speeches · August 27, 1969
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Thursday, August 28, 1969
1:00 p.m. , E.D.T.
EDUCATION AND THE ECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT OF
MINORITY GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES
Remarks By
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
Annual Convention of
Phi Epsilon Pi Fraternity
Americana Hotel
Miami Beach, Florida
August 28, 1969
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EDUCATION AND THE ECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT OF
MINORITY GROUPS IN TIE UNITED STATES
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
I was flattered by the invitation to become an honorary member
of Phi Epsilon Pi Fraternity and to give the opening address at its
Annual Convention.
In accepting your invitation, let me express my gratitude for
your recognition of the modest efforts I have been making in the public
service through sharing in the conduct of the nation's economic policy.
I also accepted, however, because I think it is vital to demonstrate
symbolically — as well as through quiet deeds carried out day-to-day --
that we are fully committed to the achievement of a truly democratic and
integrated society. Our presence here together -- white and black, Jewish
and non-Jewish -- is testimony to such a commitment.
In thes e remarks, I want to focus on the vital role which educa-
tion must play in the economic advancement of Negroes and other minority
groups in this country. But I also want to emphasize the crucial influence
which the nation's business and professional community can exert in
shaping the course which this development actually takes. As far as
education is concerned, several points are clear:
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
I am grateful for the assistance of a number of persons in the
preparation of these remarks. The Presidents of the twelve
Federal Reserve Banks shared with me the results of their
assessment of the extent of participation by minority groups
in the management of the leading commercial banks in their
respective Districts. Mr. Henry S. Terrell and Miss Mary Ann
Graves of the Board's staff also assisted me at several points.
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Significant strides have been made in recent
years in the formal educational achievements
of Negroes. This is especially true at the
college level , and the outlook is for an
acceleration in college enrollment.
However, because of the substantial educa-
tional and cultural deficit which most of
the black students bring to the campus (a
deficit reflecting the legacy of segregation
and discrimination which their families have had
to bear), the task of preparing them for profes-
sional roles in a competitive, post-college
world is also enormous.
Unfortunately, this task is being complicated
and made more difficult by an increasing
emphasis on ,fblack studies11 and similar
programs. In my opinion, such programs (perhaps
unconsciously) serve mainly to cultivate a cult
of incompetence -- rather than to build rigorous
intellects or to develop expertise in a discipline.
Hopefully, the vast majority of Negro students --
as well as their college faculties -- will
recognize the limitations of such digressions
and get on with the real challenge of making
education a meaningful vehicle for the economic
advancement of our Negro citizens.
In the case of the business community, several points are also
clear:
Increasingly, the business leadership of this
country is placing its weight and employing
its energies to help ease the plight of our
urban areas and to improve the economic condi-
tions of minority groups.
Sadly, however, some of this same business
leadership (also perhaps unconsciously) is
helping to strengthen the forces of racial
division an d separatism which can only frus-
trate and delay the Negrofs full participation
in an open and integrated economy.
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I am particularly distressed by the acceptance
on the part of some of our most prominent business leaders of the
essential arguments advanced by the advocates of separatism. I personally
find it difficult to believe that men at the forefront of industry and
finance can doubt that an open and integrated economy offers the only
sure path to genuine progress by minority groups in the United States.
Yet, the approaches which some of our leading corporations and financial
institutions are adopting in an effort to cope with the urban crisis as
it confronts them go a long way toward accommodating the racial separatists
and thus further deepen the racial divisions which plague us.
Personally, I think we have reached a point where the business
community must be asked to pause and ponder the long-run implications of
some of the responses being made under the immediate stimulation of
pressures exerted by small -- but vocal -- bands of black segregationists.
Personally, I am glad to see that, in the field of banking -- which is
of special interest to me -- the key leadership in the industry has
recently erased what appeared to have been the acceptance of a patently
unreasonable demand advanced by one group committed to a policy of
separatism. The banking industry finally rejected the demand that $6 bil-
lion of assets be transferred to the twenty-odd black-owned banks as
"recoupment" of outstanding claims against the white community to compen-
sate in part for the damages which racial discrimination has inflicted
on Negroes over the years. This episode, which grew out of a conference
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on urban affairs sponsored by the banking industry in the late spring
of this year, illustrates all too well the dangers to orderly progress
inherent in attempts to compromise with the advocates of racial division
and separatism.
Rather than seek ways to accommodate the separatists,
leaders in the business community should make it unmistakably clear that
they are committed to the broadening of opportunities for minority groups
within the framework of an open and integrated society. These leaders
should also accept the fact that most members of these minority groups
will require a considerable amount of special preparation (including on-
the-job training) in order to take advantage of these opportunities. At
the same time (while it might be painful to admit it), Negroes and other
minority groups should recognize that the acceptance of the validity of
this proposition is not a capitulation to racism. Having seen this
truth, they should get on with the urgent task of remedying the deficit
in technical qualifications from which most of them suffer.
To obtain a better appreciation of the progress of minority
groups in the banking industry (again which is of special interest to
me), I asked the Presidents of the twelve Federal Reserve Banks to share
with me their assessment of the extent to which members of such groups*
are making headway at the executive level in the leading banks in their
*The groups were defined to include Negroes, Puerto Ricans,
Mexican-Americans, Orientals and Indians.
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Districts. The picture which emerges from these observations is far
from encouraging:
There are virtually no members of these
minority groups serving on the boards of
directors or as senior officers of the
leading banks in any of our large cities.
A substantial number of banks have members
of minority groups serving as junior officers,
and an even larger number of banks have them
enrolled in management training programs.
However, most of the banks have a difficult
time holding minority group members who are
junior officer s and trainees or attracting
others.
In my personal judgment, the banks (and other large corporations
as well) can take -- and should take -- steps to strengthen their rela-
tions with minority groups, without trying to negotiate treaties with
racial separatists, and thus enhance the contribution which the business
community can make toward improving conditions in urban areas.
Progress in Education
As I mentioned at the outset, significant strides have been
made in the educational attainment of American Negroes in recent years.
This is especially true of young people. For example, in 1957, the
median years of schooling for nonwhite men (who were 18 years of age
and over and in the labor force) were 8.0 years, compared with 11.5
years for white men -- a gap of 3.5 years. By 1967, the median for non-
white men had risen to 10.2 years, while the median for white men had
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climbed to 12.3 years. Thus, in a decade, the differential shrank to
2.1 years, or by three-fifths. Among nonwhite women, the median years
of schooling rose over the period from 8.9 years to 11.5 years; for
white women, the rise was from 12.2 years to 12.4 years. In this case,
the differential was cut by more than two-thirds, from 3.3 years to 0. 9 years.
A somewhat more refined analysis of the Census Bureaufs
statistics shows an even sharper conversion of educational attainment
by young nonwhites toward the level for whites. For instance, among
nonwhite men 25 to 29 years old, the median years of school completed
were 12.2 years in 1968, compared with 12.6 years for white men. This
gap of 0.4 years was only one-fifth as large as the difference of 1.9
years recorded in 1960, when the medians were 10.5 years for nonwhite
men and 12.4 years for white men. Among nonwhite women in the same age
group, median years of schooling rose from 11.1 years in 1960 to 12.2
years in 1968. Among white women, the rise over the same period was
from 12.3 years in 1960 to 12.5 years in 1968. Thus, the nonwhite-white
differential among women declined from 1.2 years to 0.3 years, a decrease
of three-quarters.
In reporting the above evidence of progress in education, I do
not wish to suggest that the quality of the education received by non-
whites, compared with that received by whites, is equally good. We know
that such is not the case. On the other hand, I think it is clear that
some improvement has occurred in the quality of education obtained by
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nonwhites over the last decade. Nevertheless, the remaining distance we
must travel before we have a true equality of education remains considerable.
Education and Economic Advancement
The advancement in the educational level of nonwhites has
brought significant improvements in the economic position of those who
have attained the increased schooling. While such an outcome is to be
expected, the extent of the improvement is less widely recognized than
it should be.
The degree of economic advancement can be observed in the Census
Bureau's data showing changes in the median incomes of Negro and white
men, identified by years of schooling, who were living in large cities
in 1959 and 1967:
Negro as
Per cent of
YYeeaarrss ooff SScchhoooolliinngg Median Income: Negro Men Median Income: White Men White
Percentage Percentage
1959 1967 Increase 1959 1967 Increase 1959 1967
Elementary:
8 yrs or less $3,428 $4,215 23 $5,137 $5,658 10 66.7 74.5
High School:
1 -3 yrs 4,059 5,086 25 5,788 6,748 17 70.1 75.4
4 yrs 4,323 5,642 31 6,265 7,543 20 69.0 74.8
College:
1 yr or more 5,022 7,025 40 7,686 9,222 20 65.3 76.2
4 yrs or more n. a. 7,556 n. a. 8,486 10,261 21 73.6
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In summary, several important observations can be made on the
basis of these data. Between 1959 and 1967, the income differentials
between the two groups narrowed appreciably; the ratio of Negro to- white
median incomes, given the level of education, rose from about two-thirds
to about three-quarters during these years. Over the same period, the
higher the level of education, the greater was the rate of increase in
the median income of both groups. More importantly, the relative gains
for Negr o men were 1-1/2 to 2 times as large as the gains for white men.
Expressed another way -- which also shows how serious the remaining
income lag is for Negroes -- in 1959, Negro men with 1 year or more of
college had a median income slightly below (97.8 per cent) that for
white men with 8 years or less of elementary education. By 1967, the
same ratio had risen to 124.2 per cent -- meaning that college experience
raised the median income of Negro men about one-quarter above that for
white men with only an elementary education. For those with 4 years or
more of college in 1967, the ratio was 133.5 per cent -- or one-third
more. While this comparison is s t i ll distressing -- because it shows
the powerful adverse influence of discrimination and other indicators
of deprivation despite advancement of education -- it also shows that
educational advancement does make a difference in the pace of economic
progress -- although the difference is obviously not large enough.
S t i ll other information from the Bureau of the Census illus-
trates the significant effects of education on economic advancement.
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This information is derived from a survey of students who were high
school seniors in October, 1965, and a follow-up survey of the same
students in February, 1967, to determine whether they had graduated --
and if so, whether they had attended college at any time since complet-
ing high school. A considerable amount of additional information was
obtained from both groups.
Among other conclusions, the results suggested that Negro
seniors were not as likely to graduate from high school as were white
seniors; about 86 per cent of the former graduated, compared with 93 per
cent of the latter. The difference in the probability of attending
college was even greater in favor of white students; just under half of
the white high school graduates went on to college, compared with just
over one-third of the Negro graduates.
But the results of the survey showed something that may be of
even more crucial importance than racial differences. From these data,
it is clear that the probability of attending college, given high school
attendance, rises significantly with the education level of parents,
family income, and improved occupational status of the household head.
Thus, the evidence suggests that there is a strong cumulative value of
education. Not only does education raise current income, but it also
raises the probability that onefs children will be educated -- which in
turn raises their expected income. Against this background, the partic-
ularly rapid gain in education of nonwhites in the 25-29 age group
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discussed above (the years of prime family formation) takes on consid-
erable significance, because it suggests that their children stand a
smaller chance of suffering from the legacy of parents with limited
education.
The Challenge of Education
I observed above that the substantial educational and cultural
deficit which accompanies most black students to college will pose a
serious challenge to these institutions. Just how much of a handicap
the typical black college student has, compared with his white counter-
part, can be seen in the results of studies conducted by the American
Council on Education (ACE). One of the ACE's surveys focused on the 1968
freshman class at American institutions of higher education. The results
were reported separately for freshmen by color (black vs. nonblack) at
all institutions, at predominantly white two-year colleges, at predom-
inately white four-year colleges, at predominately Negro four-year
colleges, and at predominately white universities.
The information from this survey makes fascinating -- and
disturbing -- reading. Among other conclusions, the following examples
reported in the survey give a clear indication of the type of handicaps
borne by Negro students compared with white students:
Family background: The parents of the black
students have a much lower level of
educational attainment. Roughly 55 per
cent of the black students1 fathers,
compared with 26 per cent of other students 1
fathers, had not graduated from high school.
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Over one-third (35 per cent) of the black
students' fathers were employed in un-
skilled or semi-skilled occupations,
against less than 12 per cent for the
fathers of white students.
Income of the black students1 families
was substantially below that of other students'
families. Nearly three-fifths (56 per cent)
of the black students and one-seventh (14 per
cent) of the nonblack students reported their
parents1 yearly income as under $6,000. Only
6 per cent of the black students, compared
with one-fourth of the white students, reported
parental family income of $10,000 or more.
Black students (especially at predominantly
white four-year colleges) were relying heavily
on loans, scholarships, and grants -- rather
than primaril y on family support -- to finance
their first year of college.
Students1 high school performance: Black students
seem to have done less well in high school
than nonblack students. Over two-fifths of
the black students (42 per cent) and less than
one-third of the white students (31 per cent)
reported average grades below B-. About 6 per
cent of the black students and almost 14 per
cent of the other students reported high school
grades of A- or better.
Black students were proportionately less likely
than white students to be a member of a scholastic
honor society, win recognition in the National
Merit Program, or publish an original writing.
On balance, black students rated the academic
standards of their high school lower than did
other students.
Studentsf college aspirations: Black students are
especially less likely than white students to
choose a major in the physical sciences or
engineering. Black students are substantially
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more likely than other students to choose
a major in the social sciences or business,
and somewhat more likely to select education.
Mathematics and statistics are less likely
to be chosen as majors by black students
than by white students.
While proportionately more black students
than other students have postbaccalaureate
degree aspirations, proportionately more
of the nonblack students aspire to a profes-
sional degree.
One could go on citing evidence from the ACEfs survey showing
significant differences between black and white college students. How-
ever, I think the catalogue is long enough to demonstrate the extent of
handicaps which Negro students face. Thus, the real issue to be dealt
with is the best way to proceed in making up the deficit. In my personal
opinion, I do not think that we should dwell on the question of whether
most of these students do -- or do not -- meet the minimum qualifications
to get into college. Since they are enrolled (and others are being
vigorously recruited), I accept that fact as reflecting the colleges1
judgment that they should be there.
Personally, I think the only way to compensate for the lags in
the preparation of black students is to provide opportunities on campus
for them to do the remedial work in areas such as mathematics, reading
and writing skills, physical sciences and foreign languages where the
need seems to be the greatest. Only by bringing black students up to
par in these and similar fields can the colleges create the necessary
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foundations on which these students can build a substantive education.
Moreover, it should be obvious that such remedial programs will require
a considerable investment of time and money by the institutions. Since
this requirement is coming at exactly the time when so many other claims
are being registered on the colleges1 limited funds, the need to
establish clear priorities should be self-evident.
Among Negro students, there should be a clear recognition --
and a willing acceptance -- of the critical importance of making up
promptly the educational and cultural deficit which most of them suffer
upon entering college. I can understand fully why many such students
from disadvantaged backgrounds are bitter over the suggestion of
inadequacy implied by enrollment in remedial work. But I think most
of them so enrolled also realize that they stand l i t t le chance of
obtaining a meaningful college education unless they do acquire a
stronger academic base at the outset. Moreover, they seem increasingly
to be accepting the fact that -- for many of them -- earning a college
degree may take more than the traditional four years.
Unfortunately, however, this sensible approach to correcting
the educational and cultural deficit borne by most black students is
not as widely accepted on campuses as it should be. Instead, a sizable
number of both black and white students -- and apparently a considerable
number of faculty members as well -- seem to have concluded that black
students do not need to master many of the subjects ordinarily included
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in the curriculum of the typical liberal arts college. This is especially
true of courses in the humanities, which have usually overlooked completely
the contributions made by Negroes and other nonwhites.
Yet, the reaction against this neglect has taken a turn which
I find profoundly disturbing. Out of it has come a rising demand for
"black studies" and similar programs -- frequently coupled with demands
for separate departments (with all-black faculties) and even for segregated
on-campus living quarters. Indeed, some of the more sophisticated
apologists for this new brand of racial division and segregation (partic-
ularly among some of the most sensitive and liberal faculty members) argue
that black students on predominately white campuses require such separate
accommodations to ease their initial exposure to a mainly white environ-
ment.
Personally, I think it would be a tragic mistake for Negro
students to waste their college years languishing in "black studies"
and similar sheltered workshops which do l i t t le or nothing to prepare
them to meet the vigorous competition for employment opportunities in
the post-college world. After all, it should be obvious to Negro students
that -- while some of them are gaining a measure of heightened pride
through enrollment in "black studies" -- the vast majority of both black
and white students are devoting themselves to the attainment of enough
expertise in some area of specialization to allow them to compete at
least for beginning professional jobs once they leave college.
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So, rather than supporting the rise of a new cult of
incompetence -- which "black studies11 can only assure -- the academic
community (including faculty and students, both black and white) should
get on with meeting the real challenge of education today: the
preparation of disadvantaged young people to take their place in an
open and integrated society.
The Challenge to the Business Community
A similar challenge also faces the business leadership of
this country. They, too, ought to refocus their sights on the
essential task of providing expanding opportunities for full participa-
tion by Negroes and other minority groups in the mainstream of the
economy. An increasing number of our leading business enterprises do
recognize the urgency of this need and are responding accordingly.
Unfortunately, however, some of the same firms are simultaneously
sponsoring projects -- or allowing themselves to be associated with
activities -- which can only serve to foster racial divison and
separatism.
While numerous instances could be cited, several examples
will illustrate the point:
A leading hotel chain announces that it will
join with local ownership to locate a new
hotel in the ghetto, which will serve also
as its headquarters for training Negroes in
hotel administration.
An automobile manufacturer gives a new-car
franchise to a Negro to replace a dealership
in the ghetto previously owned by a white man.
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A manufacturer of electrical products
establishes a small-scale plant in a
ghetto, manned almost entirely by black
workers; almost simultaneously it locates
a much larger facility in the suburbs of
the same city.
One of the leading banks in a major city
refrains from opening a branch in a ghetto
area, although it recognizes that the bank-
ing needs are not being met -- and then later
the same bank assisted efforts to establish a small,
black-owned bank in the area for which the outlook
was less promising.
Why, one may ask, do I find efforts of this type disturbing?
The answer is clear: they represent wrong choices favoring separatism
over better choices favoring participation in an integrated society.
Undoubtedly, locating a new hotel in the ghetto represents a
step which should be applauded -- and many would feel that giving local
people a chance to share in its ownership makes it an even better
venture. However, one should also ask why members of minority groups
who are learning to manage hotels should be concentrated here. Since
the firm owns many other hotels (including a principal unit in the same
city but outside the ghetto) , why not place minority group members as
trainees in all establishments in the hotel chain? And why not plan to
send white trainees to the new hotel when it is opened for business?
All of us could agree that the presence of so few Negroes
and other minority group members among new-car dealers is deplorable.
The same is true with respect to most other channels through which major
household appliances and business equipment are distributed. Thus, steps
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to correct the situation are certainly meritorious. On the other hand,
was the transfer of a franchise from a white man to a black man in the
ghetto the best way to draw Negroes into this segment of the automobile
industry? I think not. Vacancies occur in dealerships outside the
ghetto, so why did the company not choose that route? (In fact, the
white man involved in this case was relocated in such an area.) Instead,
the choice the manufacturer made pushed us another step in the direction
of separatism and away from an open economy.
Locating an electrical manufacturing plant in the ghetto will
obviously expand job opportunities in an area which sorely needs them.
But here, also, a better alternative was available. The company could
have assured that ghetto residents got a significant share of the jobs
in th e much larger suburban plant. Of course, to make such opportunities
meaningful, it might have been necessary for the company to provide buses
or other means of transportation. Even better, it could have worked to
make housing in moderate-income areas near the suburban plant more
available to ghetto residents who obtained jobs in the latter facility.
The commercial bank that deliberately refrained from opening
a branch in a ghetto area to meet the recognized need for banking
services undoubtedly was motivated by the very best intentions: it did not
want to aggravate racial tensions by seeming to foreclose the opportunities for
a group of local businessmen and professionals who later announced plans to launch
a black-owned bank which s t i ll has not been established. But what about the
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inconvenience imposed on a great number of residents in the affected area
who s t i ll must travel a considerable distance to get banking services? In
my personal judgment, that bank made the wrong choice when it decided to
leave a sizable share of the local banking market to a black group hopeful
of providing needed banking services -- but for whom prospects are less
bright, despite the assistance given by the large bank itself.
Thus, let me repeat, it is of critical importance that the
business leadership in our country make an even greater effort to help
alleviate the ills which plague our urban society. Nevertheless, in
my personal opinion, it is equally crucial that they avoid strengthening
the position of the separatists or encouraging those who would widen
further the racial divisions from which we are already suffering.
Management Opportunities in Banking
As I mentioned above, I have a special interest in the extent
to which the banking community is opening opportunities for members of
minority groups at the executive level. We know that, on an overall
basis, the banks are making considerable progress in the recruitment of
minority group employees. For example, in April, 1968 (the latest date
for which we have comprehensive figures), banks with 50 or more employees
had a total labor force of 685 thousand, of whom 62 thousand (or 9 per
cent) were members of minority groups. Among the latter, 38 thousand
were Negroes; 17 thousand were Spanish (mainly Puerto Ricans and Mexican-
Americans); 6 thousand were Orientals, and about 13 hundred were Indians.
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These figures represented a substantial improvement over what the
situation was a few years ago, and undoubtedly further gains have been
recorded in the last year and a half.
But the really interesting question concerns the progress of
members of minority groups at the managerial level. To obtain a better
appreciation of trends in this area, as I mentioned above, the Presidents
of the Federal Reserve Banks were asked to share with me their own informal
assessments of the situation in their Districts. In most cases, only the
experience of the large banks was reported, but comments were also
included on the black-owned banks, or banks controlled primarily by
Puerto Ricans or Mexican-Americans. On the whole, approximately 175
banks were covered in the informal canvas of our largest cities, and
the number varied considerably from one Federal Reserve District to
another -- from about 3 or 4 banks in the Minneapolis District to 32 in
the Dallas District.
In summarizing the Reserve Bank replies, the following picture
emerges:
None of the large banks had Negroes serving on
their boards of directors. There were a few
of Spanish or Oriental descent. Several small
banks (mainly established under interracial
sponsorship) had minority group members on their
boards. But on the whole, only about a dozen
minority group directors were identified.
Even less than a dozen senior officers (vice
presidents and above) who were minority group
members were reported in the leading commercial
banks.
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A sizable number of junior officers (assis-
tant vice presidents and below) and a
substantially larger number of management
trainees were reported among minority group
employees of the banks covered.
The Reserve Banks also reported that most of the large banks,
especially those located in principal cities, are actively trying to
increase the minority group representation within their banks at the
officer level. However, the results have not been encouraging; they
feel that they cannot offer the salaries which "qualified11 minority
people can demand. Even after some training, they are lured away by
higher salaries to some other institution. Most of the banks cited the
problem of finding a qualified person to begin with. Because of these
reasons, among others, banks felt that progress in bringing minority
groups into their management ranks must be through their management
training programs.
I think all of us would agree that the banks must rely on
their management training programs and internal promotions as the prin-
cipal vehicles for the advancement of Negroes and other minority group
members through the officer ranks. Furthermore, there is obviously a
limit on how fast they can telescope the time required for even the
brightest trainees and junior officers to master the large body of
technical knowledge which a senior officer must have not only at his
fingertips but also in his head.
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Banks and the Urban Challenge
However, having admitted that the number of minority group
members in the top management positions in banks (or in any other large
corporation) cannot be expanded instantaneously, it is s t i ll possible
to suggest ways in which the front ranks of banking can be made much
more representative of the community as a whole: with only a modest
effort, th e banks could include Negroes and other minority group members
on their boards of directors. This is especially true of the leading
banks in urban areas where such a sizable proportion of the minority
group population is located.
As a rule, most bank directors (particularly in the largest
institutions) are not included on boards because they have substantial
ownership of the banks' stock. Instead, they are included because they rep-
resent large customers (or potential customers) , have a wide network of useful
contacts (sometimes political) , or help the bank project a good image in its
community. Among national banks, a director must have at least a specified
minimum financial interest; for most banks this has been set at $1,000. In
numerous cases, particularly in individual banks that are members of
holding companies, many directors typically meet this qualification by
subscribing to 10 shares with a par value of $100 per share. Moreover,
it is generally understood that they will hold such shares only during
their tenure as directors of the banks involved.
National banks (and state member banks of the Federal Reserve
System) must have a minimum of 5 and a maximum of 25 directors. However,
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many banks also have categories of "honorary11 or "advisory" directors,
which allow them to exceed the statutory number set for voting directors.
Thus, it is clear that even the largest banks have leeway to provide on
their boards of directors broadly-based representation from among all
the groups (including minority groups) located in their communities.
Furthermore, there is really no need to debate whether "qualified"
representatives can be found among such groups. Since a good deal of
a director's value to a bank is derived from his contacts with important
segments of the bank's market area, numerous individuals can be found
among business and professional men and women who could help strengthen
the banking industry's roots in its overall community.
Moreover, having more seasoned representatives of minority
groups involved at the top level of bank management would make it less
necessary for the banks to rely so heavily on the judgment of junior
officers in trying to determine the best course to follow in the devel-
opment of policies to guide the banking industry's role in urban affairs.
As I mentioned above, the industry allowed itself to be boxed into an
embarrassing position during a conference on banks and urban affairs
held in Chicago late last spring. In that case, the vast majority of
participants in the conference voted to endorse the demand that the
banking industry transfer $6 billion in assets to the black-owned banks
in partial compensation for the burden of racial discrimination which
Negroes have borne in the past. While the leadership of the industry
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finally rejected the demand in mid-Augu st, the initial suggestion that
banks supported it (and many of the leading banks across the nation were
represented at the conference) gave the impression to numerous observers
that the banks were willing to negotiate (and even grant) some of the
patently unreasonable demands of those who advocate racial division and
separatism.
To a considerable extent, that episode can be traced to the
mistake of allowing relatively junior officers -- and even management
trainees -- to speak for banks in an area of vital social and economic
importance. I am personally convinced that the banks permitted this to
happen because of the assumption that their black officers (however
limited thei r command of the technical aspects of banking and finance)
have a special advantage in the shaping of solutions to urban problems.
Such an assumption is obviously unwarranted. A genuine understanding of
the role which banks can play in meeting the financial needs of urban
areas must rest on a prior mastery of banking itself. If anything, the
level of expertise required is even greater than that needed to handle
the business in fields where banks traditionally have been active: for
example, in the financing of foreign trade and investment -- and who can
visualize a bank permitting junior officers (even if they are black) to
speak for the institution on vital questions relating to foreign exchange
and the future of the international monetary system? Yet, in the matter
of urban affairs, an area of even more complexity, banks actually allowed
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this to happen at the Chicago conference. While a few senior bank
officers were present, the record shows clearly that registration at
the conference was dominated by junior officers -- a substantial propor-
tion o f whom were black.
Moreover, the banking industry, through its leading trade
association, had tentatively committed itself to a program which would
have given black junior officers an even larger role in shaping (or
debating publically) the part it should play in urban affairs -- and
it would have done so on a segregated basis. Earlier in the year, the
proposal had been made that black officers in large predominately white
banks and representatives of Negro-owned banks hold a conference on
urban affairs, in a city in the Southwest, under the joint sponsorship
of th e American Bankers Association (ABA) and the National Bankers
Association (NBA). The proposal was accepted tentatively, the program
was being developed, and speakers were being recruited. However, after
outspoken criticism of this endorsement of separatism was registered
with some of the key leaders in the banking industry, the original plan
was dropped. The Chicago conference was substituted instead.
The conference as finally held undoubtedly provided an
opportunity fo r a useful exploration of the banks1 experiences in try-
ing to cope with urban problems. But it also spotlighted the dangers
of delegating to junior officers responsibilities relating to urban
affairs which the banks1 top leadership should keep in their own hands.
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At the same time, of course, I also recognize that some junior
officers who are members of minority groups may be able to make signif-
icant contributions in helping the banks strengthen the roles they are
playing in urban affairs. But, in my personal judgment, the best
course for junior officers (black or white) is to concentrate on
becoming able bankers who eventually can speak out on the financial
aspects of urban affairs -- or on other banking subjects -- on the
basis of technical competence.
Concluding Remarks
In the meantime, I think it is vital that all of us keep
foremost in our minds the urgent need to help bring about a truly open
and integrated society. Only in such an environment can Negroes and
other minority groups make genuine economic progress. Moreover, since
we are already plagued by too many racial divisions and tensions among
groups i n our diverse population, we should do nothing that helps
(perhaps unwittingly) to strengthen the hands of the small bands of
racial separatists in our midsts.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1969, August 27). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690828_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19690828_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1969},
month = {Aug},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690828_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}