge in mid-1968 -- this situation continued. Under the
circumstances, most of the burden for fighting inflation fell on
monetary policy.
Year-by-year, the pace of inflation has accelerated. This
trend can be seen most clearly in the behavior of the gross national
product (GNP) implicit deflator, the most broadly based of the various
price indexes. During the long period of substantial price stability
between 1961 and 1964, the GNP deflator rose at an average annual rate
of 1.5 per cent. But beginning the next year, the advance quickened:
1965, 1.9 per cent; 1966, 2.7 per cent; 1967, 3.2 per cent; 1968,
4.0 per cent; 1969, 4.7 per cent.
During the first quarter of this year, the deflator rose at
a seasonally adjusted annual rate of 6.2 per cent. (Excluding the
effects of the Federal pay increase, the rate of advance was 5.2 per
cent). In the first quarter of last year, this index rose at an
annual rate of 4.7 per cent.
Expressed differently, nearly four-fifths of the increase in
GNP (measured in current dollars) between 1961-64 represented the
growth of real output, and just over one-fifth reflected the effects
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of inflation. Even in 1965, the division between real output and
prices was not appreciably different: three-fourths vs. one-fourth.
In contrast, in the four years ending in 1969, the rise in current
dollar GNP was split about 50-50 between real output and prices.
Taking last year alone, less than two-fifths of the increase reflected
a gain in real output, and over three-fifths reflected the rise in
prices. By the first quarter of this year, all of the increase in
current dollar GNP (3.1 per cent at an annual rate) was due to prices,
since real output fell by 3.0 per cent (also at an annual rate).
As we look ahead, it appears that the GNP deflator may
advance by as much as 5 per cent for 1970 as a whole -- thus continuing
the year-to-year acceleration stressed above. However, by the closing
quarter of the year, the pace of inflation probably will have moderated
somewhat, and this index may be advancing at an annual rate of approxi-
mately 3-1/2 per cent -- while further moderation might be expected as
we move through the first half of 1971.
Nevertheless, for the current year, we may well experience
virtually no increase in real output -- in the face of a 5 per cent
rise in the general level of prices. Thus, during 1970, for the first
time since 1958, real GNP might fail to grow. So this nation, for the
first time in well over a decade, may fail to achieve any improvement
in its real economic welfare.
Under the impact of rising prices -- as one woaUl expect --
virtually every group has made an effort to protect its own income
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position. In numerous sectors of the economy, this has resulted in a
substantial increase in costs and has thus become a major source of
inflationary pressures. For example, for the private nonfarm economy,
hourly compensation costs -- including both wages and fringe benefits --
rose at an annual rate of about 7 per cent in the first quarter of this
year. This was about the same rapid rate recorded in 1969. At the
same time, the available figures show slight declines in productivity
(defined as output per manhour) in the private nonfarm sector of the
economy. Compared to a year earlier, the decrease amounted to 0.4 per
cent in the first quarter of this year and to 0.7 per cent in the closing
quarter of 1969. For last year as a whole, there was an increase of only
0.4 per cent. Over the post-World War II period, productivity had risen
nearly 3 per cent annually for the private nonfarm sector.
Reflecting the very rapid increases in hourly compensation
and the absence of productivity gains, unit labor costs have risen at
an extremely rapid rate in the last year. By the first quarter of
1969, such costs were 5.1 per cent above the level in the same period
of 1968; by the January-March period of this year, unit labor costs
were 7 per cent higher than a year earlier.
In the important manufacturing sector, however, the
productivity and unit labor cost picture appears to have changed
in recent months. Productivity increases have resumed after a dip
in late 1969, and unit labor costs have been stable since Jast
December. These developments are largely a result of the very
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substantial employment and hours reductions of recent months. While
such a pattern is consistent with sharply higher unemployment, it has
also been the harbinger of easing cost and price pressures in other
periods of economic contraction.
So, while the pressure of excess demand which has plagued
the economy during most of the last five years has subsided, the
actual impact on inflation has been modest -- so far. But the emerging
evidence suggests that real progress is possible -- if we remain stead-
fast in the task ahead of us.
Waning of the Business Investment Boom
The unfolding evidence also suggests that the strong infla-
tionary pressures generated by business demand for facilities may be
lessening -- finally. In the first quarter of this year, outlays for
fixed investment (structures and producers durable equipment) were at
a seasonally adjusted annual rate of $104 billion. This level was
$8.7 billion (about 9 per cent) above that recorded a year earlier.
For 1969 as a whole, the growth amounted to $10.4 billion, or 11.7 per
cent.
In every year since 1964, business fixed investment has
accounted for between 10 per cent and 11 per cent of GNP measured in
current dollars. The ratio in the first quarter of this year was
10.8 per cent. However, the critical role of business investment can
be seen most clearly in the impact of changes in investment outlays
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on the overall rate of economic activity. In 1961, such expenditures
accounted for about 9 per cent of GNP, and they represented 10 per
cent of the increase in GNP in the 1961-63 period. But in 1964, the
first wave of the investment boom got underway, and the increase in
fixed investment outlays represented 16 per cent of the rise in GNP.
The next year, the proportion climbed further to 18 per cent. In
1966, partly reflecting the impact of monetary restraint in that year,
the ratio declined to 16 per cent. It fell further in 1967 (to 5 per
cent) and recovered moderately (to 7 per cent) in 1968. But last year,
despite the existence of a policy of severe monetary restraint, the
advance in fixed investment expenditures again accounted for 16 per
cent of the rise in GNP in current dollars.
Measured in real terms (and thus adjusting output for the
effects of price changes), the impact of the business investment boom
on economic activity was even more dramatic. In the period 1961-63,
the rise in such expenditures was equal to 12 per cent of the increase
in real output. In 1964, it jumped to 19 per cent and climbed further
to 22 per cent the next year. It remained just under 20 per cent
through 1966. In real terms, business fixed investment declined
slightly in 1967, and a modest increase in 1968 represented about 7
per cent of the expansion in real output. Last year, however, the
rise in such expenditures was equal to 28 per cent of the increase in
GNP after correcting for changes in prices.
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But, as I mentioned above, it now appears that the invest-
ment boom is waning. Although quarterly rates of growth (measured
in current dollars) have varied considerably since early 1969, the
overall trend has been generally downward. From an increase of 17 per
cent (at a seasonally adjusted annual rate) in the first quarter of
last year, the rate of expansion was down to 6 per cent in the same
period of this year. Moreover, in the current quarter (and perhaps
in the summer quarter as well), the annual rate of increase may not
exceed 4 per cent. For 1970 as a whole, the percentage advance may
be roughly half that recorded a year ago, when it amounted to 11.7 per
cent.
But as the investment boom recedes, it leaves behind a
legacy of serious distortions in the economy. This is seen no-
where more clearly than in the record of price increases for invest-
ment goods. For example, from the fourth quarter of 1964 through the
fourth quarter of 1969, the implicit deflator for total GNP rose by
19 per cent; the increase for the private sector was 17 per cent, while
that for the general government sector was 35 per cent. Prices of
business fixed investment goods advanced by 16 per cent during the
same period -- with the results being heavily weighted by the rise
in prices of structures (25 per cent), compared with a rise of 12 per
cent in prices of producers1 durable equipment. While prices of
residential structures also rose substantially (by 22 per cent),
those for consumer durable goods registered only a moderate increase
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(6-1/2 per cent). So, over this five year period, the pressure on
resources generated by the investment boom was a principal source of
the current inflation in the United States.
Waning Impact of Defense Spending
As indicated above, one of the main sources of lessened
pressure on aggregate demand is the reduction in the use of economic
resources for defense purposes. These smaller claims are evident in
a number of indicators.
For example, in the first quarter of this year, national
defense spending was at a seasonally adjusted annual rate of $78.9
billion. This represented 8.2 per cent of GNP -- about the same
proportion recorded m the second quarter of 1966 and well below the
peak of 9.2 per cent reached in the second quarter of 1967. After
setting a record annual rate of $80.3 billion in the third quarter of
1969, defense outlays have declined steadily -- by $1.1 billion in the
final three months of last year and by $300 million in the first
quarter of this year. Moreover, the latter decline would have been
considerably larger in the absence of the military pay increase, and
the current quarter may see a further decrease of at least $2 billion.
If defense spending keeps on the track implied by the most recent
official Federal budget projections, by the final quarter of this
year, such expenditures would account for approximately 7-1/2 per cent
of GNP -- about the same proportion that prevailed when the Vietnam War
was accelerated in the summer of 1965.
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In response to the downtrend in defense spending, a substan-
tial reduction has also occurred in the output of defense related
industries. Measured in the broadest terms, it appears that at least
30 per cent of the decline in the Federal Reserve Board's index of
industrial production from the peak in July, 1969, through May of this
year centered in defense industries. In contrast, these sectors
accounted for about 10 per cent of the rise in industrial production
in the long upswing from July, 1965, through July last year. In both
cases, only the direct effects are estimated; the indirect impact of
reduced defense production on other sectors (such as capital goods) --
particularly during the last ten months -- would raise the estimate.
The reduced military claims can also be seen in human terms.
Last month, 3,228,000 men and women were in the armed forces. This
level was 293,000 below that reported in May last year and 375,000
below the peak reached in October, 1968. Nevertheless, the number in
the armed forces in May was nearly 550,000 above the level in June, 1965.
The effects of reduced defense outlays can also be seen in
the downtrend in civilian employment in defense industries. For
example, in the twelve months ending in May, employment in manufacturing
declined by about 600,000. Of this drop, an estimated 230,000 occurred
in establishments which are important producers of defense goods. For
this group as a whole, the cutbacks were equivalent to roughly 10 per
cent of the jobs held a year earlier. Among the establishments producing
ordnance products, the decline was much larger (over one-fifth) and it
was somewhat larger (just under ope-seventh) in the aircraft industry.
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So, by whatever yardstick one judges -- the level of spending,
military prime contracts, employment or layoffs in defense products
industries -- the evidence is clear: the defense sector is exerting
a waning influence on the economy, and the impact is expected to weaken
further.
Trends and Outlook for Prices
Unfortunately, while the principal sources of excess demand
have become less critical, inflation is still with us. There is little
evidence of a slowdown in the rate of increase in consumer prices. How-
ever, the relative contribution that is being made by different groups
of commodities and services is shifting, and several factors now operating
could lead to a moderation in the pace of inflation in the consumer sector.
In May, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) was 6.2 per cent above
the level a year earlier. While the rate of increase in consumer prices
slowed somewhat in the last half of 1969 (to a seasonally adjusted annual
rate of 5.8 per cent compared with 6.3 per cent in the preceeding six
months), the pace accelerated to 6.2 per cent during the first five-months
of this year.
Looking ahead, it appears that grocery store prices, which
stabilized recently (although there was a 0.3 per cent rise in May),
could give some price relief — since supplies of fresh vegetables and
many fruits will be large this summer and fall. Supplies of meats and
eggs are expected to expand further above last year's levels. The Depart-
ment of Agriculture estimates that retail food prices in 1970 as a whole
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will probably average about 4-1/2 per cent above 1969 (last year they
averaged 5.2 per cent above the level of 1968), with restaurant foods
accounting for much of the rise.
Increases in mortgage interest rates, which have been important
in recent increases in the CPI, slackened markedly in April and May as did their
influence on the rate of advance in the CPI. Prices of services are
expected to continue to increase at high rates, but the climb should
be substantially below the annual rate of nearly 11 per cent registered
during the first quarter of 1970. Transportation costs have risen
sharply in recent months, due mainly to increases in costs of public
transportation and higher costs of automobile ownership. These increases
should be smaller in coming months, but prices of new 1971 automobiles
will probably be higher and thus give an upward push to the index for
transportation as well as to the total CPI.
For the rest of the year, we might expect consumer prices,
seasonally adjusted, to present a picture something Tike the following:
Prices of durable commodities to increase some-
what faster than in the first quarter when they
posted an increase of 3.0 per cent at an annual
rate.
Increases in prices of food sharply lower than
during the first quarter, especially in the fourth
quarter.
Rates of increase for other nondurables somewhat
higher than during the first quarter.
And the rate of increase for services down sharply
from that in the first quarter.
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Given these movements, the overall advance in the CPI in 1970 would
be somewhat below last yearf s 6 per cent increase. The main change
from 1969 would center in the reduced rate of increase in prices of
foods. Other major changes involve the rate of increase for durables
(which is expected to be somewhat lower than in 1969) and that for
services (which is projected at a somewhat higher rate) the latter rate
of increase would reflect higher mortgage interest costs as well as
advances in the costs of medical care and transportation services.
In recent months, the rate of rise in average wholesale
prices has slowed dramatically -- as farm products have switched from
large increases in the period November through January to more moderate
increases in February and March and to overall declines in April and
May. Mainly for this reason, the total wholesale price index, which
rose about 9-1/2 per cent in January (at an annual rate), leveled off
in April and rose only slightly in May.
Monthly price increases for industrial commodities have been
fluctuating around a 4 per cent rate this year (January was a little
higher and March a little lower). This was a more moderate rise than
in the last half of 1969, but it was also about the same rate registered
over the last year (May, 1969 - May, 1970, 3.9 per cent).
Price increases for metals and metal products have continued
to run very large, averaging almost 10 per cent at an annual ^ate in
the period December through April. The May rate was slower, but that
for June will reflect a further large rise in certain steel prices.
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However, increases are expected to be at a lower rate in the second
half of this year. Supplies of nonferrous metals (even copper) are
now more ample. In the last two months, however, fuel prices have
risen strongly, and these advances have contributed significantly to
the rise in prices of industrial materials, a trend which may continue.
Lumber and wood product prices turned up in April, probably reflecting
seasonal influences. These had been declining since April a year ago.
However, some declines have again been reported in recent weeks.
Among finished goods, machinery and equipment prices have
been rising less rapidly in the last few months following an accelerated
increase in the latter part of last year. Consumer nonfood commodity
prices have continued to rise at a rate of about 2-1/2 per cent annually.
Thus, on the basis of the evidence now available, it seems
that some moderation in the pace of inflation might be expected as the
year progresses. But this same evidence also makes it obvious that the
task of bringing inflation under control will remain a formidable
assignment.
The Costs of Restoring Price Stability
How rapidly we can travel on the road to price stability
will depend crucially on our willingness to endure some of the real
costs associated with the fight against inflation. There is no need
here to develop a lengthy catalog detailing such costs. In general,
they involve available but unused physical resources and available but
less than fully used manpower.
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In the broadest terms, the American economy has been
operating well below capacity for some time. Over the long-run, we
have been able to increase real output by 4 to 4-1/2 per cent annually,
but since the second quarter of 1968, the actual rate of growth has
been below this historical trend. For 1968 as a whole, the gain was
4.9 per cent; it amounted to only 2.8 per cent last year, and in the
fourth quarter real output declined by 0.4 per cent at a seasonally
adjusted annual rate. In the first three months of 1970, the decline
accelerated to 3 per cent, again at an annual rate. While real output
probably will expand moderately during the next six months, there may
be little or no net increase for the year as a whole. Clearly then,
this element of cost in the fight against inflation is sizable.
Another indication of real costs is given by the rising
margin of unused industrial capacity. For example, in the first
quarter of this year, about 79.9 per cent of manufacturing capacity
was being used. A year earlier, the proportion was 84.5 per cent.
As the current year progresses, the utilization rate might ease off
further.
But undoubtedly the most striking indications of the real
costs we are paying in the campaign against inflation are being
registered in the labor market. Thus far in 1970, this sector of the
economy has eased substantially. Since last December, the level of
unemployment has risen nearly 50 per cent, reflecting layoffs in the
industrial sector, slower employment growth in the nonindustrial area,
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and continued large increases in the work force. Nonfarm payroll
employment declined in both April and May this year. Although declines
were widespread, the bulk of the drop resulted from continuing weakness
in the industrial sector, where employment and average weekly hours
have been trending down since the summer of 1969. In the nonindustrial
sector, employment continued to increase in the first five months of
this year, but in the last few months growth has been considerably
slower than in 1969 when the demand for labor was still strong.
In May, the unemployment rate increased for the fifth
consecutive month and reached 5 per cent of the civilian labor force.
This was the highest level in over five years. The rate climbed by
1.5 percentage points between last December and May of this year --
the sharpest advance for a five-month span in more than a decade.
Virtually the entire rise in unemployment occurred among persons seek-
ing full-time jobs.
The increase in unemployment since last December totaled
about 1.25 million -- 600,000 adult men, 425,000 adult women, and
225,000 teenagers. Three-fifths of the total increase in unemployment
occurred among persons who had lost their last job, mainly through
blue-collar jobs in manufacturing. Just under one-third of the rise
was among persons who had recently entered the labor force, and the
remainder occurred among persons who had quit their last joo
All of the increase in unemployment in May was among white
workers. The jobless rate among Negroes fell from 8.7 per cent to
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8.0 per cent. Yet, it was still substantially higher than the
5.7 per cent rate of December, 1969. In seven out of the last eight
months, the ratio of the Negro to white unemployment rates was less
than 2 to 1; the ratio has generally been more than 2 to 1 since the
Korean War.
Looking ahead, it seems reasonable to expect that the
unemployment rate for 1970 as a whole may average close to 5 per
cent. Since the turn of the year, it has mounted steadily: January,
3.9; February, 4.2; March, 4.4; April, 4.8, and May, 5.0 -- for a
five-month average of 4.5 per cent. Over the last half of the year,
the rate may average 5-1/2 per cent.
Thus, as we move through 1970 and into 1971, the nation will
face a serious dilemma: with both prices and unemployment continuing
to rise, how much unemployment is the public willing to endure as a
by-product of the campaign to check inflation?
Response of Unemployment and Prices to Declines in Economic Growth
Some of the analytical work I have done suggests that a
significant impact on the pace of inflation can be achieved only if we
are prepared to see the economy run well below capacity -- including
a somewhat higher level of unemployment -- for quite some time. This
conclusion is based on the results of statistical studies showing the
way in which unemployment responds to changes in the rate of x:eal
output. The findings of these studies (which I conducted with the
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assistance of several members of the Board's staff) were presented
initially in early 1969.* The analysis was recently updated.
In general, a step increase in the rate of growth of real
GNP of 1.00 per cent might lead to a decline of roughly .30 points in
the rate of total unemployment. However, a decrease of 1.00 per cent
in output might raise the total unemployment rate by .63 percentage
point --an amount twice that for an expansion of output. The same
pattern is evident when unemployment is classified by color -- simply
more dramatic: for whites the responses are -.29 and .53 points for
a 1.00 per cent rise and decline, respectively, of the rate of growth
of real GNP. The corresponding responses for nonwhites are -.37 and
1.50 points.
Using these ratios as a rough guide, what differential
pattern of unemployment should we expect to emerge during the current
year? Without dwelling on the underlying details, it appears that --
if the observed statistical relationships continue to apply -- the
*The statistical technique used to derive the estimates
was a multiple regression equation relating the change in
the unemployment rate to rates of growth in real output.
Regressions were fit to seasonally adjusted quarterly
unemployment data for the period IV 1954 to IV 1969, cross-
classified by age, sex and color. To test for asymmetrical
effects of increases and decreases in the rate of growth,
positive and negative rates of growth of output were entered
separately. These results were first presented in early 1969.
See A. F. Brimmer, "Stabilization Policy and Employment,11 a
paper given at the University of California, Los Angeles,
January 10, 1969.
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total unemployment rate might be expected to fall between 5.0 and
5.5 per cent in 1970. For whites the range might be 4.3 to 4.8 per
cent, and for nonwhites it might be 7.0 to 9.0 per cent. Given the
trends so far in 1970, these estimates appear reasonable. Between
last December and May of this year, the total unemployment rate rose
from 3.5 per cent to 5.0 per cent. For white workers, the rise was
from 3.2 per cent to 4.6 per cent, and for nonwhites it climbed from
5.7 per cent to 8.0 per cent. So both the logical and statistical
evidence suggest that we can reasonably expect a definite increase in
unemployment during the rest of the year.
Yet, the impact of slower growth on prices may be less hope-
ful than many might expect. Thus, it is useful to ask: what kind of
impact on prices should we really expect in response to the reduced
rate of growth of real output? Again, no hard and fast answer can be
given, but it is possible to get a general idea on the basis of careful
statistical analysis. For this purpose, it was possible to turn to the
comprehensive model of the economy on which the Board's staff has been
working for several years.*
In general, the results provide little basis for optimism.
For example, even with little or no increase in real output during the
*The characteristics of -- and types of results obtainable
from -- this large-scale econometric model have been described
numerous times. See, for example, Frank de Leeuw and Edward
Gramlich, "The Federal Reserve - MIT Econometric Model," Federal
Reserve Bulletin, January, 1968, pp. 11-40.
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current year, the GNP deflator may still be rising in the range of
3.4 - 3.6 per cent (at a seasonally adjusted annual rate) in the
final quarte r of 1970. While this would be well below the 4.5 per
cent increase recorded in the last quarter of 1969, it would still
be a rate of inflation above what the public probably would be willing
to accept in the long-run.
Looking farther ahead, the question was asked whether it
would appear reasonable to aim for the achievement of a degree of
price stability by the end of next year roughly comparable to that
which prevailed in the period 1961-64. (It might be recalled that the
GNP deflator rose at an average rate of 1.5 per cent in those years.)
Again, without going into details, the answer is not as optimistic as
many observers would like to hear. Even if the rate of growth of real
output were to be held below its long-run potential through 1971, it
apparently would not be possible to reach such a price target. To do.
so apparently would involve allowing real output to fall to a point, and
unemployment to rise to a point, that the public most likely would not
accept the real costs this would imply.
Consequently, it seems clear that it will take a considerable
time to bring inflation under effective control. So it also seems wise
for all of us to settle down and prepare ourselves for a long and taxing
assignment.
Role of Monetary Policy
The responsibility of monetary policy under these circumstances
is plain: in my opinion, the availability of bank credit should not be
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allowed to become so great as to give a new boost to inflation.
As is widely known, commercial bank credit so far this year
has grown much more rapidly than it did in the last half of 1969. After
taking account of loans sold to affiliates, the rate of growth was 1.5
per cent, at a seasonally adjusted annual rate, in the June-December
period of last year. In the first quarter of 1970, the annual rate of
expansion was 2.7 per cent; it climbed sharply to 6.5 per cent in April
and rose further to 8.5 per cent in May. Banks1 holdings of securities
continued to rise last month, although more slowly than during March
and April. The turn-around in loan expansion was a major source of
stimulus, since loans had declined in the two previous months.
Last month total loans at commercial banks rose at an annual
rate of about 6-1/2 per cent. A sharp rise in business loans was
principally responsible for the expansion. In May, such loans increased
at an annual rate of 12 per cent, compared with only 1 per cent in April
and 6.3 per cent in the first quarter. In the second half of 1969, the
annual rate of increase was 7.1 per cent. To some extent, the rise in
business loans last month probably reflected capital market pressures.
In particular, as yields on market financing rose appreciably, some
borrowers -- who otherwise would most likely have relied on capital
market financing -- turned to the commercial banks for assistance.
Partly to meet these demands, banks in turn greatly expanded the
volume of commercial paper sold through their affiliates.
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Last month, the money supply rose at a 4.1 per cent
seasonally adjusted annual rate. This was far below the annual growth
rates recorded in the previous two months, which amounted to 13.2 per
cent in March and 10.7 per cent in April. There were noticeable
fluctuations i n private demand deposits during May, but on balance
such deposits were about unchanged over the month as a whole. To some
extent, these swings can be traced to sizable fluctuations
in U.S. Government deposits. Currency in the hands of the public
(possibly reflecting the disturbed conditions in securities markets)
also rose substantially in May.
Since late May, there has been a small decline in the
money supply. However, because of the sizable expansion in April and
the moderate increase in May, the second quarter as a whole may see an -
increase in the range of 4-5 per cent, at an annual rate. In the
first quarter, the rise was 3.8 per cent.
In the capital markets, the demand for funds remains heavy.
In the case of corporate securities, public offerings may average
$2.2 billion per month during the second quarter -- more than two-
fifths higher than the first quarter average. However, the volume
in June may be only slightly more than half the $3.0 billion rate
recorded in May. The latter total was greatly influenced by the
$1.5 billion AT&T rights offering, and with its passing the June
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figure would have been smaller in any case. But the reluctant buying
of institutional purchasers, as they waited for successively higher
yields, has also limited sales of corporate issues so far in June.
Historically, the summer months have seen a slackening in
the volume of corporate offerings. But this year -- as was the case
during the last two summers -- the supply reaching the market may not
lighten appreciably. In fact, partly because of postponements and
cancellations and partly because of the continued strong demand for
funds to restore corporate liquidity, the potential supply of
securities remains heavy. If market yields were to decline (perhaps
on the order of 1/2 percentage point), the volume in July could turn
out to exceed that expected for June.
As yields on tax-exempt securities rose sharply in May (to
over 7 per cent), new issues of long-term municipal bonds declined
sharply. The monthly average during the first quarter had been about
$1.4 billion, and this might ease off to roughly $1.2 billion for the
second quarter. The May volume was down to $1.0 billion, and the June
total probably will fall slightly. Here, also, the supply of new issues
reaching the market during the summer may not shrink appreciably.
In the face of these continuing demands for funds -- which
might be augmented by demands originating with the Federal Government
and its agencies -- it seems clear that the capital markets will remain
under considerable pressure during the months ahead. On the other hand,
as the waning of the business investment boom proceeds -- and if
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corporate managements accordingly revise their financing plans -- the
capital markets might experience some relief as the year progresses.
But, as I survey the unfolding terrain, I personally cannot foresee
how such relief could develop on an appreciable scale.
Concluding Observations
As I indicated at the outset, I believe that national
economic policy -- including its monetary policy component -- should
continue to set a high priority on checking inflation. Because of the
tenacity of inflationary forces now at work, and particularly because
of the transformation from an excess demand to a cost-based inflation,
it will take considerable time and effort to achieve this goal. So,
while pressing on with the campaign to restore price stability, we
should also press on with the adoption of the necessary measures to
ensure that the burdens will not fall unduly on a few segments of
society. There is no need to catalog such measures here; they must
obviously include greatly strengthened unemployment insurance provisions
and improved programs for training -- and I personally would add special
arrangements to provide work opportunities for those young people with
no record of previous employment.
But, in the final analysis, the costs of checking inflation
really must be borne. To this end, our stabilization efforts must be
dedicated. While these can be assisted to some extent by some variety
of incomes policy, we cannot escape reliance on general monetary and
fiscal policies, and we must be prepared to pursue them until the task
of restoring price stability has been completed.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1970, June 19). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700620_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19700620_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700620_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}