speeches · May 21, 1969
Speech
William McChesney Martin, Jr. · Chair
For release on delivery
(Approximately 7:30 p.m., EDT)
Thursday, May 22, 1969
The U.S. Dollar at Home and Abroad
Remarks of Wm. McC. Martin, Jr.,
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
before the
77th General Meeting
of the
American Iron and Steel Institute
The Waldorf-Astoria,
New York City
May 22, 1969
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Tonight I should like to speak to you about the role of
the U. S. dollar at home and abroad — about the interrelations between
a sound economy and a sound balance of payments, about the link
between a sound international monetary system and the economic welfare
of all people, consumers, workers, and producers — including, needless
to say, producers of iron and steel.
The United States dollar, for which the Federal Reserve
System accepts a special responsibility, serves as much more than a
domestic currency. It is also an international currency, a keystone
of international trade and finance fulfilling on a worldwide basis two
traditional functions of money: a means of payment and a store of
value.
The Role of the Federal Reserve
Let me at the outset point up the role and responsibility
of the Federal Reserve System. The power to "coin money" and "regulate
the value thereof" which the Constitution vests in the Congress was
delegated under the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 to the Federal Reserve
System.
Since the Constitution was written, "coin" has been supple-
mented and swamped in amount by paper currency and then by deposits in
banks. By now, four-fifths of the money supply over which the Federal
Reserve exercises its functions is in the form of deposits, and only
about one-fifth in the form of currency and coin. At present coin as
such makes up only 3 per cent of the money supply.
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More profound than the change in the composition of what
is used as money has been the development of the techniques of central
banking. Instead of taking the time to trace this development, let
me summarize for you how the Federal Reserve performs its functions
today. The basic means by which the Federal Reserve exerts its
influence is the requirement that member banks—which account for more
than 80 per cent of the total assets of all commercial banks—maintain
reserves equal to specified proportions of their deposits. These
required reserves are held mainly in the form of deposits at the
Federal Reserve Banks. The Federal Reserve is able to regulate the
volume of member bank reserves by altering the magnitude of its own
assets and liabilities. The volume of bank reserves, in turn, more or
less determines the ability of the commercial banking system to expand
its assets — that is, lend to businesses, consumers and governments—
and to incur liabilities in the form of deposits of consumers, businesses
and governments. And the scale of lending and investing activities that
the commercial banks are able to undertake influences the cost and
availability of credit and the supply of money throughout the economy.
I do not wish to imply that what I have just described is
a finely-tuned precision instrument. It is far from that: there are
many slippages between a change in the bank reserves supplied by the
Federal Reserve and a change in commercial bank assets and liabilities
and then, at the end of a long series of complex linkages including
effects on nonbank financial institutions and securities markets, a
change in spending for goods and services. But, in general, it should
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suffice to assert that the instruments of Federal Reserve policy make
possible affirmative governmental influence over the lending and
deposit-creating activities of commercial banks and, thus, in turn,
on interest rates and other credit conditions that have an important
bearing on private spending.
The major objectives guiding monetary policy are no
different from those that guide fiscal policy. They are summed up in
the Employment Act of 1946, as currently interpreted: to encourage
a steadily-growing, actively and productively employed economy with
reasonable price stability. In recent years another major policy
consideration has been added: to help restore and maintain a strong
balance of payments and therefore a sound dollar abroad as well as at
home. Fiscal policy pursues these objectives through the direct effects
of government spending and through the influence of the tax system on
private incomes and spending. Monetary policy aims at these objectives
through its impact on financial conditions—notably the volume and
cost of credit and money — and thus on private spending decisions.
The Role of the Dollar
Given this general orientation of Federal Reserve policy
instruments and objectives, we may go on to observe that the currency
over which the Federal Reserve exercises its stewardship, the U. S.
dollar, is much more than a domestic currency. The domestic use
of dollars is understood by all of us. We define our money as the
means of payment used within our borders. A New Yorker pays for a car
produced in Michigan by transferring dollars, usually through a check
written on his local bank and ultimately deposited in the bank of the
auto maker..
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What is less well-known is that the dollar plays a similar
role abroad. When a German importer purchases machinery in France
that transaction will ordinarily be accompanied by a transfer of dollars
from a German bank to a French bank. Even if the specific transaction
were invoiced in francs, the German importer's bank would ordinarily
acquire francs by paying out dollars to a French bank.
Since the end of World War II, the U. S. dollar has come
to be used very widely throughout the world as an international
currency. This fact can be underscored by noting that private traders
and bankers abroad hold a total of over 20 billion of dollar balances
in the form of deposits in U. S. banks and holdings of short-term
government and other securities in the United States. In addition,
they hold substantial dollar balances in foreign banks—in the so-
called Euro-dollar market.
In addition to the dollar's use abroad by private traders,
investors and bankers—even in transactions in which no American is
involved—the dollar is al6o used in important ways by foreign central
banks. The major market for foreign exchange in Germany is a market in
which the dollar is traded against marks. And so it is in almost every
country. This means that when the central banks of foreign countries
operate in their own foreign exchange markets, they do so by taking in
or paying out dollars against their own currencies.
Thus when a country—except for those that use sterling or
francs as an international currency—has a surplus in its balance
of payments, that surplus shows up in the first instance as an inflow
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of dollars to that country's central bank. This can happen—it should
be stressed—even when the United States' balance of payments is itself
in surplus. And when a country is in deficit its central bank will be
paying out dollars to its foreign exchange market to satisfy the needs
for excess payments abroad inherent in the notion of a balance of
payments deficit.
The use of the dollar in these ways by private merchants,
investors, commercial banks, and central banks, is referred to as the
dollar's role as a "vehicle currency." This use of dollars did not
come about through formal decision or legislative action anywhere.
It simply arose out of the convenience and needs of international
commerce, and the underlying strength of the U. S. economy and its
resources.
But the vehicle currency use of the dollar is only part of
the story. Up to now, I have been describing the dollar's role as an
international means of payment. But as I mentioned in the beginning,
money has two traditional functions—as a means of payment and as a
store of value.
Central banks throughout the world find it useful — indeed
essential — to maintain working balances in dollars, as the vehicle
currency, just as you and I keep a balance in our checking accounts
to facilitate our transactions. But it further suits the convenience
of many countries to keep not only working balances but also a sub-
stantial part of their international reserves in the form of dollar
assets. In other words, many countries use the dollar not only as an
international means of payments—a vehicle currency—but also as a
store of value — a reserve currency.
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Countries, like individuals, need "rainy day" balances—
that is, funds on which they can draw at times when their receipts
from abroad may fall short of their payments. Such reserves presently
can take only three forms: gold, a foreign currency, or a reserve
position in the International Monetary Fund. Soon an additional
reserve asset—Special Drawing Rights—will be available, as a supple-
ment to other reserves. At the end of 1963, the official reserves of
all countries together—amounting in total to more than $75 billion—
consisted of 51 per cent in gold, 40 per cent in foreign exchange and
9 per cent in reserve positions in the IMF. And a large proportion of
foreign exchange—that is, national currencies held by other countries
as reserves—is in the form of dollars.
The fact that the U. S. dollar is the principal vehicle and
reserve currency is not a matter of coincidence or accident. Dollars
became useful and convenient to hold because they could buy attractive
goods; because large and efficient financial markets are available for
investing dollars and earning interest on them; because the United
States stands ready to convert dollars into gold and gold into dollars
for foreign governments and central banks, and the United States has by
far the largest gold reserve in the world; and, as a further point,
because there have been relatively few periods of doubt about the
dollar price of gold.
Since the national currency of the United States is used
in this way as money—in fact, serving both the major functions of
money—the United States is in effect a bank to the rest of the world.
And it behooves us, for that and other reasons, to take whatever steps
are needed to assure one and all that our credit — our money—is good.
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Inflation in the United States
Today it is clear — as clear as at any time in our history—
that we cannot retain confidence in the dollar among either Americans
or foreigners unless we conduct our economic and financial affairs in
such a way as to merit confidence.
That we do so, now and henceforth, is all the more essential
because we have faltered for more than 3 years—the period since the
sharp step-up of our commitments to the Vietnam War—with the result
that our economy has become overheated, our manpower resources have
been strained, and our costs and prices have moved up with dismaying
rapidity.
It would be idle to dwell again on the mistakes of these
recent years. The adoption in mid-1968 of fiscal measures to raise
taxes and restrain government expenditures was perhaps 2 years late,
with the result that the budget deficit reached the staggering total
of $25 billion in fiscal year 1968 at the very time when inflationary
pressures were cumulating. Nor would I wish to overlook the error of
an over-hasty—although only temporary—relaxation of monetary restraint
by the Federal Reserve last summer.
At the present time both fiscal and monetary policy have,
appropriately, taken a restrictive stance. But we cannot expect
instantaneous results. We are dealing with a heritage of many errors,
of private as well as of public origin, and out of them all have come
cost and price increases that are continuing to generate still further
cost and price increases, the whole of which — importantly—has become
deeply imbedded in business and consumer consciousness and expectations.
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After several years of rapidly rising prices, it is only
natural that many spending decisions are motivated now by the fear
that prices will be even higher next year, or by the conviction that
inflation will bail out even the most marginal undertaking. After
all, the price component of our national product has moved up with
increasing rapidity from an average rate of less than 1-1/2 per cent
a year in the early 1960's, to 2 per cent in 1965, 2-1/2 per cent in
1966, 3 per cent in 1967, close to 4 per cent last year, and 4.3 per
cent in the first quarter of this year. Public skepticism about the
government's ability to "do something" about prices has its roots in
this dismal record.
I have recited these facts out of realism—but certainly
not despair. Much of our heritage of errors has already been
corrected in recent months. Monetary and fiscal policy are now
working in the same direction and reinforcing each other. I believe
that we are, at long last, making some headway in dealing with infla-
tion, in advancing toward what I have described as the goal of "dis-
inflating without deflation." Progress has been slow, but that should
be understandable after so much inflationary momentum has been
generated by delay in getting the nation's finances in order. From
here on, patience, perserverance and persistence will be necessary--
and considerable fortitude as well — to pursue steadfastly economic
stabilization policies that bring inflation under control, and to continue
those policies as long as needed to ensure that a resurgence of excess
demand and upward cost and price pressures does not recur to plague us
again.
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Of course, this is not a problem for government alone:
labor and management in every field of endeavor, and consumers as
well, have a role to play and also a responsibility, for at stake
is the opportunity of restoring a sound base for healthy further
domestic growth, and of restoring a stronger base for equilibrium
in our balance of payments also.
Let all of us keep firmly in mind that in commerce
Americans are in competition not only with each other but also with
the world. They are in competition not only in design, quality and
promotion but also in prices. They are in competition not only as
sellers but also as buyers.
Meeting the competition within the world market place
requires of Americans initiative, imagination, inventiveness, enter-
prise, managerial skill and self-discipline, both in our private and
our governmental processes. The way out of our troubles is not to
draw into our shells, not to fence ourselves in, but to summon our
strength, to launch out, to engage in the competitive fray and give
it our best.
Doing so means that in domestic and foreign markets alike
we are going to have to come up with the right goods and services,
at the right places, in the right times, with the right prices.
We cannot afford to be priced out of the market by the
wage-price spiral: in our private enterprise, employers must remember
they are competing with other employers over the world for sales and
profits, and employees must remember they are competing with other
workers over the world for jobs as well as wages.
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Neither can we afford to be priced out of the market by
currency inflation: as I have said, in our governmental processes we
must be doubly sure that budgetary and monetary operations reinforce
rather than undermine the value of our currency, and thus reinforce
rather than undermine our international competitive position.
To take an opposite course, and attempt to protect our-
selves by barriers against competitive products from abroad would be
self-defeating in two ways: it would invite similar action by other
countries and it would dampen the spur provided by foreign competition
to better quality, higher productivity and lower prices for American
products.
U. S. Balance of Payments
This brings me to the U. S. balance of payments.
The inflation of demand and prices that we have experienced
over the past 4 years has had an inevitable effect on U. S. foreign
trade. Demands by consumers, businesses and governments together in
excess of what our economy could supply have naturally spilled over
to foreign-produced goods, and our imports have advanced very
rapidly—by more than 50 per cent between 1965 and 1968. As a result
our traditional export surplus, which averaged $5-1/2 billion in
1963-65, has dwindled and almost disappeared in 1968. Our current
balance on goods and services, although still in surplus, has been
reduced correspondingly.
Fortunately for the international position of the dollar, this
marked deterioration in the so-called current account of our balance
of payments has been compensated — in fact, recently over-compensated--
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by an improvement in our capital accounts with the rest of the world.
As the result of various influences — governmental balance of payments
programs, an apparent shift in the preferences of foreign equity
investors toward the U. S. stock market, and rising interest rates
and tight money conditions here—the United States has recently
become a net importer of private capital from the rest of the world.
Consequently the dollar has been strong in foreign exchange
markets and our balance of payments statistics have registered a
surplus on the so-called official settlements basis.
Paradoxically, the worsening of our international trade
position is not currently reflected in any weakness in the dollar
internationally. Lest we take too much comfort from this situation,
let me hasten to make two observations about the present unusual
structure of our balance of payments. First, the large inflow of
foreign capital that we experienced in 1968 and the first quarter of
1969 cannot be regarded as sustainable at anything like its recent
rate. Neither the governmental program restraining capital outflows
of U. S. corporations nor the tight money that attracted unusually
large inflows of foreign short-term funds to the United States through
the Euro-dollar market can be counted on to produce results of similar
magnitude over time. Second, even if the large capital inflow were
sustainable, it would not be desirable on its recent scale. The
richest country in the world ought to be providing private capital
to the rest of the world, not absorbing it.
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Clearly, a more sustainable and appropriate structure in
the U. S. balance of payments would involve a restoration of a
sizable surplus in our trade with the rest of the world, and a lesser
dependence on unusual capital inflows.
What is called for to start us on the road to a better
foreign trade position is precisely what is called for to restore
stability at home: a cooling off of excess demand and a consequent
deceleration of the price-wage spiral. Thus both domestic and
international considerations give rise to the same prescription for
U. S. fiscal and monetary policies—resolute restraint that will help
us to disinflate and get the economy back on a growth path that is
non-inflationary.
World Reserves and the U. S. Balance of Payments
I noted a moment ago that the United States balance of
payments has been in overall surplus over the past year, on an
official settlements basis. The counterpart of this surplus has been
a significant reduction in the official reserves of other countries--
particularly countries in Continental Europe. Over the 12 months
ending in March 1969, the total international reserves of industrial
countries other than the United States fell about $2-1/2 billion or
more than 6 per cent, whereas normally most countries expect to see
their reserves increase over time as their trade and other interna-
tional transactions grow.
The past year's experience, even if it resulted from
unusual circumstances and even if there are doubts regarding its sus-
tainability, illustrates concretely and dramatically a basic assumption
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underlying the development of the plan for Special Drawing Rights
in the International Monetary Fund. This assumption is that if the
United States is in balance or in surplus, the world will find itself
without an adequate source of needed growth in international reserves.
As we look to the future we must expect the United States
to continue to strive for an overall balance in its official settle-
ments position with the rest of the world. Furthermore, it is well
known that both France and the United Kingdom are aiming for payments
surpluses, in order to repay debts and to restore their depleted
reserves. And the less-developed countries as a group appear to
increase their reserves fairly steadily year by year. It is a matter
of simple arithmetic that if the United States is to be in balance,
if the United Kingdom and France are to achieve surpluses, if the
less-developed countries are to continue to accumulate reserves, then
either the other developed countries must lose reserves steadily or
a source of new reserve creation must be established.
It is unlikely that the other developed countries are
willing or able to tolerate a steady reduction in reserves. Indeed
we have seen indications in recent months that such reductions in
reserves are resisted. It follows that the need for new reserves is
a strong one. And the Special Drawing Rights in the International
Monetary Fund are ideally suited for this purpose.
One can go further and say that activation of Special
Drawing Rights will help to facilitate an improvement in the pattern
of international payments positions. The desired adjustments by
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Britain and France, to which I have referred, plus maintenance of
a balanced position by the United States, can hardly be expected to
be realized if other countries must, as part of the process, suffer
significant declines in reserves.
The Role of Gold
Having discussed world reserves and their relationship to
balance of payments adjustment, let me say a few words about gold.
Gold is the largest component of world reserves, as I noted earlier.
Gold can be expected to continue to be a major element in world
reserves. Similarly the role of the dollar as a reserve currency will
no doubt continue. But neither gold nor dollars can be counted on to
contribute significantly to the needed growth in world reserves. This
is why Special Drawing Rights were conceived.
Establishment of the two-tier gold system in March 1968
succeeded in insulating official gold reserves from private trans-
actions in gold. The two-tier system has worked very well and there
is no reason why it cannot continue to do so. The remaining problems
in this area are certainly amenable to practical solutions.
With the establishment of the two-tier system, and improve-
ment in the U. 3. reserve position, talk about the official price of
gold has subsided greatly. This is a healthy sign. I want to reassert
what I said in a talk some 15 months ago—that an increase in the
official price of gold is neither necessary nor desirable as a means
of improving the workings of the international monetary system. It
is unnecessary because Special Drawing Rights can provide for growth
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in world reserves in an equitable, systematic, and noninflationary
manner. It is undesirable for many reasons, not the least of which
is that it would turn back the clock of monetary history. I have
no doubt that the present era in international monetary affairs will
be viewed by historians as one in which individual nations managed
to reconcile their sovereignty with their obvious interdependence by
unprecedented progress in international cooperation. Such monetary
cooperation takes place in many forums — the International Monetary
Fund, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the
Bank for International Settlements and numerous other bodies where
groups of country representatives consult.
International cooperation is subject to occasional set-
backs and failures — which can also be said of policy formation
within individual countries. But this in no way lessens its
importance. International cooperation is the counterpart among
nations of governmental authority within nations. The alternative
to cooperation is chaos.
Concluding Comment
To me, it seems clear that the mainspring of economic
progress and prosperity has always been the energy, skill and enter-
prise of people striving for better things for themselves, their
families and their communities.
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The responsibility of governments is to provide conditions
and a climate of opportunity that give scope and encouragement to the
common exercise of these qualities in an atmosphere of freedom.
We in the United States have kept at the center of our
economic life the market system, the most reliable arrangement man-
kind has devised for bringing human effort to bear — voluntarily,
rather than by compulsion — to the task of achieving a higher living
standard for all.
The advantages of a market system, where supply capacities
and demand wants and needs are matched in open markets, cannot be
measured in economic terms alone. In addition to the advantages of
efficiency in the use of economic resources, there are vast gains in
terms of personal liberty. Powers of decision are dispersed among
the millions affected, instead of being centralized in a few persons
in authority.
Today, in every phase of American life, we are up against
a challenge to prove that a free society can have enough wisdom,
self-discipline and cohesion to advance the common good in an orderly,
sustainable fashion. I am confident that the American people have
those qualities, and in awareness of their interdependence with the
rest of the world, will exercise them to achieve greater and finer
things than we have even dreamed of as yet. And, in doing so, we will
find new faith both in our system and in ourselves.
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Cite this document
APA
William McChesney Martin, Jr. (1969, May 21). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690522_jr.
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19690522_jr.,
author = {William McChesney Martin, Jr.},
title = {Speech},
year = {1969},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690522_jr.},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}