speeches · April 20, 1967
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
Far Release
Friday, April 21, 1967
12:00 noon, CST (1 p.m. EST)
INITIATIVE AND INNOVATION IN CENTRAL BANKING:
The Orchestration of Monetary, Fiscal and
Debt Management Policies
Remarks by
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
Before the
Midwest Economics Association &
Midwest Business Administration Association
Sherman House Hotel
Chicago, Illinois
April 21, 1967
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INITIATIVE AND INNOVATION IN CENTRAL BANKING:
The Orchestration of Monetary» Fiscal and
Debt Management Policies
The objectives and content of monetary policy in 1966 have been
widely discussed and--quite properly—are now being consigned to history.
Moreover, with the publication earlier this week of the Federal Reserve
Board's Annual Report covering 1966, the official account for last year
is also in the public domain. Thus, the present is a good time—and this
meeting of economists and business administrators is a good place—to
review the record of monetary management and to draw from the experience
a number of lessons which may be instructive in the future.
As I look back on 1966, I am struck (along with everyone else)
by the enormous pressures generated in an economy already in the neighbor-
hood of full employment yet required to cope with a large and sharply
rising volume of military expenditures. I am also struck by the hugh
volume of funds which had to be mobilized to finance a vigorously
expanding private economy and an extraordinary level of spending in
the public sector--by both the Federal and State and local governments.
Under these circumstances, the fact that credit availability was severely
limited and interest rates rose to the highest levels in 40-odd years is
not at all surprising.
In my personal judgment, the really significant point is that
general stabilization policies worked as well as they did in 1966--given
the numerous constraints under which they had to operate. The dispropor-
tionately heavy burden carried by monetary policy is now widely recognized.
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While fiscal policy was also helpful in moderating the pace of expansion,
its contribution was less direct and its timing delayed. Moreover, the
increased need for funds by the Federal Government gave rise to debt
management problems that became additional sources of stress in the
financial markets in 1966.
From an examination of the record of economic developments,
monetary policy and stabilization efforts in 1966, the following
picture emerges:
- The vigor of economic expansion, beginning in the
closing months of 1965, clearly called for a policy
of vigorous restraint•
- Monetary policy responded relatively early. After an
initial period of market adjustment to the overt shift
to restraint, bank reserves were kept under progressively
greater pressure through June of last year. As the impact
of restraint permeated the economy, it became increasingly
necessary to employ monetary instruments in different
combinations and to redistribute the effects of a
restrictive credit policy. As inflationary pressures
moderated in the fall, an overt shift to a policy of ease
was made promptly.
- Counter-inflationary fiscal policy was both late and
mixed. While exerting some restraint on the economy as
a whole during the year, the techniques of raising
revenue (particularly the acceleration of tax collections)
also generated substantial liquidity pressures upon
taxpaying corporations and, in turn, on the banking system
to which they turned heavily for financing. Moreover, the
sizable increase in the cash deficit compelled the
Government to become one of the strongest competitors in
the capital market and a major force in the sharp climb
in interest rates.
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- Debt management policy, while not unduly constraining
the conduct of monetary policy, also had a profound
effect on the pattern of financial flows and the cost
of borrowing.
Given the above configuration of stabilization policies (and the
varyingdegree of success achieved in their use), it seems evident that
a far better orchestration of these policies is required. Undoubtedly,
further improvements are needed to enhance the efficiency of monetary
policy. However, the most pressing task is to increase the flexibility
of fiscal policy--especially through permitting more timely changes in
corporate and personal income tax rates. Once we have achieved a better
balance between monetary and fiscal policy, the overall objectives of
stabilization can be further enhanced by removing the constraints under
which debt management operates. This includes not only removal of the
interest rate ceiling on Treasury bonds, but also improved budgetary
measures which would, among other things, make it less necessary to sell
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participation certificates (PCs).
I realize, of course, that no time is ideal to press for a better
integration of stabilization policies. Yet, with memories of the costly
consequences of a failure to integrate such policies so fresh in our
minds--and in view of the obvious need for a better policy mix in the
future—we ought not to put off indefinitely the careful consideration
of means to mesh fiscal and debt management policies more closely with
monetary policy.
Because of the need to improve the mix of stabilization policies,
I personally favor the adoption of some version of the surtax on corporate
and personal income such as that which the Administration has recommended
to Congress.
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Mainsprings of Excess Demand
Before appraising the attempts to orchestrate stabilization
policies in 1966, it would be helpful to pause briefly to highlight
the principal developments which challenged—and almost ended—the
5-year record of stable economic growth. In 1966, gross national
product rose by $58 billion to a total of $740 billion, measured at
current prices. This was a gain of 8.6 per cent over the previous
year. However, the rise in real output was substantially less (5.4
per cent) as the GNP price deflator climbed by roughly 3.0 per cent.
In fact, the increase in real output and prices exceeded that which
had been implied by most projections (both official and private).
The key components of this vigorous expansion in demand
have been thoroughly analyzed and can be summarized here:
- The quickening of defense spending induced by the
military effort in Vietnam must necessarily be
assigned first place. Defense outlays, which rose
by over $2 billion at an annual rate in the last half
of 1965, climbed sharply in 1966. The rise was
particularly sharp during the third quarter when an
increase of nearly $5 billion was recorded. For the
year as a whole, defense expenditures advanced by
$10 billion. This was considerably in excess of the
level anticipated at the beginning of the year when
the basic strategy of stabilization policy was adopted.
- The second most critical expansive force was business
fixed investment. Last year, such outlays totaled
$79.3 billion, a rise of $9.6 billion or nearly 14 per
cent. At this level, such spending represented 10.7
per cent of GNP, the highest annual ratio of the
postwar period.
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- Business inventories (partly reflecting the defense buildup
and the high level of spending for fixed capital) also rose
dramatically. Over the year, nonfarm inventories expanded
by $4 billion; but in the fourth quarter of 1966, the
accumulation was at an annual rate of approximately $18
billion--roughly double that in the same period a year
earlier.
Other sectors also added substantially to the expansion of
demand:
- Expenditures by State and local governments increased by
$7 billion* This was the largest rise on record, and the
impact on resources (especially on manpower) was particularly
strong.
- Consumers, with a considerable advance in disposable personal
income over the year, increased their spending in absolute
terms by nearly 8 per cent in 1966. However, since prices
rose sharply, their real income expanded by only 3 per cent
and their physical volume of spending by only 5 per cent.
However, while most sectors were adding to the strong expansion
of the economy, this was not true of housing. Last year, outlays on
residential structures amounted to $25.8 billion, a decrease of $2 billion,
or 7 per cent, from 1965. Actually the decline in residential construction
was even more severe than is implied by the expenditure figures, because
these reflect rising unit prices and a continuing trend toward more
expensive single-family units. A more accurate picture of the experience
of housing is given by the figures on housing starts. For the year as
a whole, nonfarm starts totaled 1.2 million units (the lowest since
1957) compared with 1.5 million in 1965. Moreover, the decline was
particularly sharp after April, and by the fourth quarter starts were
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less than 1 million units at a seasonally adjusted annual rate.
The reasons for this adverse experience of the housing sector are
widely known: Among them the outstanding factor was the sharp
reduction in the availability of funds as principal mortgage lenders
found it increasingly difficult to compete against the securities
market and commercial banks in an environment of rapidly rising
interest rates.
General Strategy of Economic Stabilization
The requirements of a proper public policy to counter
inflationary pressures are well understood, and need not be discussed
here. Instead, it is sufficient to recall that the basic aim should
be to moderate forces, inherent in the private economy, which may tend
either to expand aggregate demand ahead of the growth of real resources
or to fall short of reasonably full utilization of manpower and physical
capacity.
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In the conduct of a well designed stabilization policy, the
principal policy instruments might be employed as follows:
Counter-Cyclical Policy Actions
Type of Policy
Instrument Inflation Recession
Monetary Policy Restraint Ease
Open Market Operations Sell Securities Buy Securities
Discount Rate Rasie Reduce
Reserve Requirements Raise Reduce
Selective Measures Strengthen Relax
Fiscal Policy
Expenditures Restrain Expand
Revenue Rise Decline
Automatic Response Rise Decline
Tax Rates Increase Decrease
Budget Surplus Deficit
Debt Management
Maturity of Debt Lengthen Shorten
Type of Securities:
Short-term Restrict Sales Expand Sales
Long-term Expand Sales Restrict Sales
Of course, it is recognized that an ideal mix of policy actions
can seldom, if ever, be achieved. However, the above scheme does
provide a convenient framework within which to appraise the actual
performance of stabilization policies in 1966.
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Monetary Policy in 1966
Even a casual reading of the record of Federal Reserve
policy actions during 1965 and 1966 clearly shows that, for the
most part, monetary policy did respond in the fight against
inflation in essentially the way suggested by an informal
stabilization policy. From mid-summer of 1965, the Federal
Open Market Committee (FOMC) became increasingly concerned about
the inflationary implications of increased military spending super-
imposed on an expanding private economy. Partly in response to
expectations, interest rates rose noticeably in September 1965,
and the tone of the money market became quite firm. Although the
FOMC took no overt step toward greater credit restraint during
the following few months, it did attempt to maintain the firmer
tone which had been achieved.
However, the explicit shift to a policy of restraint was
taken in early December with an increase in the discount rate to
4-1/2 per cent and in the maximum rate which member banks could pay
on time deposits to 5-1/2 per cent. From then through all of 1966,
the Federal Reserve made extensive use of a variety of monetary
policy instruments, including open market operation, changes in
reserve requirements, administration of the discount window and
ceilings on time deposit rates.
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Open Market Operations
For the first two months following the rate changes of
early December 1965, the principal aim of open market operations was
to facilitate adjustments in credit markets. In the process, a
sizable amount of nonborrowed reserves was supplied to member
banks. Subsequently, once this adjustment had occurred, open
market operations exerted gradual—though substantial—pressure on the
availability of reserves. For example, from February through June,
nonborrowed reserves rose at an annual rate of only 1.7 per cent;
in the preceding seven months the annual rate of growth was 4 per
cent.
On the other hand, the acceleration of corporate tax payments
(a key component of new fiscal policy measures) generated considerable
money market pressures around the tax periods of March, April, and
June. To help moderate this impact, the Federal Reserve supplied a
significant amount of new reserves through open market operations.
Nevertheless, the main thrust of System operations in
Government securities during the February-June period was to restrain
the growth of bank reserves in the face of a large and continued
demand for credit. To a considerable extent these demands were
dominated by a wave of corporate bond flotations and sizable offerings
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of participation certificates (PCs) by the Federal Government. The
result was a general rise in interest rates, including the prime
lending rate at commercial banks.
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In this environment, individual savers were attracted
increasingly to high-yielding market securities and away from deposi-
tary institutions—msay from commercial banks as well as from mutual
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savings banks and savings and loan associations (S&Ls). While all
types of institutions struggled against the pull of the market,
commercial banks were relatively more successful than were S&L's
and mutual savings banks in holding on to their sources. Through
offering rates up to the 5-1/2 per cent maximum permitted on
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negotiable certificates of deposit (CDs), the banks attracted a
substantial volume of funds from corporations and other large
investors. They also devised a variety of consumer-type instruments
on which they could pay rates in excess of the 4 per cent fixed on
regular savings accounts. The net result was a further strengthening
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of the commercial banks position compared with that of other depositary
institutions. With the intensification of competition for funds
as the summer progressed, open market operations--while clearly
remaining an active tool of credit policy--moved from center stage
as the System reached for other instruments more finely tuned to cope
with the new complex of problems.
Changes in Reserve Requirements
First in July and again in September of 1966, the Federal
Reserve Board increased reserve requirements against time deposits
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at member banks with total time accounts in excess of $5 million.
Each change amounted to one percentage point, and together they
raised the requirement from 4 per cent at the end of June to
6 per cent at the end of September.
In both cases, the objective was to temper bank issuance
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of CDs. Another aim was to moderate the extension of bank credit
to business borrowers. While total bank credit expanded at an
annual rate of about 9 per cent during the first eight months of 1966,
business loans rose at an annual rate of 20 per cent in the same
period.
Although these increases in reserve requirements
only made it slightly more expensive for banks to compete for large
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denomination CDs, they did express clearly the Boardfe view that more
moderation in bank lending was desirable.
Discount Rate
On July 15, 1966 the Federal Reserve Board declined to
approve proposals by four Reserve Banks to raise their discount
rates to 5 per cent. (Other proposals to increase rates up to
5-1/2 per cent were also declined between July 19 and September 2).
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However, from late last spring until well into the fall, a
farther increase in the discount rate was a matter of much debate--
within the Federal Reserve System as well as in the financial
community generally. In fact, the decision not to raise the discount
rate again after the move in December 1965--despite the vigorous
exercise of other techniques of monetary restraint—has generated a
considerable amount of adverse comment. With subsequent publication
of the full range of considerations which the Board took into account
in reaching its decision, our general approach to the discount rate
last year is now widely appreciated.
While a great debate was sparked by the increase in the
discount rate when the policy of restraint was publicly signaled
in late 1965, it is clear in retrospect that the move was entirely
proper. Moreover, in my personal judgment, there were a few other
times before mid-summer last year when another increase in the
discount rate would have been proper. Aside from the aid it would have
given in the restraint of domestic demand the change would have also
provided assistance to our balance of payments.
On the other hand, as all types interest rates moved up
rapidly to levels not seen in 40-odd years, the question of further
escalation of the rate structure became particularly critical.
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Restoration of the historical relationship between the discount
rate and other short-term rates was no longer a matter of great
urgency. While it was recognized that expectations about prospective
discount rate changes increasingly had become a factor in the actual
behavior of the market, the benefits to be derived from validating
such expectations were outweighed by the costs that a validating increase
would have entailed for other objectives of monetary policy.
Among the latter, at the time the rate change was proposed
in mid-July, was the stabilization of the foreign exchange market.
On the day prior to the Board's decision, the Bank of England had
raised its discount rate from 6 to 7 per cent as part of a concerted
campaign to strengthen the position of the pound sterling. Some of
us thought that an almost simultaneous increase in the discount
rate at the Reserve Banks would have seriously undercut the support
efforts for sterling--and indirectly may have had an adverse impact
on the dollar itself.
My agreement with the course we followed last year with
respect to the discount rate does not mean that I believe the discount
rate has ceased to be a useful instrument of monetary policy. Quite
the contrary. As was subsequently demonstrated by the reduction in
the discount rate last month, such changes can cornrunicate reasonably
we.ll Federal Reserve policy objectives to the general public. I am
confident that the discount rate will remain a viable instrument,in
our kit of monetary tools.
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Selectlve Measures
While relying primarily on general tools of credit control,
the Federal Reserve found it necessary, however, to tailor its
approach to deal with the peculiar complex of pressures which
developed in the summer of 1966. The first effort in this direction
was aimed at moderating the excessive competition for funds sparked
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by commercial banks use of a wide range of instruments such as
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"savings bonds and "savings certificates." The key feature of
these devices was the ability of the banks to offer a rate of
interest greater than the 4 per cent which they were permitted
to pay on regular savings accounts. To some extent, the increases
in reserve requirements against time deposits were aimed at these
practices. The Board also restricted the use of consumer-type
CD's offering multiple maturities.
However, because of the Board's limited authority, little
could be done effectively to reach the source of the difficulty.
For this reason, we requested authority (which Congress granted
in September) to set interest rate ceilings on time deposits
on the basis of a variety of criteria—including size. With this
authority in hand, we fixed a 5 per cent ceiling on CD's under
$100,000 while leaving the limit unchanged at 5-1/2 per cent for
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CDs above this amount which were issued primarily by large
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moriey market banks. Other supervisory agencies fixed maximum
rates for the institutions under their jurisdiction. In taking
these actions, we fully appreciated that they were by no means
ideal. Yet, they were clearly necessitated as a temporary means
of moderating the excessive competition for savings. These steps
were clearly helpful to S&L's as well as to banks.
Another move, taken earlier in the summer, was also
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designed to assist S&Ls and mutual savings banks faced with
unusually large withdrawals of funds. On July 1, the Federal
Reserve Board quietly authorized the Federal Reserve Banks to
provide emergency lending accommodation to nonmember depository-type
institutions in the event of extraordinary liquidity pressures.
Fortunately, the need did not arise.
Undoubtedly, the action that has attracted most comment
was the System's letter of September 1, 1966, to member banks.
This communication was designed explicitly to ease capital market
pressures which developed in late August and continued into
September. In this letter, the System's determination to allow
a continued orderly (though moderate) growth in bank credit
was made unmistakeable.
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At the same time, the need to moderate the expansion of business
loans was stressed, and banks were cautioned concerning the market
pressures created by the heavy liquidation of municipal securities.
Finally, a modified approach to the administration of the discount
window was outlined. Banks were told that, while their Reserve
Banks would continue to assist them as usual in meeting seasonal
or emergency needs for funds, they would also keep in mind the
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extent of the borrowing banks efforts to moderate the growth
of business loans, in adapting to any shrinkages in their source
of funds. I do not wish to claim that the approach outlined in
the September 1 letter was the key factor underlying the easing
of market pressures in September. Other factors (particularly
the ie-appearance of the prospect of additional fiscal restraint)
may have played a far more important role. Nevertheless, this
reassurance that the System was prepared to come to the market's
assistance was undoubtedly helpful. With the subsequent shift
to a policy of ease which got underway in the fall, the September 1
letter was rescinded in late December.
The above steps demonstrated clearly the willingness of
the Federal Reserve to innovate in monetary management. Again,
however, a decision not to act in accordance with market expectations
can also be helpful in achieving overall policy objectives. It will
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be recalled that the maximum rate of interest payable on time
deposits was raised to 5-1/2 per cent in December 1965. The
action was motivated partly by a desire to ease the pressure of
advancing market yields on the large volume of CD's held by
commercial banks.
During the summer, market rates again began to press
against the 5-1/2 per cent ceiling, and the prospect of attrition
in bank holdings of CD's reappeared. This time, however, the
rate ceiling was not raised. Instead, it seemed appropriate to
allow some attrition to develop and thus re-enforce the effort
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to moderate the expansion of commercial banks business loans.
This fact has convinced some observers that the approach last
summer was inconsistent with that followed in December 1965.
Actually no such paradox exists: the need to moderate credit
growth was much greater in 1966 than was the case at the outset
of the restraint policy. By raising the ceiling earlier—and
not raising it last summer--we were pointing our efforts at the
same target, that is, a rate of growth of bank credit more in
line with the availability of the country's real resources.
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The Lessening of Credit Restraint
After late summer, credit demands became less intense. Perhaps
this was partly a reflection of the high level of borrowing early in
the year (some of which was undoubtedly anticipatory) as well as
the change in the pattern of business borrowing to settle tax
liabilities. But given the degree of monetary restraint exerted
after December 1965, undoubtedly a significant effect was registered
on the demand for credit. While the overall demand for funds
remained strong through the closing months of the year, there was
no return to the frantic pace of business loan growth. The
atmosphere in the securities markets became much quieter than it
was over the summer. Although the volume of market flotations
remained large, and yields continued exceptionally high, the
capital markets continued to function rather well.
In the face of these developments, monetary policy during
much of October was directed toward lessening somewhat the restraint
on banks. Finally, in the third week of November, the FOMC adopted
an overt policy of ease, and this was reinforced in December. In
further pursuit of this policy, reserve requirements against certain
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types of time deposits were reduced toward the end of February,
and the discount rate was cut to 4 per cent earlier this month.
The response of the financial system to these moves has
been dramatic. Sizable free reserves have reappeared at member
banks, and interest rates have declined sharply from the peaks
reached in 1966. Banks and other depository institutions have
regained their ability to compete successfully for savings, and
inflows are occurring in near-record volume. Even the large
money market banks have more than recovered the $3 billion of
CD's which they lost between last August and December as market
yields rose above the maximum rates they could pay on time
deposits. Bank credit and the money supply have also expanded
substantially—in keeping with the requirements of a monetary
policy designed to see the economy through a period of inventory
adjustment and an overall pace of slower growth in real output.
The Performance of Fiscal Policy
In view of the widespread debate over the nature and content
of fiscal policy actions in 1966, one could easily gain the impression
that fiscal actions made little contribution to the stabilization
efforts last year. Such an impression would be entirely incorrect.
Estimates by some Administration officials have placed the fiscal
contribution to restraint in the neighborhood of $10 billion.
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It will be recalled that modest tax increases became
effective in late winter and spring of 1966. These consisted
principally of a restoration of previous reductions in excise
taxes on automobiles and telephone service, and the acceleration
of personal and corporate income tax payments. Then, about the
first week in September, temporary suspension of the 7 per cent
investment tax credit was recommended, and the measure was adopted
in October.
This configuration and timing of fiscal action should be
kept in mind, because to a considerable extent they conditioned
the configuration and timing of monetary management in 1966.
In fact, throughout the year, most of us in the Federal Reserve
System were fully conscious of the critical importance of fiscal
policy to the success of our own efforts. Regarding my personal
position on the question, I said in mid-July that I felt a
general tax increase would have been desirable early in 1966*
I went on to say that, in the absence of such a move--and in
the face of the continued rapid expansion of outlays on plant
and equipment and of bank loans to business to help finance these
outlays--! thought it would be helpful to suspend temporarily
the investment tax credit. Therefore, I was pleased when this
step was taken.
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The Federal Budget
As measured in the national income accounts, the Federal
budget was a lesser source of restraint on aggregate demand in
calendar 1966 than it was in 1965--despite the fact that for the
year as a whole a surplus of $0,3 billion was recorded. In the
previous year, the surplus had amounted to $1.6 billion. Within
1966, the budget registered a moderate surplus during the first
six months. However, by the second quarter, a small deficit
had appeared, and this became substantial in the final three
months of the year. For 1966 as a whole, the essentially balanced
position resulted primarily from higher tax receipts as incomes
rose sharply. But the fiscal policy actions mentioned above
also helped.
The Federal Government's cash budget showed a deficit
of $5.7 billion in calendar 1966, the largest since 1961, Total
cash payments rose by $23 billion, over half of which was represented
by higher defense expenditures. Tax receipts expanded by nearly
$22 billion to a record level last year. Again, this increase
can be traced largely to the rapid growth of the economy.
However, about $5.5 billion of the increase resulted from higher
social security and medicare taxes. In addition, roughly
$6 billion (or over one-quarter of the rise) came through an
acceleration in tax payments. As observed above, this latter
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fiscal measure placed considerable pressure on the banks as many
corporations had to borrow amounts greatly in excess of uhat
they would have required in order to meet the usual tax payments.
The Performance of Debt Management
The management of the Federal debt can make a substantial
contribution to stabilization policy. To be sure, considerations
of good debt housekeeping and market feasibility constrain what
can be done in this area. Nevertheless, during a period of emerging
inflation pressures, debt decisions could be tilted in favor of
lengthening the maturity of the debt insofar as practicable, and
the reverse should be the objective as periods of recession develop.
As we knoxr, the Government's ability to manage its debt
remains severely constrained by the 4-1/4 per cent interest ceiling
on Treasury bonds. During 1966, this ceiling made it impossible
for the Treasury to sell any direct debt maturing over 5 years.
Moreover, the Treasury lost a sizable proportion of the longer
average maturity of the debt which it had achieved during the
preceding 6 years.
The Treasury was also constrained by the legal limit on
the size of the debt. Tox/ard the close of the year, the amount of
the debt outstanding came exceptionally close to the statutory
ceiling, and on several occasions the Treasury's operating balance
fell to exceptionally low levels. In early December, the Treasury
borrox/ed $169 million directly from the Federal Reserve over one
weekend.
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The Federal Government was a net seller of $10.0 billion of
securities in 1966, more than double the net amount sold in the
previous year. Included were $3.4 billion of marketable direct
debt—all of less than 5-year maturities. On the other hand,
sales of direct agency issues amounted to a record $5.1 billion.
Moreover, an exceptionally large volume of PC's ($1.5 billion)
was also placed on the market.
The unprecedented sales of agency issues and PC's were
significant factors underlying the rise in money market rates and
the congestion in the financial markets. In an effort to moderate
these pressures, after midyear, Treasury investment accounts began
to absorb large amounts of agency securities. Finally, after
September, the Government made no further sales of new PC's. In
the face of this reduction in sales of agency securities and PC's,
the Treasury drew down its cash balance in the last half of the
year and also expanded its sales of direct obligations.
The Need for a Better Policy Mix
The foregoing discussion clearly demonstrates that the
record of stabilization efforts last year was far from ideal. Without
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attempting to pass out "grades (and perhaps at the risk of appearing
biased by my institutional connection), it seems to me that monetary
policy did perform somewhat better than either fiscal or debt
management in 1966. Again this comparison certainly is not
intended to be invidious. Rather, the point is that, while all
three types of policies had to operate under great handicaps last
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-24-
year, the constraints on fiscal measures and debt operations were
far more serious.
As I look ahead—and without attempting in anyway to
forecast the performance of the economy or the courne of monetary
and credit conditions over the rest of this year—I am personally
convinced that we will need a better balance among our stabiliza-
tion instruments. Exactly how to achieve this is by no means
obvious. But it ijs self-evident, however, that we should rely
on fiscal policy as a source of a greater share of whatever
overall restraint on aggregate demand we may require in the
future. Also, with a more effective fiscal policy, it would be
less necessary for the Government to rely so heavily on market
borrowing, and this would certainly ease the problems of debt
management.
These considerations have led me to conclude that Congress
should write into law some variety of surtax on corporate and
personal income such as that which the Administration has
recommended. In taking this view, I am not necessarily suggesting
that the rate (6 per cent) or the effective date (July 1) originally
proposed is exactly right. Both of these features can more
properly be determined against the background of economic
developments at the time the measure is actually considered.
In my opinion, the important thing is that fiscal action along
this line be taken before the current session of Congress adjourns.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1967, April 20). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19670421_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19670421_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1967},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19670421_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}