speeches · March 24, 1969
Speech
William McChesney Martin, Jr. · Chair
For release on delivery
Statement by
William McChesney Martin, Jr.
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
Committee on Banking and Currency
United States Senate
March 25, 1969
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I am pleased to appear before this Committee today to
discuss with you recent developments in financial markets and
especially the trend of interest rates over the past several years.
I have frequently testified that I would like to see interest rates
as low as we can have them without inflation. And I would add now
that the way to get interest rates down is to end the inflation that
has been raising them.
Let me set forth a few of my own ideas as to why interest
rates have risen to the present unprecedented levels, and what must
be done if we are to see a return to a level of interest rates
consistent with satisfactory rates of investment over the long run
in such areas as housing and plant and equipment.
To begin with, the current period of high interest rates
needs to be viewed in the longer-run perspective of interest rate
trends over the period since World War II. While there have been
short-run swings in interest rates over these past two decades, in
response to variations in the tempo of economic activity, several
major factors have contributed to the persistent upward trend that we
have experienced.
The most important contributing factor has been the extra-
ordinarily high rate of technological progress occurring both in the
U.S. and abroad. It scarcely seems possible that twenty years ago
television sets, synthetic fibers, and plastic containers were products
that existed largely in the minds of engineers and chemists, or that
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the use of computers and the automation of production processes were
just beginning to affect business thinking and planning. As Apollo 8
was circling the moon, I was reminded that the first manned flight of
any kind took place only a little more than 60 years ago. And much
of the progress symbolized by that leap forward has occurred during
the past three decades.
The technological discoveries of this period have required
extraordinarily large investments to be incorporated into new products
and processes, and this, of course, has meant heavy demands for
financing. Earlier in the postwar period, businesses were able to
draw heavily on internally generated funds and on stocks of liquid
assets built up during World War II to help finance these projects.
As the postwar period proceeded, however, they had to rely increasingly
on external sources to meet financing needs.
High rates of investment are, as we are all aware, a
principal source of gains in productivity, in real income, and in
our standards of living. Rarely has any society been as fortunate
as ours in realizing the benefits of almost continuous economic
prosperity over the past twenty years. Per capita disposable income
in the U.S., in real terms, is fully 50 per cent higher now than it
was at the end of World War II. And our consuming public has chosen
to enjoy the fruits of material progress in ways that put heavy
demands on the credit markets. Consumers have demanded more and
better homes, and a wider and more varied stock of durable goods.
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To purchase these assets, consumers depend significantly on mortgage
and instalment credit.
Another factor in the long upward trend of interest rates
in the postwar years has been the major change that has occurred in
asset portfolios of financial investors. Both institutional and
other investors entered the postwar period with exceptionally large
holdings of liquid assets, accumulated largely as a result of wartime
deficit spending. Consequently, even though interest rates were at
exceptionally low levels, investors were anxious to switch from
liquid assets into mortgages, consumer loans, and corporate and
municipal securities. The abundance of available loan funds held
interest rates down in the first postwar decade, but as the backlog
of liquidity was worked off, greater interest rate incentives were
required to encourage investors to supply funds to finance economic
expansion.
As the postwar years unfolded, investors also began to
show heightened preferences for equity investments as contrasted
with fixed-income securities. To some degree, this reflected the
failure to follow stabilization policies that might have kept infla-
tion under better control. But it also resulted from the degree of
success we did enjoy in avoiding the deep declines in economic
activity that occurred prior to World War II.
To an important degree, then, the general upward trend in
postwar interest rates has been symptomatic of the vigor of economic
expansion. Yet, it seems quite clear to me that even in prosperous
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times we can have lower and relatively more stable interest rates
than prevail today. We enjoyed interest rate developments of that
kind during the early years of the 1960's. Indeed, interest rates
on some kinds of financial assets, such as mortgages, declined a
little over the first five years of the present decade. But beginning
about the middle of 1965, the cost of credit began to rise, and we are
still seeing increases going on today. What accounts for this abrupt
change in the demands-supply equation in financial markets during the
past 3-1/2 years?
The answer to that question is not, I think, hard to dis-
cover. Since mid 1965, except for a brief respite in early 1967, we
have had an overheated economy and growing expectations of inflation.
Private spending decisions have been influenced in fundamental ways.
We received word just recently that businesses are planning to raise
their expenditures for plant and equipment by 14 per cent in 1969
over the 1968 level. While the size of the anticipated growth in
capital outlays was larger than many observers had expected, the
news that plans for the period ahead were strong should not have come
as a great surprise. With wages increasing at rates well beyond the
growth of productivity, with costs of capital goods rising, and with
expectations developed over the past several years that higher costs
can sooner or later be passed on in the form of higher prices, why
shouldn't we expect businesses to do what they can to introduce cost-
cutting methods and to put new capacity in place at today's prices?
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This recent announcement of upward revisions in business
investment plans for 1969 is a continuation of developments that
became evident around the middle of last year, when the rate of
business investment began to strengthen measurably, despite the
fact that rates of capacity utilization in manufacturing were not
especially high, and stern measures of fiscal restraint had just been
adopted. We also experienced a large rise in housing starts in the
latter half of last year, even though interest rates on mortgages
were at record levels—and rising—while flows of funds through
traditional sources of mortgage finance were falling off.
Let us consider for a moment the cost-price developments
that businesses and consumers have had to take into account in making
their investment decisions. From the middle of 1965 to the end of
1968, consumer prices rose at an annual rate of 3-1/2 per cent,
compared with a 1-1/2 per cent annual rate in the previous 3-1/2 years;
for wholesale prices, the figures are 2 per cent for the recent period,
and three-fourths of one per cent for the prior 3-1/2 years; for
construction costs, 4-1/2 per cent and 2 per cent; for average hourly
compensation in manufacturing, 5-1/2 per cent compared with 3-3/4
per cent, and for unit labor costs in manufacturing, 4 per cent in
the past 3-1/2 years compared with no change in the prior 3-1/2 years.
Is it any wonder that consumers want to buy houses now to avoid paying
higher prices later? Should we be surprised that businesses are trying
to find some method of holding down the rise in production costs and
are searching for labor-saving investments as a means to do so?
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Financing the high level of private investment has increased
greatly the demands on money and capital markets. From 1960 to 1964,
nonfinancial businesses and consumers together borrowed new funds at
an average rate of about $38 billion a year. Since 1965, the annual
average has been $59 billion — or more than 50 per cent higher—and in
1968 the figure rose to $67 billion. In the past 3 years nonfinancial
corporations raised new capital through bond issues in amounts
averaging nearly $13 billion a year, about 3 times as much as during
the previous three years.
In addition to this large demand for private credit, pressures
in credit markets have reflected heavy Federal borrowing, resulting
from our failure to adopt earlier the measures of fiscal restraint
needed to avoid deficit financing and inflationary pressures. In
calendar 1966, Federal financing requirements remained relatively
modest, even though expenditures rose substantially, since revenues
also increased rapidly with growth in private money incomes, Conse-
quently, total Federal borrowing, including the issues of some
Government agencies and enterprises that have recently been shifted
to private ownership, was held to $6 billion in 1966. But in 1967,
the comparable figure rose to $13 billion, and then to $17 billion
in 1968. In recent months, the borrowing needs of the Federal Govern-
ment have slackened appreciably, as the budget has moved into surplus
in response to the measures of fiscal restraint enacted last summer.
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It seems abundantly clear that interest rates would be still higher
today if those fiscal actions had not been taken.
It seems to me as I look back over these past several years,
therefore, that the major factors forcing up interest rates stand out
quite clearly. What we have seen is a rising tide of inflationary
pressure, fed in part by Federal deficit spending, generating in turn
widespread expectations of more inflation to come, mounting private
demands for credit to finance additional spending, and hence increased
costs of funds. Developments comparable to these have occurred in
many other countries, and we have recognized them for what they were.
But it sometimes seems hard for us to recognize that the fundamental
economic principles of supply and demand apply to us — no matter how
vast and well-endowed our country is—as well as to others.
I want to note quite specifically that the runup in interest
rates since the middle of 1965 does not stem principally from diminu-
tion in the supply of credit created by restrictive monetary policies.
Monetary policy has been restrictive during some intervals over the
past several years—from late 1965 to the fall of 1966, for a brief
period in the late spring of 1968, and then again from late 1968 to
the present. But in surrounding periods the supply of money and
credit grew rapidly, and the period 1965-68 as a whole was one of
rather substantial monetary expansion. Let me again cite some
statistics.
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In the four years 1965 through 1968, total member bank
reserves rose at an average annual rate of 6 per cent; in the prior
4 years the average annual increase was 4 per cent, From 1965
through 1968, total commercial bank credit rose at a 9-1/2 per cent
annual rate, compared with 8 per cent for the previous four years.
For the stock of money (currency and demand deposits) the annual
average rate of gain was 5 per cent for 1965-68 versus 3 per cent
for 1961-64.
I do not think the degree of monetary restraint or ease can
be summarized very precisely in any single set of numbers such as
these. But it would seem reasonable to conclude from these data
that the rise in interest rates over the past several years did
not result from a reduction in credit supplies, but from an exceptional
rise in credit demands.
I do not mean to argue that the interest rate developments
of recent years have had no relation to monetary policy. We know
that, in the short-run, expansive monetary policies tend to reduce
interest rates and restrictive monetary policies to raise them.
But in the long-run, in a full-employment economy, expansive monetary
policies foster greater inflation, and encourage borrowers to make
even larger demands on the credit markets, while lenders pull back
from taking positions in fixed-income securities — since they fear
that both interest and principal will be eroded by rising prices.
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Over the long-run, therefore, expansive monetary policies may
not lower interest rates; in fact, they may raise them appreciably.
This is the clear lesson of history that has been reconfirmed by
the experience of the past several years.
If my diagnosis of our current interest rate problem is
correct, then it is clear what we need to do to get interest rates
back down to more sensible levels. We must follow economic stabili-
zation policies that bring inflation under control, and continue those
policies long enough to be sure that a resurgence of excess demand
and strong cost and price pressures does not recur.
I think we have made a good beginning in the adoption of
stabilization policies that will eventually accomplish those objectives.
Last year the Congress adopted fiscal restraint measures that altered
the Federal budgetary position dramatically. As a consequence, we can
look forward to surpluses in the Federal budget, as measured in the
national income and product accounts, at an annual rate of around $5
billion during the first half of this year. A year earlier, the
budget—figured on the same basis—was in deficit to the tune of
roughly $10 billion, at annual rates.
The fiscal measures enacted last summer took hold a little
later than we had expected, and hoped for, but these measures are
becoming effective. Nonetheless, we have some distance to go yet in
cooling off the economy. There now seems to be little, if any, hope
that we can ease up on fiscal restraint in the near future; the
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strength of expansionary forces is still much too great for that. The
surtax will almost certainly have to be continued after midyear, in
my judgment. Indeed, the real question now is whether fiscal policy
should move another notch in the restrictive direction, given the
possibility that we may be facing a strong capital goods boom.
The start we have made in adapting stabilization policies
to the needs of the economy also includes a marked change in the
posture of monetary policy since late last year. Monetary policies
generally work with a significant lag, in terms of their effects on
spending and on prices, partly because it takes time to work off excess
liquidity in the economy. Nonetheless, the effects of monetary actions
show up much earlier in financial markets than they do in markets for
goods and services.
The data in the table attached to the end of my statement
provide some indication of the financial effects of the more restrictive
policies in effect since late last year. The annual growth rate of
the money stock has been reduced from about 7-1/2 per cent in the
fourth quarter of last year to about 2 per cent in the first three
months of 1969. For time deposits, the turnaround has been much
greater, since outstanding CD's at large banks have declined about
$3-1/2 to $4 billion since the beginning of the year. As a result,
total bank credit (as measured by what we call the credit proxy,
adjusted to include increased Eurodollar borrowing abroad by our
banks) will show a small decline in the first quarter, a marked
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change from the nearly 12 per cent annual rate of growth experienced
in the final three months of last year.
I am confident that interest rates will turn down again
just as soon as it becomes abundantly clear to everyone that the
fiscal and monetary authorities have no intention of letting inflation
proceed, and borrowing and spending decisions are adjusted accordingly.
What I have called the challenge of "disinflating without deflating11
can be met most effectively if lenders and borrowers will now
exercise the utmost restraint in taking on new commitments. A
sincere effort at such self-restraint will, I believe, prove to be
in the best long-run interest of the individual firms themselves as
well as of the communities and nation which they serve. Continued,
unchecked inflation can be an insidious crippler of much of the
best in the American system. I think it behooves all of us to stand
resolutely against that threat.
I am reasonably confident that we are on the road to
accomplishing the objectives for which we are striving. We will be
seeing, as the year progresses, the results of monetary and fiscal
policies working together to restrain inflation for the first time
in a number of years.
Attachment
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SELECTED MONETARY AND FINANCIAL INDICATORS
March 24, 1969
Annual percentage rates of change
4th quarter Jan.-Feb. 1st quarter
Quantities 1968 1969 1969 (Pro1.)
1. Total reserves 8.8 4.5 0.8
2. Nonborrowed reserves 3.0 5.0 1.5
3. Money supply (currency &
private demand deposits) 7.6 2.2 1.7
4. Time and savings deposits at banks 15.7 -9.7 -6.7
5. Money supply plus time deposits
(3+4) 11.8 -3.9 -2.5
6. Total member bank deposits—
credit proxy 12.2 -3.0 -4.7
7. Proxy including Eurodollars 11.7 -2/ -1.7
8. Deposits at savings banks and S&Ls 6.5 5.2 n.a.
Percentage annual yield
(weekly averages 1/)
Dec. 1968 Jan. 1969 Most
Interest Rates high low recent week
FR discount rate 5.50 5.50 5.50
Federal funds 6.25 6.27 6.82
3 mo. Treasury bills 6.21 6.07 6.02
3 mo. Federal Agencies 6.38 6.34 6.35
3 mo. Finance company paper 5.88 6.08 6.38
3 mo. Euro-dollars 7.33 7.31 8.51
Long Gov't bonds 6.04 5.95 6.29
Municipal bonds 4.85 4.82 5.29
Aaa Corporates-new issues 6.92 6.90 7.57
FHA mortgages
(FNMA auction gross yields) 7.65 7.66 8.08
n.a. - Not available.
1/ All interest rates are weekly averages except for 3-month Federal Agencies,
municipal bonds, Aaa corporate new issues, and FHA mortgages which are
single date figures.
2/ Less than $50 million.
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Cite this document
APA
William McChesney Martin, Jr. (1969, March 24). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690325_jr.
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19690325_jr.,
author = {William McChesney Martin, Jr.},
title = {Speech},
year = {1969},
month = {Mar},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19690325_jr.},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}