speeches · May 27, 1970
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Thursday, May 28, 1970
7:00 p.m., C.D.T. (8:00 p.m., E.D.T.)
EDUCATION, INCOME, AND WEALTH ACCUMULATION
IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY
A Commencement Address
By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
At
Booker T. Washington Business College
Birmingham, Alabama
May 28, 1970
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EDUCATION, INCOME, AND WEALTH ACCUMULATION
IN THE NEGRO COMMUNITY
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
I am flattered to have been asked to share in the ceremonies
marking another year of achievement by Booker T. Washington Business
College. At a time when so much rhetoric is thundering about us,
you -- the members of this graduating class -- have kept your focus
on the acquisition of skills which will enable you to build rewarding
careers in the world of business and finance. I know how difficult it
has been (in terms of both the financial burden and the challenging
curriculum) for some of you to reach this point. Yet, you have borne
the burden, and you have stayed the course. I congratulate all of you,
and I wish you well as you set out to explore the opportunities which
are opening to you on an ever-widening scale.
In these troubled times (if not at any time), a graduating
class certainly expects a commencement speaker to do more than bring
greetings and good wishes. At a minimum, it is necessary to note that
the times are troubled, that difficult obstacles hampering the nation's
progress remain to be overcome, and that highly important goals crucial
to the public's welfare have not been achieved. At this juncture in
-Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's staff for
assistance in the preparation of these remarks. Mr. Henry S.
Terrell helped with the analysis of trends in education and
income and with the assessment of relative wealth accumulation
by Negro and white families. Miss Harriett Harper also assisted
at several stages of the effort.
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the life of our nation, no commencement address can proceed very far
in challenging a graduating class to go forth and tackle society's
problems with hope and vigor without confronting the implacable
question of the Indochina War. My own official responsibility is in
the area of national economic policy, so I have no basis for a direct
assessment of the impact of the war outside the economic and financial
field.
However, it should be obvious to anyone that the war is the
single most critical issue straining the fabric of American society
today. There seem to be few -- if any -- pressing domestic problems
which have not been aggravated by our involvment in Southeast Asia.
Not only are the military requirements consuming resources which might
otherwise be available for other uses, but the pursuit of the war --
and opposition to it -- diverts the energy and imagination of some
of the best minds in the country. Given the enormous agenda of
unfinished business we have at home -- including the elimination of
poverty and ignorance, the eradication of racial discrimination and
the rebuilding of our cities -- a substantial proportion of the public
clearly has concluded that this energy and imagination can be employed
far more productively in the effort to cope with the pervasive ills in
our own midst. Hopefully, the time will not be long before this nation
can refocus its attention on its own home ground.
So, while I, too, could dwell at length on the war and its
consequences, I think it is also vital that we not overlook the
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fundamental tasks which remain before us. And for us in the Negro
community (constituting more than 10 per cent of this country's
population), there is no task more basic than the acquisition of
skills that will enable us to enter into the mainstream of the
nation's economic life. I am fully aware of the pressures on Negro
youths today to give great weight to mainly cultural aspects of their
lives -- at the expense of preparation to compete strongly in the
market place for competence. I can understand the widening campaign
to emphasize and enhance our Afro-American heritage. But at the same
time, I must point out that a solid economic foundation is a necessary
precondition for any culture to flourish. This is true for ethnic
groups within a country as well as for the nation as a whole.
Thus, as you leave college -- having earned diplomas in
business administration and related areas -- it might be well to
pause and reflect on the education and income experiences of the
Negro community in recent years. In addition, it is illuminating to
examine the relative level and pattern of wealth accumulation by Negro
and white families.
The Rising Quality of the Negro Labor Force
Even the most casual observer of the American scene is aware
of the sharp increases in the level of educational attainment of Negroes
in the last decade. Yet, the considerable impact of these trends on
the quality of the Negro labor force is not widely appreciated. More-
over most of the focus has been on expanding college enrollment. While
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the latter is undoubtedly a significant development (and I will return
to it further on in these remarks), a particularly striking trend is
also evident at the high school level. This, too, is of considerable
importance, because the vast majority of both black and white youths
enter the labor force as they leave high school.
Today a much greater proportion of Negro youths join the
labor force as high school graduates -- rather than as high school
dropouts -- than was the case a decade ago. For example, the Census
Bureau estimated in October, 1960, that 144 thousand nonwhite youths
(of whom over 90 per cent are Negroes) had left high school -- but
had not gone on to college or the military --• in the twelve months
ending with the month of the survey. This number was divided almost
evenly between graduates and dropouts -- 73 thousand and 71 thousand,
respectively. (See Table la attached.) About 104 thousand of these
youths had entered the civilian labor force, meaning that they were
employed or actively seeking jobs. Here also the 50-50 split between
graduates and dropouts was evident. Among white youths, around three-
quarters of those leaving high school and not entering college were
graduates, and only one-quarter were dropouts. An even higher propor-
tion (80 per cent) of those entering the labor force were graduates.
By 1968, (as shown in Table lc) the situation had improved
markedly for Negro youths. The Census Bureau estimated in October of
that year that high school graduates constituted 70 per cent of the
Negro youths covered in the survey, and graduates made up 78 per cent of
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those entering the labor force. The corresponding figures for white
youth were 79 per cent and 82 per cent, respectively. Thus, the
tendency for Negro students to remain in high school through gradua-
tion was strengthened considerably during the decade of the 1960!s.
At the stage where most black and white youths enter the labor force,
the gap between the levels of education achieved by both groups
narrowed appreciably -- although black students undoubtedly s t i ll lag
significantly with respect to the quality of their education.
On the other hand, the overall employment experience of
Negro high school graduates was quite mixed during the 1960fs. They
constituted a steadily rising proportion of both the labor force and
employment. But they also constituted a virtually unchanging propor-
tion (one-fifth to one-quarter) of those who were unemployed. This
was roughly twice their proportion of the youth labor force. Thus,
the reduction of youth'unemployment -- and particularly of Negro
youth -- was an item of unfinished business brought over from the
last decade and s t i ll remaining before us.
Long-Run Trends in Education
With more Negro youth remaining in school rather than dropping
out, Negroes as a group have made considerable progress in both secondary
and higher education. For example, between 1960 and 1969, the percentage
of Negro men aged 25 to 29 who had completed 4 years of high school or
more rose from just under two-fifths to three-fifths while the proportion
for whites increased from just over three-fifths to about four-fifths.
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So while the gap had been around 27 percentage points in I960, it
had narrowed to only 18 percentage points in nine years. In 1968,
for the first time, a greater proportion of Negro men than Negro
women aged 25-29 had completed high school.
These trends are made much more evident viewed against a
longer time horizon. As shown in Table 2, the younger groups within
the Negro population which received their education mainly in the
decade of the 1960fs, went considerably farther in both secondary and
higher education than those who left school in the 1940's and earlier.
By 1969, only two-fifths of those under 30 years of age had completed
less than 12 years of school, while more than two-thirds of those 45
and over were in this category. Again, about two-fifths of the
younger group had 12 years of schooling, compared with one-fifth for
the 45-54 age group and less than 10 per cent for those in the 55-64
age range. College attendence was even more sharply concentrated
among the young. About one-fifth of the young Negro adults 20-21 had
1 or more years of college in 1969, and 15 per cent of those 25-29
years of age had achieved this level. In sharp contrast, the propor-
tions were 9 per cent and 6 per cent, respectively, for those 45-54
and 55-64.
Nevertheless, even among young people, the disparity in
education between Negroes and whites remains considerable. As shown
in Table 3, the proportion of Negroes having completed 4 or more
years of high school (including those with 1 or more years of college)
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ranged from one-quarter to two-thirds below that for whites. Again
the short-fal l is greatest among the older groups.
College Education Among Negroes
In the case of higher education, the recent gains also have
been impressive. Table 4 presents data on trends in Negro college
enrollment between 1964 and 1968. In these four years, the number
of Negroes in college rose by 85 per cent. What is more striking,
however, is the fact that during this period, 82 per cent of this
enrollment growth occurred in institutions other than the predominantly
Negro colleges. Thus, in only four years, the percentage of Negro
college students enrolled outside predominantly Negro colleges
increased from 49 per cent to 64 per cent. This fact suggests that
the larger institutions are becoming increasingly aware of minority
problems and are making a concerted effort to assist minority group
students. In four years the number of Negro students at these institu-
tions has more than doubled.
Still, the lag in college education among Negroes remains
serious. Moreover, the relative gap between Negroes and whites appears
to be widening -- despite the substantial progress being made by Negroes.
As shown in Table 5, the percentage of college graduates among Negro
adults rose from about 2 per cent in 1950 to about 4-1/4 per cent in
1968. During the same period, however, the percentage of whites in
the same category increased from 6-1/2 per cent to about 11 per cent.
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Thus, the margin in favor of whites widened from 4-1/2 percentage
points to 6-3/4 percentage points.
This trend should be a matter of concern to a ll of us,
because the limited number of Negro college graduates is one of the
major obstacle s to increased participation of Negroes in the profes-
sional and managerial occupations. In 1968, fewer than half a million
Negroes had completed 4 or more years of college. While the number
has edged up in the last two years, it is undoubtedly not much larger
today. Here, then, is another item to add to our agenda of objectives
for the decade of the 1970,s.
Trends in Education and Income
At this point, it might be helpful to examine the critical
role of higher education in the recent economic advances of the Negro
population. Table 6 presents data on the 1967-68 record of family
income growth by education of the head of the family. This series
is used because most tabulations prepared by the Census Bureau are
for family income. At the outset it should be noted carefully that
these data do not reflect precisely the contributions made to income
by education because families do have income from other sources such
as secondary earners and assets. However, since the earnings of the
head of the family are the principal source of family income, these
figures do give a representative picture.
The data in Table 6 covering the 1967-68 period yield
suggestive results concerning changes in the apparent returns to
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education for Negroes. Within this very short time horizon (one year),
the median income of a Negro family headed by an individual with some
college increased by 23.2 per cent, compared to a rate of growth of
only 7.0 per cent for a white family headed by someone with some college
education. In the short span of only one year, the ratio of Negro to
white median family income for families headed by an individual with
some college narrowed from .75 to .87, or by roughly one-half. Although
a one-year time period is clearly too short a base upon which to make
any projections, the data do indicate a strong trend towards the
narrowing of Negro-white income differentials for individuals with
some higher education.
The data in Table 6 paint a considerably different picture
of the recent economic progress of Negro families headed by someone
without higher education. The growth in income for Negro families
headed by someone with only elementary or high school education was
not significantl y different from that of white families headed by some-
one with low levels of education. Consequently, relative Negro-white
income differentials in these areas failed to narrow. Among families
headed by someone with only 8 years of elementary education, the
percentage growth of Negro family income between 1967 and 1968 was
actually slowe r than that for whites, and the ratio of Negro to white
family income in this educational category declined by 3 percentage
points.
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The changing relative importance of education to Negro
family income can perhaps be understood best by analyzing the incre-
ments in income accruing to families headed by someone with four or
more years of college education compared to someone with only a high
school diploma. In 1967 median family income for Negroes with a head
who had four or more years of college was 55.8 per cent higher than
for a family headed by someone with only four years of high school.
One year later this gap had widened to 74.0 per cent. For white
families the income increment for families with a head who had four
years or more of college was 42.4 per cent above those with a high
school diploma in 1967, and in 1968 this gap actually narrowed
slightly to 40.4 per cent.
The important point from the preceding analysis should be
quite obvious: the income position of Negro families headed by some-
one with a college degree is moving substantially closer to white
families with college degrees -- and progressively further away from
Negro families headed by someone with only elementary or high school
education.
To further assess the returns to education for Negro families,
it is useful to have a breakdown of income by age as well as by educa-
tion levels -- since work experience is a very important determinant
of income as well as education. Table 7 presents figures for family
income in 1968 by race of head, age of head, and level of education
of head. Table 7 shows quite clearly that family income increases
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with education and the age of the head of the family, the latter
representing the returns to accumulated work experience. As in
Table 6 these data show that in 1968 the ratio of Negro to white
family income increases with higher levels of education.
The data in Table 7, however, are particularly instructive
because they show the opportunities available to young Negro families
headed by someone between the ages of 25 and 34. For this young group,
the expected returns from education appear to be the most impressive.
When the head of the Negro family had 1-3 years of college, the
family's median income was equal to 95.9 per cent of its white counter-
part, a figure that might be even higher except that Negroes are s t i ll
disproportionately represente d in the lower income South. Further-
more, the Negro family headed by a 25-to-34 year old person with 1-3
years of college had a median income 111.1 per cent higher than a
like Negro family headed by someone with only 1-3 years of high school
education. For whites, however, the gap was no more than 29.6 per
cent. These data show persuasively that higher levels of education
move younger Negro families closer to the white levels and relatively
further away from Negroes with less education.
Asset Accumulation in the Negro Community
Having discussed the importance of education in general in
the future economic achievements of today's young Negro families, we
can now turn to a matter which might be especially interesting to the
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graduates of a college specializing in business administration. In
particular, i t is instructive to examine existing data on asset
accumulation by Negro and white families.
Although substantial amounts have been written recently on
white-Negro income differences, relatively l i t t le has been presented
relating to the amount and forms of wealth accumulation of Negro and
white families. Fortunately, the 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity
conducted by the Bureau of the Census for the Office of Economic
Opportunity has helped f i ll this information void by collecting
considerable data on family asset holdings. Before embarking upon
an analysis of these data, it should be carefully noted that asset
data are drawn from an individual's assessment of the worth of his
assets and not from a market evaluation and thus are subject to errors
of estimation. It should also be noted that individuals responding
to the survey may have been unwilling to divulge the true value of
their asset holdings.
Table 8 presents summary data from the Survey of Economic
Opportunity on asset holdings of white and Negro families. The data
in Table 8 show rather conclusively that the relative wealth accumula-
tion of Negro families is further from the white level than the usual
observed income data. In 1966 (the comparable year of the asset data),
Negro family income was roughly three-fifths (58 per cent) of the white
level. However, in the case of assets, the mean accumulation for Negro
families was less than one-fifth as great as for white families. These
facts show that in the base year of 1966 Negroes accounted for 11 per
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cent of the population, and earned approximately 6.6 per cent of the
total famil y income. In the same year, they held about 2 per cent (or
$18.3 billion) of the selected assets totaling $960.2 billion reported
in Table 8.
The data in Table 8 permit a further analysis of the
relative structur e of asset holdings of white and Negro families.
The tabulated data indicate clearly the lack of financial asset
accumulation of Negro families, particularly the value of stocks.
In 1966, the average estimated value for Negro families of financial
assets (money in bank, government bonds, and stocks) was only $382,
or 0.6 per cent of the estimated value of $5,924 for the average
white family. The case of stock ownership shows a particular gap.
On average, Negro families had only 1.5 per cent the accumulation in
stock values as white families and accounted for roughly 0.14 per
cent of the total stock values.
The data in Table 8 portray a very different picture concern-
ing the direct asset accumulation (housing equity, farm equity, and
business equity) of white and Negro families. Equity accumulation
in housing stands as the largest single asset of both white and Negro
families. It represented 38,0 per cent of the assets of white families
and 70.2 per cent of the assets of Negro families. Proportionately,
Negro investment in housing on average is roughly one-third of the white
proportion, and Negroes held approximately 3.5 per cent of the total
housing equity. Clearly Negroes hold a smaller fraction of housing
equity than their 6.6 per cent share in the total family income —
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suggesting that Negro families on average have proportionately less
invested in housing than white families of similar levels of
income.
The available figures on asset accumulation of white and
Negro families permit a comparison of the relative importance of
direct business ownership or ownership of stock as a source of wealth
accumulation. This comparison suggests that one of the legacies of
racial discrimination has been the encouragement of Negro acquisition
of business equity serving the segregated and protected Negro markets
rather than a full participation in the national economy.
The data in Table 8 show that stock ownership is relatively
much more important to the average white family than ownership of
business equity -- while exactly the opposite is true for Negro
families. In 1966, the average white family had 1.37 as much in
stocks as in business equity, while this ratio for the average Negro
family was only 0.24. Clearly the relative overconcentration by
Negro families in business equity accumulation compared to white
families has resulted mainly from the appeal of the protected market
to Negro businessmen.
Concluding Remarks
In concluding these comments, I compliment you again for
the efforts you have made to obtain an education and to acquire
marketable skills at the same time. In concentrating in business
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administration and related areas, you have chosen a field that
promises to be one of the most rapidly expanding in the 1970's. In
particular, those of you with an interest in accounting can look
forward to especially promising opportunities during the current
decade. Over-this period, the U.S. Department of Labor estimates
that some 12,000 accountants may be needed each year as replacements
for those who die, retire or shift to other occupations. Perhaps
the same number will be required to f i ll newly-created jobs. The
outlook for bookkeeping workers is also promising. Through the 1970fs,
about 75,000 employees might be needed each year to f i ll vacancies
and meet expansion requirements. Business machine operators -- from
those manning the simple machines to the most sophisticated electronic
data-processing equipment -- will also grow substantially.
Stenographers and secretaries can also look forward to
expanding opportunities. Undoubtedly the use of dictating, duplicating
and other office machines will continue to spread. However, these
technological changes are not expected to have an appreciable impact
on employment in these occupations. In 1967, about 2.4 million persons
(over 95 per cent of whom were women) were holding jobs requiring
stenographic skills. Moreover, some 200,000 openings for steno-
graphers and secretaries may occur each year during the 1970fs. Since
the turnover rate in such occupations is high, the prospects for new
entrants appear to be quite good.
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As I said at the outset, I have deliberately focused on
the long-run outlook in these remarks. I also deliberately restricted
my observations to educational and economic trends in the Negro
community. But it should also be obvious that the evidence of long-
run progress presented here may not foreshadow the experience for the
years ahead -- unless we can cope successfully in the short-run with
some of the pressing problems that currently plague us. These must
include the eradication of poverty and racial discrimination and the
rebuilding of our cities. But I personally would put at the top of
my list the ending of the Indochina War -- which would also provide
more resources with which to tackle some of our other problems.
Again, you take my best wishes for the new adventures which
lie before you.
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Table la.
Labor Force Status of High School Graduates (not Enrolled in College) and
Dropouts as of October of Year of Leaving High School, by Color, 1960
(Persons 16 to 24 years of age; number in thousands)
High School
High School Graduates as
Category Total Graduates Dropouts Per Cent of Total
Total j.
Civilian Populatioir- 1,265 921 344 73.0
Not in Labor Force 345 215 130 62.4
Labor Force 920 706 214 76.7
Employed 774 599 175 77.5
Unemployed 146 107 39 73.1
Per cent 15.9 15.2 18.2
-
White
Civilian Population 1,121 848 273 75.5
Not in Labor Force 305 195 110 64.0
Labor Force 816 653 163 80.0
Employed 701 568 133 81.0
Unemployed 115 85 30 74.0
Per cent 14.1 13.0 18.4 -
Negro and other Races
Civilian Population 144 73 71 5500..''55
Not in Labor Force 40 20 20 50.0
Labor Force 104 53 51 51.0
Employed 73 31 42 42.5
Unemployed 31 22 9 71.0
Per Cent 29.9 41.5 17.7 -
Negro as Per cent of Total
Civilian Population 11.4 7.9 20.6
-
Not in Labor Force 11.6 9.3 15.4 -
Labor Force 11.3 7.5 23.8 -
Employed 9.5 5.2 24.0 -
Unemployed 21.2 20.5 23.0 -
1/ Civilian Noninstitutionalized Population.
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SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President, March, 1970,
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Table lb.
Labor Force Status of High School Graduates (not Enrolled in College) and
Dropouts as of October of Year of Leaving High School, by Color, 1964
(Persons 16 to 24 years of age; number in thousands)
High School
High School Graduates as
Category Total Graduates Dropouts Per Cent of Total
Total ^
Civilian Population— 1,352 1,108 244 82.0
Not in Labor Force 337 245 92 72.6
Labor Force 1,015 863 152 85.0
Employed 803 702 101 87.5
Unemployed 212 161 51 75.8
Per cent 20.8 18.7 33.6
-
White
Civilian Population 1,200 997 203 83.2
Not in Labor Force 306 224 82 73.3
Labor Force 894 773 121 86.5
Employed 726 644 82 88.5
Unemployed 168 129 39 77.0
Per cent 18.8 16.8 32.2 -
Negro and other Races
Civilian Population 152 111 41 73.0
Not in Labor Force 31 21 10 67.7
Labor Force 121 90 31 74.0
Employed 77 58 19 75.4
Unemployed 44 32 12 72.6
Per Cent 36.4 35.6 38.6
-
Negro as Per cent of Total
Civilian Population 11.1 10.0 16.8 -
Not in Labor Force 9.2 8.5 10.9 -
Labor Force 11.9 10.5 20.4 -
Employed 9.6 8.3 18.8 -
Unemployed 20.8 19.8 23.5 -
1/ Civilian Noninstitutionalized Population.
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Table lc.
Labor Force Status of High School Graduates (not Enrolled in College) and
Dropouts as of October of Year of Leaving High School, by Color, 1968
(Persons 16 to 24 years of age; number in thousands)
High School
High School Graduates as
Category Total Graduates Dropouts Per Cent of Total
Total ,
Civilian Population— 1,490 1,162 328 75.4
Not in Labor Force 378 258 120 68.3
Labor Force 1,112 904 208 81.5
Employed 946 782 164 82.5
Unemployed 166 122 44 73.5
Per cent 14.9 13.5 21.2 -
White
Civilian Population 1,256 999 257 79.4
Not in Labor Force 310 224 86 72.4
Labor Force 946 775 171 82.0
Employed 818 684 134 83.4
Unemployed 128 91 37 71.0
Per cent 13.5 11.7 21.6
Negro and other Races
Civilian Populatio n 234 163 71 69.5
Not in Labor Force 68 34 34 50.0
Labor Force 166 129 37 77.6
Employed 128 98 30 76.5
Unemployed 38 31 7 81.5
Per Cent 22.9 24.0 18.9 —
Negro as Per cent of Total
Civilian Population 15.7 14.0 21.7 -
Not in Labor Force 18.0 13.2 28.4 -
Labor Force 14.9 14.3 17.8 -
Employed 13.5 12.6 18.3 -
Unemployed 22.9 25.4 15.9 -
1/ Civilian Noninstitutionalized Population.
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SOURCE: U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President, March, 1970.
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Table 2.
Years of School Completed by Negro Adults, by Age, 1969
(Percentage Distribution)
Less than
Age ( 3roup 12 years 12 years 1 or more years Total
of college
20 - 21 42 36 22 100
25 - 29 44 41 15 100
45 - 54 71 20 9 100
55 - 64 85 9 6 100
Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President,
March 1970, Chart 16, p. 93.
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Table 3.
Proportion of Persons Who Have Completed 4 or More Years of High School, —'
by Age Group and Race, 1969
Age Group White Negro Negro to White Ratio
(Years) (in pe r cent)
20 to 21 82 58 71
22 to 24 81 56 69
25 to 29 77 56 73
30 to 34 73 50 68
35 to 44 66 37 56
45 to 54 59 29 49
55 to 64 45 15 33
1/ Including those with 1 or more years of college
Source: U. S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President,
March 1970, p. 93
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Table 4.
Negro College Students Enrolled in 1964 and 1968,
by Type of Institution
(Numbers in thousands)
1964 1968 Change, 1964-68
(Fall) (Fall) Number Percent
Total Enrollment 4,643 6,801 2,158 46
Total Negro Enrollment 234 434 200 85
Percent total enrollment 5 6 (X) (X)
Enrollment in predominantly
Negro colleges 120 156 36 30
Percent of all Negroes in
college 51 36 (X) (X)
Enrollment in other colleges 114 278 164 144
Percent of all Negroes in
college 49 64 (X) (X)
(X) Not applicable.
Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics; U. S.
Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census; U. S. Department
of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 5.
Percentage of College Graduates Among Persons 25 Years Old and Over,
By Race, 1960-1968
Race 1950 1960 1964 1968
White 6.50 8.00 9.75 11.00
Negro 2.00 3.00 3.75 4.25
Difference 4.50 5.00 6.00 6.75
Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Manpower Report of the President,
March 1970, Chart 23, p. 184.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 6.
Median Income of White and Negro Families
By Level of Education of Head, 1967 - 1968
Percentage Change
1968 1967 1967- 68
EEdduuccaattiioonn LLeevveell White Negro Ratio White Negro Ratio White Negro
Elementary: Total 6,328 4,220 .67 5,832 3,838 .66 8.5 10.0
Less Than 8 years 5,589 4,016 .72 4,932 3,565 .72 13.3 12.7
8 years 7,041 5,020 .71 6,608 4,876 .74 6.6 3.0
High School: Total 9,309 6,274 .67 8,618 5,597 .65 8.0 12.1
1 -3 years 8,525 5,638 .66 7,971 4,920 .62 7.0 14.6
4 years 9,680 6,872 .71 8,962 6,403 .71 8.0 7.3
College: Total 12,356 10,704 .87 11,548 8,686 .75 7.0 23.2
1 -3 years 10,935 9,895 .90 10,277 8,027 .78 6.4 23.3
4 years or more 13,589 11,959 .88 12,770 9,979 .78 6.4 19.8
All, Head Over 25 9,179 5,450 .59 8,471 4,993 .59 8.4 9.2
SOURCE: U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Measure of Overlap of Income
Distribution o f White and Negro Families in the United States,11 Technical Paper 22,
Washington, D. C., 1970.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 7.
Median Income of Families in 1968 by Years
of School Completed, Age, and Race of Head
Elementary School High School Any College College All Education
Age of Head Less Than 8 Years 1 -3 4 Years 1 -3 4 or Levels
8 Years Years Years More
25 - 34
White 5,256 6,719 7,598 8,884 10,839 9,850 11,631 9,010
Negro 3,841 B 4,473 6,499 9,950 9,443 B 5,547
Ratio 73.1 58.9 73.2 91.8 95.9 61.5
35 - 44
White 6,997 8,485 9,365 10,197 13,332 11,696 14,404 10,401
Negro 4,916 4,686 5,838 6,980 11,362 B B 6,143
Ratio 70.3 55.2 62.3 68.4 85.2 59.1
45 - 54
White 7,168 8,789 10,033 11,186 14,482 12,944 16,485 10,759
Negro 4,706 6,637 7,085 8,021 12,994 B B 6,642
Ratio 65.7 75.5 68.6 71.7 89.7 61.8
55 - 64
White 6,523 7,864 8,876 10,096 14,113 11,412 16,947 9,157
Negro 4,338 6,026 6,682 B B B B 5,207
Ratio 65.5 76.6 75.3 56.9
Over 65
White 3,639 4,308 4,882 5,809 7,747 7,028 8,573 4,746
Negro 2,775 B B B B B B 3,070
Ratio 76.3 64.7
All Families
White 5,589 7,041 8,525 9,680 12,356 10,935 13,589 9,179
Negro 4,016 5,020 5,638 6,872 10,704 9,895 11,959 5,450
Ratio 71.9 71.3 66.1 71.0 86.7 90.5 88.0 59.4
Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, "Income in 1968 of Families and
Persons in the United States," Series p-60, No. 66, December 23, 1969.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Table 8.
Net Asset Accumulation of White and Negro Families, Selected Assets, 1966
Mean Asset Ownership Total Asset Ownership
Type of Asset
Amount Per cent Amount Per cent Per cent of White (amount in billions) (Per cent)
Money in Bank 2,859 16.7 294 9.7 10.3 157.8 1.8 1.1
Government Bonds 462 2.7 50 1.6 10.8 25.5 .3 1.2
Value of Stocks 2,603 15.2 38 1.3 1.5 143.6 .2 0.14
Farm Equity 2,760 16.2 311 10.2 11.3 152.3 1.9 1.2
Business Equity 1,896 11.1 212 7.0 11.2 104.6 1.3 11..22
OO
Equity in Home 6,490 38.0 2,134 70.2 32.9 358.1 12.8 33..55
Total, Selected
Assets 17,070 100.0 3,039 100.0 17.8 941.9 18.3 1.9
Source: Tabulated from 1967 Survey of Economic Opportunity.
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1970, May 27). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700528_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19700528_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700528_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}