speeches · June 8, 1967
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For Release
Friday, June 9, 1967
3:00 P.M., E.D.T.
MEN AND MONEY
Human Resources and Financial Management
A commencement Address
by
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
at
Moorhead State College
Moorhead, Minnesota
June 9, 1967
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MEN AND MONEY
Human Resources and Financial Management
In flattering me with the invitation to speak at this year's commencement
exercises, Moorhead College has given me another opportunity to visit
Minnesota and to do so for the first time in a new role. Almost exactly
one year ago today, I came to this State to address the Annual Convention
of the Minnesota Bankers Association: that was my maiden speech as a Member
of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. On that occasion,
I came to talk exclusively about money and financial management. This
time, however, I also want to ask all of you to join me in a brief
consideration of some of the means by which we can harness more effectively
a share of this Nation's financial capacity to assist in the development
of our human resources.
This trip to the leading academic institution in this part of the
Upper Midwest is a special delight for me. Having been born in the rural
South, I am particularly conscious of the sense of contentment -- if not
detachment -- which one can easily get from living in an environment where
the pace of daily activity is less hectic than it is in our larger metropolitan
areas. But also having lived for more than half my life in the vast urban
communities of the Pacific Northwest and the Northeastern section of the
country, I am even more conscious of some of the fundamental economic and
and social problems which cry out every day for attention. At the same
time, of course, the need to get on with the vital tasks of human resource
development exists in other areas as well, including this splendid region
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which Nature has so well endowed with lakes, mountains and plains. If we
are to be even partially successful in mastering these tasks, we will
require a larger endowment of financial resources « both public and
private — and above all better means of getting able men and women to
lend their talents to the joint enterprise.
As a former academician myself, X know full well that the best
service a commencement speaker can perform is to help speed the moment
when the graduating class can actually commence the challenging journey
for which its members have spent four years in preparation. But the
assignment sets other objectives as well. A commencement address should
also encourage the graduating class:
To lift its eyes to the far horizon of ma^s hopes — but
not to overlook the middle distance where genuine improvements
in our daily lives are possible.
To be suspicious of conventional habits of thought and behavior --
and yet not lose faith in our inherited democratic institutions.
To be willing to accept some of the burden of advancing the
welfare of the general society -- while pursuing one's own
personal goals.
Please accept my appeal to all of you to do all these things.
But in this troubled spring of 1967, I know only too well that virtually
no one in this audience would have the slightest interest in suffering through such
an excursion in rhetoric. Instead, I will ask you to wrestle for a few
minutes x*ith some vital questions thro\*n into focus by two of the most
agonizing issues confronting American society today:
The military conflict in Vietnam, and
The quest for ways to ensure a meaningful life for Negroes and
other minorities in a free and peaceful society.
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Yet, I do not prbpose to enter the continuing debate over the appropri-
ateness of our commitment in Vietnam, Nor do I wish to engage the prophets
of "Black Power1' in a dialogue about the wisdom of their prescription for
making the Negro a free man, I would pose the question in different terms,
although they stem from the same troubled soil:
To what extent has the quickened pace of military activity
in Vietnam forced a significant slowing in the pace of Federal
Government spending on the development of the Nation's human
resources?
Can we devise means (using both public and private funds) to
cope more effectively with the task of ensuring meaningful
opportunities for Negroes and other minorities to participate
fully in American society?
And, finally, how far is it appropriate for us to rely on
Government efforts — especially if those efforts originate
at the Federal level -- to help achieve our public objectives
at the State and local level?
Federal Spending on Human Resources
If we want a simple answer to the first question, we can give an immediate
and negative reply: the Vietnam military effort has not resulted in a sharp
cut back in the pace of Federal spending for human resource development. While
no clear-cut definition of such spending can be found in the Federal Government's
budget, a good approximation has been provided by the Bureau of the Budget
which has drawn together expenditures for health, education and training,
and for programs designed specifically to aid the poor. In fiscal 1963, these
expenditures totaled $19.8 billion. Health and education each accounted for
about $4 billion of this amount, and roughly $12 billion went for aid to the
poor -- consisting mainly of cash benefits (particularly welfare payments).
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By fiscal 1966, the aggregate amount of such outlays had risen to $27.7
billion (a gain of $7.9 billion in two years). This total was split almost
evenly bet\*een programs to aid the poor and those to improve health and
education. However, within the latter, a sizable increase occurred in
Federal spending for education. In addition, expenditures on economic and
community development activities (reflecting the launching of the Adminis-
tration's War on Poverty) climbed to $2.6 billion -- more than double the
amount spent two years earlier. For fiscal 1968, starting in a few weeks,
total outlays for human resource programs are projected at approximately
$39.3 billion, a two-year increase of $12.1 billion. But the composition
has shifted substantially. Education and health programs (each accounting
for $11 billion) are budgeted to absorb well over half the aggregate
expenditures. An especially large increase ($6 billion) is projected for
the health field, as the recently enacted medicare program becomes more
fully operative.
But when we look more closely at the trend of expenditures on human
resources in the last three years, it is evident that these programs have
developed less rapidly than they probably would have in the absence of the
expansion of military activity in Vietnam. It will be recalled that the
military effort was stepped up considerably in late July, 1965, almost at
the beginning of fiscal 1966. At that point in time, a substantial increase
in funds for health, education and anti-poverty programs had already been
approved by Congress or were well along in the budgetary process. As a
result, such outlays rose by $5.1 billion in fiscal 1966, an advance of
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one-quarter from the previous year. Moreover, this rise was achieved to
a considerable extent by net reductions (amounting to $2 billion) in
other non-defense Federal programs. Another sizable increase ($6.6
billion) was registered for human resource development in fiscal 1967, and
other civilian programs also rose sharply. But over two-thirds of the rise
in the human resources expansion could be traced to medicare and other
health programs.
For fiscal 1968, however, non-defense spending as a whole is projected
to grow more slowly than at any time in recent years. Planned outlays for
human resources as estimated in the budget would rise by $5.0 billion,
compared with a rise of $6.6 billion in the previous year. This would
represent an annual growth rate of about one-sixth — in contrast to
one-quarter or more in the preceding two years.
Thus, it is evident that Federal Government investment in the develop-
ment of the Nation's human resources has moderated as defense outlays have
climbed. Moreover, in view of the trend of such expenditures before the
Vietnam effort was stepped-up, it is reasonable to conclude that the
actual level of program commitment is well below what both the Administration
and Congress were initially prepared to undertake.
But,given the burden of competing claims on the Federal budget (especially
during a period of rising inflationary pressures), it is reasonable to expect
some moderation in the growth of spending on human resources. Though it
may be trite to say so, we cannot pursue all of our national goals
simultaneously. While defense spending declined by $4 billion in fiscal 1965,
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since the Vietnam military effort became more extensive, such expenditures
have risen sharply -- by $7.5 billion in fiscal 1966 and by $12.5 billion in
fiscal 1967. Moreover, the fiscal 1968 increase of $5 billion projected
in the budget will undoubtedly be exceeded. In the face of this kind
of budget pressure, one would not expect an acceleration in the rate of
Federal spending for human resource development.
On the other hand, given the already sharply reduced rate of expansion
in non-defense expenditures as a whole -- and given the continuing and
pressing need for investment to improve the lives of our people -- I think
all of us should have serious reservations about aiming for sizable cutbacks
in the existing level of Federal spending on human resources. Undoubtedly
some cuts can be achieved x*ithout severely damaging particular programs.
However, exactly what these are can only be known in the first instance
by Administration officials responsible for the programs and secondly by
Congress which appropriates the money. Moreover, even at existing levels
of funding, improved administrative arrangements can make a significant
contribution to the effectiveness of the programs.
Yet, beyond these considerations, we are still faced with a difficult — but
C'££t£baC — choice: can we carry on with our programs of human resource
development at home while supporting the military effort in Vietnam? Personally,
I am convinced that we can. But to do so may well require that the Federal
Government enlarge its revenue by an increase in taxes. In a different context
(in the consideration of the appropriate mixture of monetary and fiscal policies
required to avoid inflationary pressures) I have already suggested that it
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appears desirable to obtain some form of an increase in corporate and personal
income taxes. I have now concluded that the achievement of the needed
improvements in our human resource programs may also require a tax increase.
The Expansion of Economic Opportunity
As I mentioned at the outset, we also need to make a greater effort
to cope with the aggravating problem of helping Negroes and other minorities
to participate more fully in the mainstream of the Nation*s economic life. I
am certain that for this audience there is no need for me to recite the
catalogue of difficulties which must be faced on this front.
However, I would like to stress the urgency of the unemployment problem
among Negro youth and young people from other minority groups. You already
know the statistics describing their plight: unemployment rates for young
nonwhite males averaging 20 per cent, compared with 10 per cent for young white
males. For young nonwhite females, the rate jumps to almost one-third, compared
with 12 per cent for their x^hite sisters. While all of these unemployment
rates are obviously too high, they actually reflect a situation amounting to
a permanent depression among Negro youth.
We all know the reasons behind these conditions: a legacy of poverty,
lack of skills, and racial discrimination. No one — certainly not Negro youth
and their families — expects this legacy to evaporate immediately. But what
they do expect — and so should all of us — is that we will make a vigorous
effort to eradicate it through enlightened public policy.
In this connection, I think it is especially important that we attack
the obstacles posed by a lack of marketable skills. Here I am not advocating
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the enrollment of every unemployed youth in a four-year college -- nor even in
a two-year trade school. Instead, X think it would be far more fruitful to
concentrate on the acquisition of skills through on-the-job training.
The U. S. Department of Labor has already made long strides in this
direction* Their experience in the last few years clearly demonstrates the
efficacy of this approachi Under the existing legislation, the Department is
able to negotiate a wide range of contracts with private industry to provide
training for low-skilled persons while they are actually employed. Currently,
the average outlay is about $560 per trainee, for whom the period of instruction
averages 18 weeks. However, both officials responsible for the program and
participating employers are far from happy with the impact they are making. In
the first place, the average trainee entering the program today needs much more
assistance than was the case five years ago. In 1962, for example, average
expenditure per trainee was about $300 (compared with over $500 today) and the
average training period was much less than 18 weeks currently prevailing. But
in those earlier years, the typical trainee x;as a man already possessing some
kind of skill and work experience x;ho t*as temporarily unemployed. Today, how-
ever, the typical trainee is likely to be a young man who requires instruction
even in basic education before he can begin to absorb the training relating to
the specific job.
The consequence is a greatly increased need for more investment in the
program. Even by next year, some officials estimate the average cost per trainee
may climb to over $900 -- especially if the program is to reach out toward more
meaningful occupations.
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In my judgement, this is a target worth pursuing. At the same time, I
realize that such a program will require more public investment if it is to
achieve its objectives. After all, x^hen we ask a private business to take on
and train a group of unskilled youth or adult members of the long-term, hard
core unemployed, we essentially are asking that firm to become somewhat less
efficient (at least in the short-run) in its operations. Yet, many companies --
recognizing their responsibility to help reduce the backlog of unemployment
which is a burden to the community as a whole -- have chosen to participate in
the program. Since they are taking on a good share of what is clearly a public
responsibility, X think we should be willing to compensate them from public
funds to a greater extent than we do now.
Ideology and Government Spending
Finally, I come to the most difficult of the three questions raised
initially: what is the proper balance between Federal and State and local
government efforts to develop our human resources? Obviously, there is no
answer to this question. It falls essentially in the realm of ideology, and our
personal preferences — and to some extent upbringing -- will necessarily shape
our response. However, we can provide an objective picture of the present scope
of the Federal-State and local financial partnership.
For this purpose, it may be especially helpful to focus directly on the
Upper Midwest Region. Perhaps the most convenient measure of the role of the
Federal Government at the State and local level is provided by the figures
prepared by the U.S. Department of Commerce showing the main sources of personal
income.
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In 1965, about 11.7 per cent of the Nation's personal income was
derived from the Federal Government. About half of these receipts came
through social security and unemployment compensation payments, and civilian
payrolls accounted for just under three-tenths.
In this part of the country, however, the picture was quite mixed. The
State of Minnesota (with 10 per cent of its personal income originating in
Federal Government activities) was about in line with the rest of the country.
But both North Dakota and South Dakota were much more heavily dependent on
payments from the Federal Government. In North Dakota, the proportion was
about 22.3 per cent, and in South Dakota it was about 19.7 per cent. In
both of these States, payments to farmers (under the various agricultural
support programs) represented the largest share of Federal payments -- one-third
in North Dakota and one-quarter in South Dakota. In Minnesota, farm payments
amounted to 1.4 per cent of total Federal disbursements, not appreciably
different from the 0.5 per cent in the country as a whole.
State and local governments also made a sizable contribution to personal
income in 1965. Throughout the country, this amounted to about 8.2 per cent
of the total. But in all three States of the Upper Midwest, the proportion was
higher: 8.9 per cent in Minnesota, 9.1 per cent in North Dakota and 9.2 per cent
in South Dakota. In each case, nationally and locally, civilian payrolls
absorbed virtually all of the outlays.
The role of the Federal Government at the State and local level can be
put into even sharper perspective when traced over time. During the 17 years
between 1948 and 1965 -- when this graduating class was coming to maturity --
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Federal contributions to personal income rose from 8.6 to 11.7 per cent, a
gain of one-third in the proportion. However, Federal expenditures in this
part of the country rose much more rapidly, in relation to total personal
income, than in the country as a x^hole: in Minnesota, the share rose from
6.6 to 10 per cent -- a 50 per cent advance; in both North Dakota and
South Dakota, roughly a three-fold gain was registered, from 7.7 to 22.3 per cent
and from 7.1 to 19.7 per cent respectively.
While x*e clearly cannot explore the intricate network of Federal-State
and local relationships behind this pattern of Federal spending, a number of
conclusions can be drax/n:
Whatever our personal preferences, the welfare of our citizens
— in the Upper Midwest as in the rest of the country - is
heavily dependent on the activities of the Federal Government.
This dependence has grown steadily over the years, and the trend
is not likely to be reversed sharply -- because the basic needs
for public services which stimulated it will continue to expand.
Thus, I come away from this review with the conviction that we ought
to be devoting our time and efforts to the task of making the Federal-State and
local partnership work more effectively -- and not to a search for ways to
escape meeting our collective responsibilities.
I invite all of you --not only this graduating class but its parents as
well --to join me in this far more rewarding quest.
& & ic
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1967, June 8). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19670609_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19670609_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1967},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19670609_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}