speeches · February 10, 1970
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Wednesday, February 11, 1970
6:00 p.m., C.S.T.
CAPITAL OUTFLOWS AND THE U.S. BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Review and Outlook
A Paper Presented
by
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
At a Dinner Meeting
of
Bankers, Businessmen and the Board of Directors
of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas
Fairmont Hotel
Dallas, Texas
February 11, 1970
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CAPITAL OUTFLOWS AND THE U.S. BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Review and Outlook
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
Yesterday, February 10, marked the fifth anniversary of a
Federal Government program whose longevity was expected to be much
shorter: on that day in 1965, President Johnson announced, with great
urgency, the establishment of a series of programs to moderate capital
outflow and improve our balance of payments. The main elements in the
programs were both voluntary and temporary. Five years later, the
balance of payments is s t i ll in substantial deficit, a major component
of the programs is mandatory, and the restraints on capital outflow
have acquired a look of permanency.
Clearly, this is an outcome that was unanticipated. The
key parts of the programs -- administered separately by the U.S.
Department of Commerce and the Federal Reserve Board -- were launched
against the background of a dramatic rise in the movement of U.S.
funds abroad. However, it was also generally assumed within the
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful to several members of the Board's Staff for
assistance in the preparation of these remarks. Messrs.
Bernard Norwood and Gordon B. Grimwood (who work closely with
me in the administration of the Board's foreign credit restraint
program) were mainly responsible for the review of program
developments. Mr. Samuel Pizer was very helpful in the assess-
ment of the outlook for the U.S. balance of payments. Mr. Lyle E.
Gramley provided counsel on the possible use of reserve require-
ments to moderate bank acquisition of foreign assets, and
Mr. James T. Lynch made the preliminary analysis to determine the
legal basis of such a possibility.
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Federal Government that our external financial position was funda-
mentally strong and that restraints on capital outflows were
required only to provide short-term assistance until the basic
strength of our trade surplus, rising earnings on direct investment,
and other favorable elements could coalesce to restore a lasting
balance. To a considerable extent, the business and banking community
accepted this view and cooperated with the Federal Government in an
effort to achieve the stated objectives. But within six months after
the programs were launched, U.S. military activity in Vietnam was
accelerated, and the country became enmeshed in a web of inflation
that is s t i ll with us. The detrimental effects of both developments
for our balance of payments are also s t i ll with us. Thus, the present
seems a particularly appropriate time to ask whether these programs
have achieved their aims and whether — five years later -- they are
s t i ll needed.
Sadly, I have concluded personally that -- not only is some
form of restraint on capital outflow required at this time -- but also
that the need will exist for a number of years to come. In view of
this prospect, I am also convinced that we should try to devise
techniques for moderating capital outflow which can remain viable
over the long haul. In my judgment, such techniques should be rooted
firmly in the market place and should depend as l i t t le as possible on
administrative decisions of Government officials.
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I have reached this conviction on the basis of an experience
with the existing programs which extends back to the date of their
inception. As Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs in the
Department of Commerce, I helped to fashion the voluntary version of
the direct investment program and administered it until I was appointed
to the Federal Reserve Board in March, 1966. Since June, 1968, on
delegated authority from the Board, I have had administrative respon-
sibility for the program (which is still voluntary) to restrain the
extension of foreign credits by U.S. banks and other financial institu-
tions. During all of this period, I have been ever conscious of the
original goal of dismantling the restrictions as soon as possible.
But I have been equally conscious of the continuing weakness in our
balance of payments and of the pressing need to achieve -- and maintain --
an equilibrium in our international accounts. Consequently, in search-
ing for a course which will permit lifting administrative restraints
on capital movements, we must assure that this more fundamental target
is not put in jeopardy. In the closing section of these remarks, I
outline an approach which -- I believe -- would bring about a reconclia-
tion o f these competing goals.
At this point, let me stress that the views advanced here
are my own. The Federal Reserve Board as a whole is obviously aware
of -- and troubled by -- the continuing serious deficit in our balance
of payments. The Board is also troubled by the inequities inherent
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in the present program and by its continued existence well beyond
the point at which it was expected to be terminated. However, the
review and assessment of the program -- and a possible alternative --
presented here should not be interpreted as representing a position
already adopted by the Board.
Before proceeding further, it might be well to summarize
the salient conclusions emerging from this assessment of the Federal
Reserve's voluntary foreign credit restraint program over the last
five years :
The major objective of the program, to restrain
the growth in foreign lending and investment of
U.S. financial institutions, has been achieved.
In every year since 1965, the amount of foreign
assets outstanding has been less than the amount
that would have been permitted under the guide-
lines -- in most years by substantial amounts.
Moreover, the total amount of such lending and
investment is today lower than the targets set
in the early years of the program.
While achieving this main objective, the coop-
erating banks and other financial institutions
have been mindful of two other important national
goals: insuring that sufficient credit is
available to finance U.S. exports and to help
meet the needs of the developing countries.
The basic design of the program has remained
essentially unchanged over the years: it
remains voluntary, and it establishes an over-
all ceiling within which interference with
management decisions is minimized. However,
during the last two years, the program has
become somewhat more specific.
The program has affected the pattern of U.S.
international banking. Competitive inequities
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among banks have developed, and a network of
foreign branches has been stimulated whose
long-run impact cannot be seen clearly.
Finally, as I mentioned above, in my judgment our balance
of payments situation still requires some kind of restraint on the
outflow of U.S. private capital. But I also believe that some
other technique should be substituted for the existing quantitative
and administrative controls:
Thus, I think serious attention should be
given to the possibility of replacing the
present program with a system of graduated
reserve requirements against foreign assets.
Such a system would be closely allied to
market forces, and it could be tailored to
enhance -- or discourage — any type of
foreign lending or investment consistent
with our overall balance of payments objectives.
A preliminary review of the Federal Reserve
Board's authority suggests that the Board may
already have an adequate legal basis on which
to rest such a system.
Origins of the Balance of Payments Programs
Before proceeding further, it might be well to remind our-
selves briefly of the circumstances which necessitated the adoption
of restrictions on capital outflow. It might be recalled that the
first step in this direction was the proposal of the Interest
Equalization Tax (IET) in mid-1963, and its adoption about a year
later. The measure was designed to lessen the attractiveness of the
U.S. capital market to borrowers in Europe and other developed countries.
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This first step itself was taken against the background of heavy
balance of payments deficits to which a rising outflow of private
capital was making an increasingly large contribution. For example,
during the late 1950fs, the movement of private capital from this
country averaged about $2-1/2 billion per year; but in the 1960-64
period, the annual average was roughly $4-1/2 billion. In the single
year 1964, the net outflow of private funds reached $6-1/2 billion.
In contrast, during these years, the U.S. had the advantage of a
large and growing surplus in exports of goods and services -- which
exceeded $8-1/2 billion in 1964. Nevertheless, our total payments
abroad greatly outweighed our receipts from abroad, so substantial
deficits appeared in the late 1950fs and persisted into the early
1960's.
The second move in the evolution of restrictions on private
capital outflow was triggered by a sharp deterioration in our balance
of payments in the closing months of 1964. When the IET was adopted,
it did not cover long-term bank lending, and this exemption encouraged
foreign borrowers to shift from the sale of bonds in the U.S. market
to reliance on bank financing. Simultaneously, other types of capital
outflows (particularly direct investments and short-term bank credits)
which were not subject to the IET also rose rapidly. By the last
quarter of 1964, the balance of payments (measured on the liquidity
basis) was in deficit at an annual rate of $5 billion, and private
capital outflows were at an annual rate in excess of $8 billion.
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Out of these developments came the voluntary balance of
payments programs announced in February, 1965. At the time, it was
fully realized that the voluntary restraint of capital outflows was
an innovation. The classic solution to the balance of payments
problem would have called for a substantially restrictive monetary
policy, considerably reduced credit availability and higher domestic
interest rates . This policy was avoided because it would have
hampered efforts to encourage an expansion of output as a means of
reducing the prevailing high level of unemployment and of shrinking
the backlog of unused resources. Furthermore, there was reason to
believe that higher interest rates in the United States would have
been countered by higher rates abroad -- with no net benefit to our
balance of payments. Under these circumstances, it was thought best
to tackle the problem at its source — that is, to limit our capital
outflow to a figure more nearly equal to our current account surplus,
while at the same time pressing vigorously toward achieving an optimum
rate of economic growth.
The Voluntary Foreign Credit Restraint Program: A Review
In appraising the performance of the Voluntary Foreign Credit
Restraint Program (VFCR) relating to financial institutions, it is well
to bear in mind that it is one component of a comprehensive set of
restrictions which bear on capital outflow in varying degrees. At
the time the VFCR was launched in February, 1965, the IET was extended
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to cover long-term bank loans to foreigners. As mentioned above, a
voluntary program to moderate direct foreign investment by non-
financial corporations (administered by the U.S. Department of
Commerce) was part of the same announcement. (It will be recalled
that the latter program was made mandatory by Executive Order as of
January 1, 1968). Each part of this set of restraints reinforces
the others, none of them would be effective without the others.
Moreover, the administration of the parts (and this is especially
true of the VFCR and the direct investment regulations) is coordinated
as much as possible. In the rest of these remarks, however, most of
my comments will be restricted to the VFCR.
The Federal Reserve program remains voluntary, although
the Board has authority under the January 1, 1968, Executive Order
to make it mandatory. The general structure has changed little:
it involves an overall ceiling (which has been modified several times),
based generally on the holding of foreign assets at the end of 1964.
Within this ceiling managers of financial institutions are free to
make their own decisions, but they are asked to give priority to
credits to finance U.S. exports and to meeting the needs of developing
countries. These priorities have recently been given more emphasis.
The guidelines for 1968 contained a request that financial institutions
refrain from making new nonexport term loans to developed countries of
Continental Western Europe (and in the case of banks that they reduce their
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ceilings by the amount of repayment of such loans). The bank guide-
lines for 1970 established a separate ceiling for export term loans.
Finally, on February 28, 1968, Canada was exempted from all the U.S.
balance of payments programs and, on its side, undertook to ensure
that Canada would not be used as a "pass through11 for U.S. funds to
flow to third countries. The general structure of the VFCR applies
to both the bank and nonbank financial institution programs. However,
because of key differences in the foreign investment portfolio of the two types
of institutions, a few differences in treatment have been necessary.
The major difference is that over 90 per cent of the $10.2 billion
of the banks1 foreign assets are covered by the guidelines, whereas
nearly 90 per cent of the $14-1/2 billion of foreign assets of the
nonbank financial institutions are exempted. For banks, the exceptions
are more related to institutional arrangements than to types of assets.
For the nonbank institutions, loans to Canada (nearly $10-1/2 billion),
bonds of international institutions (about $1 billion), and around
$1-1/2 billion in loans with maturities of ten years or longer and
equity investments in the developing countries (and in Japan until
a few weeks ago) are not subject to guideline ceilings. Other aspects of
the nonbank guidelines -- the emphasis on export financing and the
desirability o f refraining from new nonexport loans or investments in
the developed countries of Continental Western Europe — parallel
those for banks.
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The current guidelines for the banks, announced on
December 17, 1969, include a major innovation: a separate ceiling
for term credits financing exports of U.S. goods and services was
added. The banks now have a General Ceiling of $10.1 billion --
equal to their adjusted ceilings under the 1969 guidelines. This
can be used for any purpose, although they are requested to continue
to observe the priorities in the use of this General Ceiling. In
addition, they have a ceiling equal to one-half of one per cent of
total assets as of December 31, 1968, to use for making export loans
which have maturities of one year or longer and which are in amounts
of $250,000 or more. This provision added about $1.5 billion to
existing ceilings, bringing the aggregate to $11.6 billion.
Several troublesome issues (which at times have bordered
on controversy) have surrounded the VFCR almost from its very beginn-
ing. Undoubtedly, the most vigorously debated of those (both in and
out of Government) is the assertion that the program has hampered
U.S. exports and thus reduced (if not erased) any benefits it may
have yielded for the balance of payments. In fact, when the VFCR
guidelines were first drafted, the Federal Reserve was urged to
exclude export credits from the ceiling. This argument has never
been accepted by the Board. Instead, we have always tried to allow
ample room for necessary financing of an expansion in exports.
Throughout the life of the VFCR, the banking system as a whole has
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maintairied a substantial leeway under which credits could have
been extended to meet the needs of U.S. exporters and their foreign
customers. Moreover, no statistical study of the trends in exports
since 1964 supports the proposition that additional amounts of bank
credit extende d to foreigners would have increased exports by a
like amount. Yet, such a growth in bank lending abroad certainly
would have added some amount to our balance of payments deficit.
On the other hand, individual banks from time to time may have had
to relinquish this credit business to other banks in easier positions
under the guidelines.
Nevertheless, we did provide a separate ceiling for export
credits when we revised the program last December. In taking this
step, we wanted to give renewed emphasis in the program to the
importance that we attach to improving our balance of trade. The
additional latitude for export financing within an overall ceiling
should provide even more assurance that the restraint program will
not cost the country export sales. On the other hand, to have
exempted export credit entirely would have entailed a risk of
capital outflows of unknown dimensions and thus would have made the
restraints largely meaningless.
Another troublesome issue has arisen because of the
inequities inherent in a program which rests so heavily on the
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relative position of individual banks in international finance
as of December 31, 1964 -- the base date for most banks under the
VFCR. Of the 13-1/2 thousand banks in the United States, about
160 (less than 2 per cent) have reported regularly under the program.
The rest do not have even a token amount of foreign assets. However, given
the relatively small size of the average bank -- and the complexities
of foreign lending -- this situation is not surprising.
The real problem arose because the launching of the VFCR
caught a number of banks of substantial size in the midst of starting
new or expanding existing but modest international departments. For
the most part, these institutions were essentially frozen out of
participating in foreign lending because they had virtually no
base. The high degree of concentration of foreign business
among a few banks can be seen in the fact that 20 of the 160 banks
reporting have consistently accounted for 75 to 80 per cent of the
general ceiling fixed under the VFCR. Moreover, it is known that
some of the banks with large ceilings (because they already had a
substantial amount of foreign assets at the end of 1964) have used
such ceilings as competitive levers in seeking the business (includ-
ing purely domestic business) of firms that normally would be
accommodated by their local banks.
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The Federal Reserve has always been troubled by these
competitive inequalities that are directly related to the VFCR.
Consequently, in November, 1967, an alternative method of comput-
ing the ceiling was provided. Under this change, a bank had the
option o f adopting a ceiling equal to 2 per cent of its total
assets as of December 31, 1966. The change was intended to give
more flexibility to banks with small- and medium-sized bases.
Unfortunately, thi s newly granted leeway had to be shaved drastically
when the deterioration in the balance of payments made it necessary
to tighten the various programs on New Years Day of 1968. But each
time the Board has had an opportunity, it has continued its efforts
to reduce the inequities. In the spring of last year, it modified
the VFCR by raising the ceiling by about $400 million, and pro-
portionately more of the increase went to the smaller banks. The
same was true of the Export Term loan ceiling established last
December: while the 20 leading banks had about four-fifths of the
general ceiling, they got only slightly more than one-half of the
special export ceiling. But despite these changes, competitive
inequities remain a serious problem -- and they provide another
reason why a better alternative should be found.
Contributions of the VFCR to the Balance of Payments
There is no need to present here a detailed catalog
of the contributions of the VFCR to the balance of payments.
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(Furthermore, it would be virtually impossible to identify such
unique assistance -- if any -- because of the role played by
other programs as well.) However, the broad contours can be
sketched.
In 1965, banks1 foreign assets subject to the guidelines
increased by only $150 million (compared with an increase of
$2-1/2 billion in bank lending to foreigners in 1964), whereas
the guideline ceilings would have permitted an increase of $500 mil-
lion. This "swing" of about $2.35 billion was greater than the
improvement in that year's balance of payments, as measured on the
liquidity basis. In 1966, when monetary policy became increasingly
restrictive as domestic inflationary pressures intensified, the
banks reduced their holdings of foreign assets by $150 million. In
absolute terms, this represented a balance of payments improvement
of $300 million. Nevertheless, the liquidity deficit was maintained
at about $1.3 billion for the year. Because of the decrease in
covered assets and an increase in the ceiling, the banks ended the
year with a leeway under the program of almost $1 billion.
In 1967, monetary policy eased, and banks increased their
holdings of covered assets by $370 million, contributing about
$500 million to the $2.3 billion deterioration in the liquidity
balance for that year. As mentioned above, when it became apparent
that the balance of payments situation was worsening, the Administration
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reconsidered programs it had announced in November and set forth new,
more restrictive programs on January 1, 1968.
Although the Federal Reserve program remained voluntary,
for the first time the banks and nonbank financial institutions
were asked to achieve an actual reduction in foreign claims during
the year -- $400 million in the case of the banks, and $100 million
for the nonbank financial institutions. The aggregate ceiling for
banks was reduced from $11.1 billion to $10.1 billion, and bank lee-
way from $1.2 billion to about $200 million. Both the banks and
the nonbank financial institutions exceeded the requested reductions.
Bank holdings of covered foreign assets declined by more than $600 million,
and the nonbank financial institutions by $240 million. Largely
because of this good performance -- and because of other fortuitous
developments in the capital accounts -- the United States ended the
year with a small surplus on the liquidity basis. The trade surplus,
however, declined to only $600 million.
With respect to 1969, preliminary figures indicate that
banks increased their holdings of foreign assets last year by about
$150 million. This figure includes a large outflow in December. It
appears that much of that month's outflow may have been related to an
extremely large volume of transactions which took place near the year-
end, and it may have been temporary in nature. Prior to this year-end
development, the banks were showing a modest net inflow of funds compared
with the level of foreign credits outstanding at the end of 1968.
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Stimulation of Foreign Branches
One by-product of the VFCR program may not be as heipful
to the long-run international position of the United States as it
may appear at first glance. This is the enormous expansion of foreign
branches of U.S. banks. Since the program began, there has been approxi-
mately a six-fold rise in number of banks with branches abroad. It may
be recalled that, when the VFCR guidelines were formulated, assets on the
books of foreign branches were not counted against the ceilings of parent
institutions. Thus, shifting of foreign credits from the head offices
to such branches became a convenient way for banks to keep within their
ceilings. Before long, a number of banks applied for permission to
open branches abroad -- usually in London. By the end of last September,
the total dollar-denominated assets of foreign branches amounted to $28.9
billion. Just under half of this total had been placed with head offices
in the U.S.; just over two-fifths had been lent abroad -- including loans
to U.S. firms and their foreign affiliates to finance direct investment --
and the remaining 10 per cent represented claims on other foreigners.
In terms of sources of funds, about two-thirds of the total had been
derived from foreign banks -- acting primarily as vehicles for mobiliz-
ing and redistributing Euro-dollar deposits.
But the really dramatic story of the expansion of foreign
branches in partial response to the restrictions imposed by the VFCR
is to be found in the so-called "Nassau11 branches. These are limited
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service or Mshell!f branches established in the Bahamas. At the end of
last September, 22 U.S. banks (20 Federal Reserve members and 2 nonmembers)
had opened such facilities -- and they had no branches in other foreign
areas. Since early 1969 when the Board started approving the creation
of Nassau branches (a policy which I have personally never supported),
they have grown rapidly in both number and size — and the growth is
continuing. By the end of last September, the Nassau branches held
just over $1 billion in total liabilities, about 80 per cent of which
represented Euro-dollar deposits. Almost three-fifths of the funds had
been placed with the branches1 U.S. parents.
Thus, while the desire to escape the restrictions of the VFCR
program was a major factor inducing some banks to open Nassau branches
(and about one-third of their assets represented claims on non-U.S.
borrowers) , many of them now seem to be serving primarily as a means of
providing their head offices with Euro-dollars. Because of the low
cost of a typical Nassau branch (amounting to only a few thousand dollars
and involving few if any full-time employees) compared with a full-scale
branch in London or in Continental Western Europe (which may run to $400-
$500 thousand), these banks have found the Bahamas an attractive location.
This has been so despite the fact that the advantages of more traditional
foreign financial centers -- particularly proximity to corporate clients —
cannot be found in Nassau. Nevertheless, the Nassau branches are likely
to be maintained, perhaps on a minimum-level-of-operations basis, even
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if the VFCR disappears and the demand for Euro-dollars to avoid the
pressures generated by domestic monetary restraint becomes less intense.
But aside from these considerations, the rapid growth in
the number and scale of foreign branches of U.S. banks may hold serious
implications for our balance of payments in the long-run. Undoubtedly,
well-established branches of U.S. banks (particularly in Europe) could
be expected to expand in any case to accommodate the rising activity
of thei r clients abroad. Yet, the drastic shift in emphasis of the
banks1 foreign operations toward foreign branches could lead to a
lessening of the incentive for banks in the U.S. to engage in activities
that might promote exports. That was one of the considerations under-
lying the decision to provide more leeway under the VFCR for export
financing.
Outlook for the U.S. Balance of Payments
As is generally known by now, the U.S. balance of payments
registered an extremely large deficit on the liquidity basis in 1969.
For the first three quarters of the year, on a seasonally adjusted basis,
the deficit reached $8 billion, but large capital inflow in the last
quarter reduced the total for the year somewhat. In the final quarter
of the year, the trade surplus improved considerably — rising to an
annual rate of $1.7 billion. But for the year as a whole, the trade
surplus was just over $1/2 billion, about the same as in the previous year.
Although the details on capital movements during the final
quarter of 1969 will not be known for a month or so, we do have a rough
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idea about some of the main elements. The downtrend in stock prices
in the U.S. market (in contrast to rising prices in some key equity
markets abroad) and the continued high yields on Euro-dollar and other
alternative investments undoubtedly dampened foreign acquisitions of
U.S. corporate stocks. On the other hand, there was probably a large
inflow of corporate funds around the year-end as U.S. firms sought to
get under the targets set by the direct investment program. A similar
inflow occurred at the end of 1968. There was also a return inflow
of funds that had been placed in German mark assets prior to revaluation.
But, as mentioned above, there was an unexpected outflow of
bank funds in December, amounting to more than $1/2 billion, though
part of this was seasonal, and was soon reversed. During the fourth
quarter as a whole (and on a seasonally adjusted basis), the outflow
was around $350 million. In the full year 1969, the rise in bank-
reported claims on foreigners amounted to over $1/2 billion -- and
this was accounted for entirely by types of claims not subject to
the VFCR-- for instance, collections for customers or foreign assets
of the agencies of foreign banks. However, as mentioned above, banks
under the program did increase their own foreign lending in December
(by almost $320 million) and thus concluded the full year with a net
outflow of about $150 million.
If we pull together the various, incomplete threads of
information, it is clear that the balance of payments deficit for
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1969 as a whole, on the liquidity basis, was well under the figure
of nearly $8 billion recorded for the first three quarters. Yet,
since a modest surplus had been achieved in 1968 (although partly
because of a sizable amount of special Government-arranged trans-
actions), the deterioration was obviously extremely large. On the
official settlements basis, the balance of payments was in surplus
by almost $2 billion during the first three quarters of last year,
and by a somewhat larger amount for the full year.
Yet, if we look behind these short-run developments,
little can be seen to encourage a feeling of confidence with respect
to our balance of payments. On the contrary, it is clearly evident
that we have made only limited progress toward the objectives set
when the restraints on capital outflow were adopted in early 1965,
although at least part of our difficulty relates to Vietnam and
other military costs rather than underlying economic imbalances.
It will be recalled that these programs were conceived with the
expectation that they would be short-lived. They were generally
looked upon as temporary measures designed to hold the size of the
deficits in check while efforts were made to achieve a fundamental
adjustment in our payments position. To achieve the latter,
several intermediate goals were set:
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- The maintenance (and even expansion) of an
already large trade surplus.
- Reductions wherever possible in Government
outlays abroad.
- A reversal of the widening gap in travel
expenditures.
- A rise in income from previous foreign invest-
ment.
- Encouragement of expansion of European capital
markets.
Obviously, we have fallen considerably short of these
objectives. Last year, our trade surplus was only $1/2 billion
compared with a record of $6-1/2 billion in 1964. To a considerable
extent, thi s poor performance is a reflection of our failures to
check inflation at home. With our prices rising faster than those
of our competitors since 1964, we have lost a sizable share of
foreign markets. While some of this reduction in our relative shares
of total exports may be attributed to barriers of various kinds (which
our negotiators are struggling to lower), our basic problem is clearly
one of cost and price competition. Some of our competitors (including
foreign affiliates of U.S. firms) have become increasingly able to
out-sell some of our firms in our own markets as well as abroad.
We have made significant strides in reducing some Government
outlays abroad and in holding others. For example, dollar payments
to foreigner s under U.S. Government grant and credit programs were
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down to about $650 million in 1968, out of a total program of over
$5 billion. However, such savings had been more than offset by the
sharp ris e in military outlays abroad -- especially in Vietnam. In
1964, military spending abroad amounted to $2.9 billion; by 1968, it
had risen to $4-1/2 billion, and today it is close to a $5 billion
rate.
Income receipts from investment abroad have climbed sharply
since 1964. In the latter year, private foreign investment income was
just under $5 billion; today the rate is approximately $8 billion. On
the other hand, because interest rates here have risen dramatically
since 1964 (reflecting to some extent the heavy reliance on monetary
policy in the fight against inflation) and partly because we have
been financing our balance of payments deficits by accumulating a
huge volume of short-term debt -- there has also been a sizable
increase i n our payments of interest and other income to foreigners.
Such payments rose from $1-1/2 billion in 1964 to a current rate of
roughly $5 billion. This increase has more than matched the gain over
the period in our receipts of income from abroad.
With respect to foreign travel, we seem to have made no
progress in closing the gap. In 1968, Americans spent about $3.9
billion abroad, an increase of $800 million since 1964. Spending by
foreigners here during the same years rose by only $560 million to $2.0 bil-
lion. Thus, the margin of travel expenditures abroad by Americans in excess
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of what foreigners spent here widened from about $1 billion to almost
$1-1/2 billion. The gap probably widened further last year.
In the case of European capital markets, we have witnessed
a development that has brought considerable benefits to our balance
of payments. Even two years ago (when the mandatory regulation for
direct investment was adopted) few — if any -- observers clearly
foresaw the enormous expansion which has occurred since then in the
volume of funds raised by these markets. This has helped to lessen
the financing problems of U.S. corporations whose efforts to carry out
projects abroad would have generated even more pressures on capital
outflow from this country. It has also contributed to a much greater
flow o f foreign capital into U.S. equities.
Nevertheless, since we are s t i ll a long way from achieving
a viable equilibrium in our balance of payments, I think the time has
come to search for a better way to achieve an adjustment.
An Alternative to the VFCR,: Application of Reserve Requirements
Against Foreign Assets
In broad terms, the alternative I have in mind to our present
restraints on U.S. bank lending to foreigners would be the application
of a cash reserve requirement against foreign assets. This reserve
would be in addition to the customary reserve that a bank maintains
against deposits. For convenient reference, it might be described
as a supplemental reserve.
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The objective of this supplemental reserve would be to raise
the cost of foreign lending by reducing the marginal rate of return to
the bank making the foreign loan — and thereby dampen the outflow of
U.S. capital. The basic purpose of the supplemental reserve would not
be to levy new reserve requirements on the banking system as a whole;
nor would it be to raise the average level of reserves required for
individual banks that do not choose to engage in foreign lending or
investing. Thus, it would not be related directly to general domestic
credit condition s -- as are regular reserve requirements applicable to
all member banks of the Federal Reserve System.
In focusing on this approach, I put a market force technique
at the top of my list of desirable characteristics. In administering
the VFCR, I am keenly aware of the desirability of assuring that --
as much as possible — it minimize interference with normal business
decisions and the economic forces of the market place. The business
community, within whatever outer limits are considered absolutely
necessary, can best allocate financial and real resources. Business,
therefore, should be assured as much freedom of choice as the basic
objectives o f an official program permit.
Since the object would continue to be to restrain the growth
in foreign lending, rather than to burden the amount of lending achieved
by some date in the past, the reserves might apply only to the amount
of lending above some determined volume. That is, the cash reserves
would constitute marginal, rather than average, required reserves.
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Solely for the sake of illustration, let us take $10 billion
as the amount of U.S. bank lending existing at the inception of the
program. Suppose further that a bank were required to set aside cash
reserves equal to 20 per cent of the amount by which its outstanding
loans to foreigners exceeded the amount of such loans outstanding just
before the reserve program went into force.
This formulation might be varied so that a cash reserve re^
quirement might be applied against whatever new foreign loans the bank
might extend rather than apply a marginal reserve against the amount
of loans above the amount outstanding on a particular date.
To illustrate, a bank that extended a loan to a foreigner
after, say, the end of February 1970, might be required to set aside
cash reserves of 20 per cent of the amount of that loan. Loans to
foreigners already outstanding as of that date would require no reserves
nor be under any quantitative restraint. Any extension of those out-
standing loans, as well as any drawdowns of then-existing lines of
credit, would be treated as new loans and would be subject to the
reserve requirement. This variant is especially attractive in being
free of any relationship represented by differing volumes of foreign
loans outstanding among individual banks at a given base date -- a
weakness of the existing VFCR.
Under either variant of this alternative to our present system,
the percentage reserve requirement would be set on the basis of an offi-
cial determination of the degree of influence to be applied, for balance
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of payments reasons, against unlimited capital outflow. The restraint
would be levied in proportion to the lending. Contrary to the present
situation, i t would not require immediate asset adjustments by each bank;
instead i t would leave the decision to individual banks to adapt their
lending to the circumstances at the time.
The loans that would be subject to the supplemental reserve
requirement could be defined in a way that would take account of the
priorities and exemptions under today's program. For example: the
present request that banks give priority to loans to meet the needs of
developing countries could be given effect through a reserve ratio
against such loans smaller than the ratio for other loans; loans to
residents of Canada could be exempted, as they are from present restraints,
by setting the requirement at zero. Export loans -- including export-
term loans recently accorded a separate set of ceilings -- could be
subjected to a cash reserve requirement only when they exceeded a stip-
ulated percentage of a bankfs end-of-1968 total assets, the basing point
for the present ceiling for this category of loans.
Such a supplemental cash reserve requirement system sketched
above would have the effect of restraining bank lending to foreigners,
but it would do so in a more supple and economically justifiable way
than is the case with our existing technique. The new reserve require-
ment for foreign assets of banks, being a very minor fraction of the
reserves now required against deposit liabilities, would not cause a
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significant disturbance of domestic monetary policy. While there would
be a modest impact on the required reserves of member banks, this could
be easily offset by open-market operations.
From the point of administration, the system would have a
lesser degree of certainty than the present system, because -- barring
a shift to a prohibitive reserve ratio — it would allow foreign loans
to increase, whereas the present system provides a fairly rigid limit
to the volume of foreign lending by U.S. banks. But the reduced cer-
tainty seems to me a reasonable price to pay for the many advantages
such a system would offer.
As I mentioned earlier, the Federal Reserve System may al-
ready possess authority to establish a reserve program related to the
amount of credit extended to particular categories of foreign borrowers.
With respect to foreign loans by member banks of the Federal Reserve
System (which hold over four-fifths of our banking resources but over
90 per cent of total foreign assets), it seems that the reserve pro-
visions of the Federal Reserve Act provide such authority. For a
broader-base program - one applying to all banks and other financial
institutions— Executive Order 11387, issued in January 1968, authorizes
the Board to "regulate or prohibit any transaction by any bank or other
financial institution11 involving credit to foreigners, if the Board
"determines such action to be necessary or desirable to strengthen the
balance of payments position of the United States.11
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A possible additional source of authority is the recently-
enacted Credit Control Act, which empowers the Federal Reserve Board
to prescribe maximum ratios of loans of particular types to assets of
particular types (such as reserve balances), or to prohibit or limit
such loans. However, this power can be exercised only after a
Presidential determination that regulation and control of credit by
the Board is called for to control "inflation generated by the exten-
sion of credit in an excessive volume."
In outlining a possible alternative to our five year old VFCR
program, I do so to encourage an active quest for a more attractive--and
efficient -- means of limiting capital outflow. While I have not urged
the Federal Reserve Board to adopt it (and in fact it is not even on
the Board's agenda), it does indicate the direction of my own thoughts
as the administrator of the VFCR -- and as a believer in market
techniques.
In closing, we should note that a similar quest for market
techniques to replace the direct investment regulations applying to
nonfinancial corporations should also be encouraged.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1970, February 10). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700211_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19700211_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1970},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19700211_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}