speeches · May 16, 1968
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release on Delivery
Friday, May 17, 1968
10*00 a.m.,E,D.T.
NEW HORIZONS IN MONETARY AND FISCAL POLICY
Remarks by
Andrew F.
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
48th 1 Conf€
of the
National Association of Mutual Savings Banks
Washington Hilton Hotel
Washington, D. C.
May 17, 1968
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NEW HORIZONS IN MONETARY AND FISCAL POLICY
By
Andrew F. Brimmer*
Long before we reached the present stage of the current
inflation in the United States, a vigorous program of fiscal restraint
was clearly required. Such a program is a desperate need today. And
while I (along with virtually all other observers) have learned over
the last few years not to be particularly optimistic about Congressiona
response to the need for fiscal restraint, there is still reason to
expect that some combination of higher income taxes and reduced Federal
expenditures will be adopted to apply to fiscal year 1969. The combi-
nation with the strongest Congressional backing to date involves a 10
per cent income surtax, a $6 billion reduction in expenditures and
cutbacks in past and future appropriations.
The adoption of this set of fiscal measures would enhance --
not lessen -- the need for flexibility in monetary management. On
numerous occasions, I (and many others in the Federal Reserve System)
have advocated more assistance from fiscal policy partly as a means of
reducing the burden of restraint carried almost entirely by monetary
policy. Once more fiscal restraint is actually in force, it will be
vital to mesh the two sources of restraint to ensure that the pace of
the economy is moderated in an orderly way in the months ahead --
particularly in light of the unfolding effects of the monetary actions
already taken.
^Member, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
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In my own view, to date we have not achieved enough restraint
on aggregate demand to check inflation in the United States within a
reasonable period of time. Thus, we need more total restraint. This
goal can be achieved by either a somewhat firmer monetary policy,
by a vigorously restrictive fiscal policy or by some combination of
the two approaches. Personally, I would clearly prefer the third
alternative, calling for more fiscal -- and less monetary -- restraint.
However, just how much of a constraint would be imposed on such a
choice by the pervasiveness of domestic inflationary pressures and
the serious deficit in our balance of payments is obviously one of
the most critical questions the monetary authorities will have to face
once the proposed fiscal measures have been actually adopted. I shall
return to this question later in these comments.
In the meantime, the central theme of these remarks can be
summarized briefly:
- Since the shift to a policy of restraint last November,
the Federal Reserve System has brought the rate of growth
of member bank deposits to less than half that recorded
last year. Moreover, restraint has been brought about
much more rapidly (and to date much more smoothly) than
was the case in 1966.
The effects of monetary restraint (delayed and partly
masked by a web of institutional relationships) are
becoming increasingly evident. Flows to savings institutions have
slowed substantially. The number of new housing starts,
until a sharp jump in April, had been on a plateau for
several months. As these effects permeate to other
sectors, the degree of'monetary restraint achieved so
far would lead to some moderation in the pace of domestic
economic activity in the closing months of 1968 and in
the first half of 1969.
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- Fiscal restraint of the magnitude now being considered
in Congress, even taken alone, would also have a sizable
impact on the economy in the first half of 1969. Previ-
ously approved -- but delayed -- Social Security taxes
will also become effective early next year. Thus, if
the surtax and expenditure reduction proposals are
adopted in the near future, fiscal policy will — finally --
become a significant means of checking inflation.
- On the other hand, the cumulative impact of the present
degree of monetary restraint plus the restraint to be
generated by the new fiscal measures may turn out to be
more than the economy requires as the year 1959 progresses.
Consequently, a high premium must be placed on the sensi-
tivity and flexibility of monetary management in the months
ahead.
Recent Trends in Monetary Policy
The principal actions taken by the Federal Reserve since a
policy of restraint was adopted last November have been commented on
rather widely. However, it may be helpful to summarize them here:
- The discount rate has been raised three times: from 4 to
4-1/2 per cent in mid-November; to 5 per cent in mid-
March, and to 5-1/2 per cent effective /pril 19. The
first increase was made in the context of adjustment
following the devaluation of sterling, and the second
move was part of a package of coordinated measures
designed to cope with speculation against the official
price of gold. The last increase represented a further
step to bring about greater restraint to help counter
domestic inflation and to contribute to improvement in
our balance of payments.
- /bout $550 million of bank reserves were absorbed in
mid-January by an increase of 1/2 percentage point in
reserve requirements on demand deposits above $5 million
at each member bank.
- Open market operations, on balance, have been used to
absorb (rather than supply) reserves, so that the net
growth in reserves since last November has come about
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entirely through member banks borrowing from Federal
Reserve Banks. At the same time, a considerable
volume of Treasury financing has been accommodated.
- The maximum rates of interest payable on large-
denomination time deposits were raised slightly
effective April 19. This move was intended to
moderate the rate of attrition in such deposits —
and not to ease credit conditions generally. Ceiling
rates on savings and other time deposits were not
changed.
I would like to stress that policy actions during the present
period of monetary restraint have been undertaken in a deliberate and
moderate manner. All the major policy instruments have been employed
in a coordinated way, and excessive reliance has not been placed on
any particular measure. Throughout, the basic aim has been to restrain
the growth of bank credit and the money supply without creating excessive
strains on the nation's financial fabric and without disrupting the
basic functioning of the economy.
Impact of Monetary Restraint
The above policy actions have had a noticeable effect on
money and credit flows. This is clear from the statistical measures
summarized in Table 1. Several general conclusions can be drawn from
these figures. It is evident that the impact of credit restraint in
the current period has been registered on monetary, flows much more
rapidly than was the case two years ago. It will be recalled that the
previous period of monetary restraint got underway early in December,
1965, while the current effort began in mid-November, 1967. Thus, the
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Table 1. /nnual Percentage Rates of Change
in Monetary Indicators for Selected
Periods
Series - Year Dec.65-. Year Year Dec. 67-. Dec.67- .
Seasonally Adjusted 1965 Apr. 66-i' 1966 1967 Mar.68±' Apr.6fti'
Total Reserves 5.2 7.7 1.2 9.8 6.5 3.5
Nonborrowed Reserves 4.2 4.9 0.8 11.5 -0.4 -2.3
Total member bank
deposits 9.1 7.6 3.7 11.6 5.5 3.5
Time deposits 16.0 10.4 8.8 15.8 6.7 5.6
Money supply 4.7 7.0 2.2 6.5 3.6 4.6
1/ Dates are inclusive
impact of restraint during the last five months can be compared with
the experience in the same months two years ago. At the same time,
however, one should remember that the really severe effects of
restraint in 1966 were not registered until after mid-year.
In reviewing the current experience, one should note that
the growth of bank reserves, deposits and the money supply has been
reduced sharply -- with growth rates ranging from roughly one-third
to one-half those recorded in 1967 as a whole. One should note parti-
cularly that the Federal Reserve has made no net contribution to bank
reserves on its own initiative during the last five months. In fact,
on balance, it has absorbed reserves, and all the net- growth in reserves
since November has come about by member banks borrowing from Federal Reserve
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Banks. Total reserves have expanded at an annual rate of about 3.5
per cent, but nonborrowed reserves have actually declined at an
annual rate of 2.3 per cent. This result has been achieved despite
the fact that the System found it necessary to purchase over $2
billion of Government securities to cushion the reserve impact on
the domestic banking system of the substantial outflow of gold. In
contrast, total reserves expanded at an annual rate of nearly 8 per
cent in the first five months of credit restraint two years ago, and
the System supplied nearly two-thirds of the net growth.
Since the end of last November, total member bank deposits
have increased at an annual rate of 3.5 per cent; this i just over one-
s
quarter the rate registered last year and less than one-half the rate
of growth during the first five months of credit restraint in 1966.
Treasury financing patterns have resulted in month-to-month fluctua-
tions in the pace of expansion, but the trend has been distinctly
downward. Between the end of November and the end of March, the
money supply expanded at an annual rate of 3.6 per cent. This rate
of growth was about half that recorded in both 1967 and in the first
five months of restraint in 1966. However, the money supply took a
sharp jump in April raising the growth since November to an annual rate
of 4.8 per cent. This temporary bulge (which was concentrated around
mid-month) reflected in large part both rapid growth of currency in
circulation and large net transfers from U. S. Government to private
demand deposits. Between mid-April and mid-May, currency in
circulation grew at a much more moderate pace, but shifts from
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^overnment to private checking accaunts remained relatively
large. So, while the growth of the money supply has declined from
the high April rate, it has not receded to that registered from
November through March.
The inflow of time deposits at commercial banks has slowed
noticeably. During the five months ending in April, the annual rate
of expansion was 5.6 per cent. This was about one-third that recorded
for 1967 and just over one-half the rate of increase in the December-
April months of 1965-66. Moreover, most of the increase in time
deposits during the current period of credit restraint occurred before
the end of March. In April alone, the annual rate of growth was down
to 1.3 per cent; and for the period November 29-May 15, the annual rate
was 4.6 per cent. While May as a whole may show inflows of time
deposits at commercial banks somewhat greater at an annual rate than
were registered last month, the growth probably will be well below
that for the December-April months.
Both the rate of growth and composition of bank credit have
varied significantly in the last few months. As shown in Table 2,
total loans and investments at commercial banks rose at an annual rate
of 7.2 per cent during the five months ending in April. This increase
was just over three-fifths of the gain in 1967 as a whole and also
somewhat below the pace of expansion in the early months of credit
restraint two years ago. As one would expect during a period of
heavy Treasury borrowing, the behavior of total bank credit has been
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Table 2. Annual Percentage Rates of
Change in Bank Credit for
Selected Periods
Series - Year Dec.65- Year Year Dec.67-
Seasonally Adjusted 1965 Apr.66^ 1966 1967 Apr.68±'
Bank loans and
investments 10.2 8.3 5.7 11.5 7.2
U.S. Gov. securities -5.6 -7.6 -6.3 11.0 -10.1
Other securities 15.8 10.9 6.5 26.1 12.3
Total loans 14.7 12.5 9.1 8.2 10.6
Business loans 18.8 16.1 13.3 9.8 12.7
JL/ Dates are inclusive
greatly influenced by changes in banks' holdings of U.S. Government
securities. In February, the banks substantially enlarged their
Government portfolios, but sizable liquidation of such securities
occurred in March. The result was a rapid rise in total loans and
investments in January-February followed by a moderate decline in
March.
In April and in the first half of May, the growth of bank
credit has centered in loans rather than in investments. The expan-
sion in business loans was especially rapid in April as a whole, but
some weakening has been evident since the mid-April tax date. Loans
to business increased at an annual rate of 12.7 per cent during the
December-April months of 1967-68, or roughly four-fifths of the
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expansion recorded in the same months of 1965-66. The rise in business
loans in April alone this year was at an annual rate of almost 20 per
cent; in the first quarter, such loans climbed at an annual rate of
7 per cent compared with 10 per cent in the full year 1967. While
direct tax borrowing by corporations (particularly outside New York
City banks) accounted for a substantial share of the April rise in
total bank loans, apparently a number of finance companies also borrowed
heavily from banks to replace an unusually large volume of open market
paper which corporations allowed to run off in order to meet their own
tax payments. There was also a noticeable quickening in demand for
loans by industrial and mining firms -- aside from borrowing for tax
purposes.
In the last few weeks, however, there appears to have been
some weakening in demand for business loans. This tapering off is
evident in several areas, including primary metals, machinery and other
fabricated metal products, textiles, chemicals and rubber, and mining.
Available information is not yet sufficient to explain this moderation
in loan demand. However, a few observations are possible. The heavy
tax period borrowing in April would normally be followed by substantial
loan repayments by some firms in early May. A large term loan was repaid
recently by a chemical company. In the mining area (where a number of
banks joined in April to supply funds for a large acquisition), there
was also a large volume of repayments in early May. Holdings of bankers
acceptances (which are included in the business loan statistics) have
also declined rapidly in recent weeks.
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But one should interpret these latest moderating trends in
business loans with caution. Looking ahead over the next few months,
it seems that the demand for business loans is likely to be strong
rather than weak. The expected acceleration in inventory building
certainly suggests that this will be the case. Moreover, if the surtax
proposal is enacted in early June, corporations may borrow heavily around
the middle of that month not only to pay current taxes but also partly to
catch up on liabilities arising from both the retroactive feature of the bill
and the provision requiring further acceleration in payment of corporate
taxes generally.
The Dimensions of the Current Inflation
The inflation which monetary policy has been attempting to
check actually has been present for nearly three years, although the
pace has accelerated since mid-1967. . Its seeds were planted in mid-
1965 when the expansion of military activity in Vietnam put additional
burdens on an economy already on the eve of full employment. With the
rapid growth in demand for goods and services for military purposes
(unmatched by higher taxes to pay for the war), the Federal Government
became a principal source of inflation in the United States.
The magnitude of the current inflation has been commented on
quite widely, but it might be helpful to put the matter in perspective
again. Perhaps the best way to grasp the dimensions of the inflation
problem is to examine the composition of changes in gross national
product (GNP) over the last few years. This is done in Table 3,
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Table 3. Composition of Changes in
Gross National Product, 1964-1968
(Billions of dollars- seasonally adjusted annual rates)
Period GNP Change in Source of change Composition of change
in GNP (per cent change)
(Current GNP in GNP
dollars) (Current Domestic Net GNP Real Prices
dollars) Demand Exports (Current Output
dollars)
Year 1964 632.4 41.9 39.3 2.6 7.1 5.5 1.5
Year 1967 785.0 41.7 42.0 -0.3 5.5 2.5 3.0
First Quarter,
1968 825.7 19.4 20.7 -1.3 9.5 5.9 3.7
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showing changes in GNP traceable to the growth of domestic demand vs.
net sales abroad and changes in real output vs. changes in prices
since 1964.
It will be noted that in both 1964 and 1967 the production
of goods and services in the economy (as measured by GNP) expanded by
about $42 billion. However, in the later year, over half of the
apparent gain actually reflected nothing more than the general rise
in prices rather than an increase in real output. In contrast,
although some inflation was also evident in 1964, almost four-fifths
of the rise in GNP in that year represented an increase in real out-
put. The expansion of GNP during the first quarter of this year
contained a larger shaire of real growth than was the case
for 1967 as a whole, but the inflation component was still nearly
twice as large as in 1964.
Looked at from the perspective of the U.S. balance of
payments, the domestic inflation has also been costly. In 1964, U.S.
exports of goods and services rose by $2.6 billion more than the
increase in imports. This rise in net exports represented over 6 per
cent of the increase in GNP and was clearly of substantial benefit to
our balance of payments. By 1967, the situation had swung around
completely. Last year, net exports of goods and services dropped by
$300 million compared with the year before, and there was a further
relative decline during the first quarter of this year. Thus, the
recent growth in domestic demand has outstripped the rise in domestic
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output, with imports making up the difference. In other words,
domestic inflation has had a major adverse impact on the U.S. trade
account and on the balance of payments as a whole.
The spreading effects of inflation can also be traced in
the more familiar measures of price changes. For example, in 1964
the consumer price index (CPI) rose by 1.3 per cent. In the first
quarter of this year, the CPI rose at an annual rate of about 3.6 per
cent. Wholesale prices, which registered little change during the
years 1958-64, rose by over 5-1/2 per cent in the three years ending
in 1967. The rise in durable manufactures (reflecting both military
demand and a strong investment boom) was particularly large. The GNP
deflator (perhaps the broadest measure of price changes we have) rose
at an annual rate of over 3-1/2 per cent in the first quarter of this year,
compared with 3 per cent in the full year 1967 and 2.7 per cent in
1966 as a whole
Until mid-1966, the rise in prices outstripped the increase
in wages, so real income of wage earners actually declined. However,
in the last two years, wages have risen rapidly -- partly in an effort
to compensate for the previous increases in consumer prices and partly
in response to the strong demand for labor generated by an economy
operating close to the full employment ceiling. Fringe benefits and
employment taxes are also significantly higher. At the same time,
productivity has fallen considerably below the long-term annual increase
of 3.5 per cent. The result is that, between the first quarter of 1966
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and the first quarter of 1968, labor cost per unit of output in
manufacturing climbed by almost 10 per cent.
Moreover, in the absence of further restraint on aggregate
demand, there is no real prospect of checking inflation in the United
States over any reasonable period in the future. The near-term out-
look is for continued large increases in personal income and in
consumer spending, the latter being augmented by a further decline in
the savings rate. Outlays on plant and equipment by business firms
also seem destined to register modest gains in the months ahead, and
inventory accumulation may also quicken. With the Federal budget
continuing to run an enormous deficit, it seems obvious that the total
demand for goods and services will continue to exceed the capacity of
the economy to meet it without adding further to inflationary pressures.
In the face of this prospect, the need for more restraint also seems
obvious.
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Differential Impact of Monetary and Fiscal Restraint
In the judgment of a really remarkable consensus of
economists, bankers, businessmen and public officials, the best way
to achieve the required moderation in domestic demand is through a
policy of vigorous fiscal restraint. I fully share this view.
Because of a number of vital considerations, it makes a great deal of
difference x*hether the additional restraint comes through fiscal policy
rather than through monetary policy. The main characteristics of the
differences in the impact on the economy of the two policy approaches
are generally known. However, it might be helpful to sketch the broad
outlines here.
It will be recalled that last January, the Council of Economic
Advisers (CEA) estimated that GNP in 1968 would approximate $846 billion —
if the President's fiscal program were enacted early in the year. This
would represent a gain of about $61 billion, with real output increasing
somewhat more than 4 per cent and prices advancing somewhat more than
3 per cent. With the civilian labor force expected to grow by 1-3/4
per cent, the anticipated rise in output would be sufficient to maintain
the unemployment rate in the neighborhood of 3.7 per cent.
The economic outlook for this year as CEA foresaw it becomes
clearer when viewed in terms of the principal expenditure sectors —
again on the assumption that the 10 per cent surtax would be adopted
early in the year. Perhaps the most important area is homebuilding.
Private nonfarm housing starts were expected to exceed 1% million units
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in 1968, compared with 1.29 million in 1967 and 1.17 million in 1966.
Expenditures on residential construction (which amounted to $24.4
billion last year) were expected to increase by $5 to $6 billion.
Thus, it was anticipated that homebuilding would continue to show a
substantial recovery from the low level of activity registered in 1966.
The Council recognized that this expected outcome would depend heavily
on the avoidance of severe monetary restraint during 1968. Consumer
outlays for goods and services other than housing were expected to rise
about $33 billion during the current year. The Council thought that —
even after taking account of both existing income taxes and the proposed
surtax — disposable personal income would increase by approximately
$35 billion, and the savings rate (which rose from 5.9 per cent in 1966
to 7.1 per cent in 1967) would remain essentially unchanged.
In the business sector, CEA foresaw a moderate expansion of
about $4 or $5 billion in fixed investment during 1968. Such a gain
would be about double that recorded last year. Business inventories,
which expanded by $5.2 billion in 1967, were expected to rise by several
billion dollars faster during the current year.
State and local governments, CEA thought, would probably
increase their purchases of goods and services by $8 or $9 billion in
1968. In this area, also, the Council recognized that the ability of
these governmental units to raise their expenditures would depend on
the existence of financial conditions which would allow them to proceed
with their planned construction projects.
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For present purposes, the really critical assumptions in
CEA's outlook applied to the Federal Government. In calendar year
1968, it was estimated that Federal expenditures would rise by around
$15 billion, compared with a gain of $21 billion last year. Purchases
for national defense (including military pay increases) were scheduled
to rise by $4 billion, in contrast to $12 billion in 1967. An increase
of $3 billion in social security benefits was set for the spring of 1968,
which would be partly offset by a $2 billion rise in payroll taxes
effective next January 1. Aside from the scheduled changes in social
security benefits, the other projected increases in Federal expenditures
would be about matched by the normal yearly rise in Federal revenues at
existing tax rates. Consequently, in the absence of tax rate increases,
the Federal budget deficit (on a national income basis) in 1968 would
be about the same or slightly higher than the $12% billion recorded in
1967.
Because such a deficit would continue to provide more
stimulus to aggregate demand than the economy could absorb readily
without adding further to inflationary pressures, the President recom-
mended the enactment of the temporary 10 per cent surcharge on personal
and corporate income taxes, effective January 1 for corporations and
April 1 for individuals. The surtax was expected to yield about $8
billion of additional revenue in 1968. The extension of several excise
taxes (scheduled to lapse in April) would maintain another $2 billion of
revenue which otherwise would be lost. The combined impact of these
revenue measures would reduce the Federal deficit to approximately
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$5 billion in calendar year 1968. While still expansionary, the
Federal budget — with the tax increase -- would be a substantially
smaller source of inflationary pressures in the current year.
So much for the economic outlook on the assumption that a
major share of the needed restraint on aggregate demand in 1968 would
come through fiscal policy. Now we can ask the question: if the
surtax proposal or a sizable reduction in Federal expenditures is not
adopted by Congress, what would be the effects on the economy of
attempting to moderate inflationary pressures through monetary policy?
This question cannot be answered with precision, but the differential
impact of the two policy approaches can be outlined. At the same time,
it is necessary to keep in mind that the effects of monetary policy
actions are normally delayed, and autonomous developments (unrelated
to policy moves) also frequently influence the actual behavior of the
economy.
In general, against the background of the monetary restraint
introduced since last November, and on the basis of projections recently
made by the U. S. Department of Commerce, it seems that GNP might
amount to about $850 billion in 1968. At this level, GNP would show
a rise some $4 billion above that anticipated under conditions of
additional fiscal restraint. The share of the gain representing real
output xrould be somewhat less and that representing price increases
somewhat larger. The unemployment rate (in the neighborhood of 3.7
per cent) might be about the same, or slightly higher, but the civilian
labor force would probably expand by less than it would with a more
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balanced increase in output.
In the homebuilding area, the level of private nonfarm
housing starts will undoubtedly fall short of the million or
more units anticipated by the CEA for 1968 as a whole. In the first
quarter of this year, housing starts averaged 1.49 million, at a
seasonally adjusted annual rate, with March alone registering a slightly
higher figure. In April, the annual rate jumped to 1.62 million units.
However, because of the volatility of this series, one must always
interpret changes in a single month with considerable caution. In
view of the slowing in mortgage commitments which began to appear
before the end of last year, the annual rate may ease off considerably
in the months ahead. By just how much homebuilding will actually be
moderated during the rest of this year will depend substantially on the
course of market interest rates and the inflow of funds to savings
and loan associations and mutual savings banks — the principal sources
of home finance. But, on balance, it appears most unlikely that the
increase of nearly 300 thousand in new housing starts which CEA foresaw
for 1968 would be realized if further monetary restraint is required.
Consequently the expected gain of $5 to $6 billion in expenditures for
residential construction in 1958 most likely would also not be idealized •
with the short-fall perhaps amounting to as much as $3 billion.
On the other hand, disposable personal income would rise by
some $5 to $6 billion more in 1968 than it would if the surtax were in
force. With some further decline in the savings rate, consumer
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expenditures would probably climb by an additional several billion
dollars, with a particular stress on increased purchases of durable
goods.
Outlays for business fixed equipment, which CEA thought
might rise by $4 to $5 billion with the surtax on the books, might
expand somewhat more rapidly. The rate of inventory accumulation
would also be somewhat faster — without the tax increase. Thus,
while monetary restraint could be expected to have a moderating effect
on investment expenditures in the business sector, it would be less
than that exerted by fiscal restraint. In contrast, State and local
governments might expand their purchases by $200-$300 million less
than they would if more general restraint came about through fiscal
rather than monetary policy.
Again, of course, the really big difference (almost by
definition) between the two policy approaches to restraint would be
registered in the impact of the Federal Government on the economy.
As mentioned above, on a national income basis, in the absence of a
tax increase, the Federal deficit in 1968 would be well above the
$12-1/2 billion recorded for 1967. In fact, it may well exceed
$13 billion. Under these circumstances, there would continue to be
a sizable transfer of resources from the private to the public sector —
but without a matching transfer of revenue to pay for them. Instead,
the Federal Government would have to continue its massive borrowings
in the capital market (adding to the pressure on interest rates)
while expanding aggregate demand which is already excessive.
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All of us should find this prospect unacceptable. The proper
remedy for it is the early adoption of a vigorous policy of fiscal
restraint.
Coordination of Monetary and Fiscal Policy
Having argued that the outlook for the economy is far from
comfortable in the absence of additional fiscal restraint, let me stress
again that the task for monetary policy also remains critical. Clearly,
the continued failure to adopt the proper fiscal measures would mean
that monetary policy would remain virtually the only active force in
the campaign against inflation. None of us should have any illusions
whatsoever about the implications of following such a course. The
expansion of bank reserves (whether provided by the System or borrowed
by member banks) would have to be kept quite modest. The growth of
bank credit and the money supply would have to remain under considerable
restraint. Given the strong demand for funds which undoubtedly would
exist during the rest of this year, interest rates and market yields
would obviously remain under pressure.
In such an environment, inflows of funds to financial
institutions -- to commercial banks as well as to savings intermediaries --
would undoubtedly shrink considerably. In fact, actual outflows into
market instruments might occur on a noticeable scale. But, unlike the
case in 1966 when strong competition of commercial banks for savings
and time deposits created serious problems for S&L's and mutual savings
banks, the difficulties this year might arise primarily from the pull
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of market yields. It should be recalled that since September, 1966,
the bank supervisory agencies have had authority to set maximum rates
of interest payable on deposits and savings capital in such a way as
to dampen competition among the different types of institutions. On
the other hand, the inflow of funds to all three types of depositaries
has slackened considerably in recent months. In fact, commercial banks
experienced sizable attrition in their passbook savings in April, while
between mid-March and mid-April their negotiable CD's outstanding in
denominations of $100,000 and over declined by $1.5 billion -- partly
reflecting the liquidation of such paper by corporations in order to
pay taxes. Although the banks as a group have been about holding the
level of CD's nearly constant since the rate ceiling was raised in
April, there is little prospect that they will register any appreciable
f
gain in the months ahead. There is also little likelihood that S&Ls
and mutual savings banks will make any headway in competing for funds
against market securities offering particularly attractive rates of
return.
In my personal judgment, if such financial conditions actually
develop, the present structure of interest rate ceilings on consumer
savings deposits and accounts may well have to be adjusted, :nd aven so
thrift institutions would still find it hard to compete against the rates
available on market instruments. In the absence of additional fiscal
restraint I am convinced that the issue will become pressing.
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But, I am certain everyone is asking, what is the role of
monetary policy if a vigorous program of fiscal restraint is adopted
in the near future? Obviously, I cannot forecast what course the
monetary authorities will pursue. As mentioned at the outset, the
serious deficit in the balance of payments as well as the dimensions
of the domestic inflation will clearly impose a constraint on the
options available to the managers of monetary policy.
On the other hand, I am personally persuaded that a
sufficiently strong program of fiscal restraint — adopted relatively
soon — would open the way for a better mixture of stabilization policies.
Such a mixture would contain a lessened degree of monetary
restraint. Exactly how much relaxation might be possible is clearly
the critical point. One would normally anticipate that passage of
a tax bill would have a favorable effect on market expectations,
resulting in some improvement in securities prices and some decline in
market yields. The extent to which bank reserves could be expanded
to help validate such changed expectations is a matter which we will
clearly have to weigh carefully.
Looking ahead through the rest of this year and into 1969,
we must keep in mind that the combined impact of the proposed fiscal
actions and monetary restraint would have a progressively dampening
impact on the economy. This will be reinforced by the rise in social
security taxes effective next January. Such a progressive dampening is
exactly what the economy needs. At the same time, however, we must
also remain alert to see fchct the rate at which excess demand is
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brought under control is kept ;orderly. Without attempting to
assign the blame for it, I think it must be admitted that inflation
has progressed a considerable distance. Thus, it will require some
time before it is brought under control. It is vital that we achieve
this objective without creating rates of growth in output so low —
and unemployment rates so high « that the cost of checking inflation
would be unacceptable to the vast majority of the nation's population.
But, precisely because it will take some time to bring price increases
back to a more tolerable pace, it is imperative that we get on with the
task through the early adoption of more fiscal restraint.
Given the constraints imposed on policy actions by the
necessity to see that the financial system (including our seriously
deficient arrangements for home financing) is kept in reasonably
good working order and to see that fluctuations in output and employment
are kept moderate, I think we really canndt avoid a flexible approach
to the management of monetary and fiscal policy. In my judgment, it
is far preferable that public policy instruments — although they may
have to be changed from time to time — be required to r espond to
changing circumstances than that the economy itself be allowed to swing
widely under the impact of autonomous shifts in the composition and
rate of growth of private demand. In this approach to national
stabilization policies, neither monetary nor fiscal policy can remain
frozen. So, as the situation requires, I am perfectly willing to
support a change in monetary policy toward greater restraint or greater
ease.
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I would personally welcome an opportunity to confront
such an option in the context of more fiscal restraint brought about
by the early passage of the President's 10 per cent surtax proposal.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1968, May 16). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19680517_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19680517_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1968},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19680517_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}