speeches · October 4, 1966
Speech
Andrew F. Brimmer · Governor
For release for use
iti Afternoon Papers
Wednesday, October 5, 1966
Monetary Policy and the U. S. Balance of Payments
Remarks by
Andrew F. Brimmer
Member
Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System
at the
Wharton School of Finance and Commerce
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, Pa.
October 5, 1966
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Monetary Policy and the U.S. Balance df Payments
The continuing deficit in the U.S. balance of payments is still a
matter of serious national concern. Since the issue this year has not
dominated public discussion to the extent it did a year ago, some observers
(especially some of those in key financial centers abroad) have concluded
that the elimination of the deficit has receded to a lower priority in the
array of national objectives.
Such a conclusion is unwarranted. As the Secretary of the Treasury made
clear during the recent meeting of the International Monetary Fund, the U.S.
is as determined as ever to bring its international payments into balance -
although to do so may necessitate the adoption of policies (particularly
this Nation
with respect to capital flows) which / would ordinarily prefer to avoid.
For our part, we in the Federal Reserve System also remain as acutely
aware as ever of the seriousness of our balance of payments problem, and we
continue to assign a high priority to its early resolution. The basis of
this concern is readily evident:
Since 1957, the monetary reserves of the U.S. have declined
steadily, and are declining further this year.
Simultaneously, U.S. liabilities to foreign central banks and
governments (which hold dollars as reserves) have risen steadily.
Although our reserves are still almost as large as these
liabilities ($15 billion compared with $16 billion), seven years
ago reserves were twice as large as the liabilities.
Clearly, these trends cannot continue indefinitely. The establishment
of a viable equilibrium is not only a matter of our national but also our
international interest. The role of the dollar as a major reserve currency
and as a vehicle for international transactions lends urgency to our task.
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To say this is not to overlook the progress we have already made. The
deficit, measured on the basis of the liquidity definition, shraftk from
over $3 billion a year in 1960-61 to less than $1^ billion in 1965. During
the same period, measuring the deficit on the basis of official reserve
transactions, the decline was from approximately $2% billion to $1% billion.
Nevertheless, the pace of the improvement has been disappointingly slow.
As we all know, the rate of progress has been interrupted by the strong
domestic expansion and the acceleration of military activity in Vietnam. In
fact, the latter may be contributing as much as $1 billion at an annual
rate to the deficit. During the first half of 1966, the deficit on the liqui
dityrbasis was essentially unchanged from that recorded in the calendar year
1965,but the official settlements deficit was reduced substantially.
But in one sense we are fortunate: Monetary and fiscal measures
required to moderate the excessive level of aggregate demand at home would
also move us further toward the elimination of the balance of payments
deficit - although the adverse impact of our military effort abroad would
still remain.
In fact, although it has not been generally recognized, the Federal
Reserve's policy of monetary restraint has been one of the principal factors
preventing the further deterioration of the U.S. balance of payments during
1966. The nature of this contribution can be traced in a number of x^ays:
Through moderation of certain kinds of domestic demand.
Through moderation in the outflow of U.S. capital.
Through acceleration in the inflow of foreign capital.
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In fact, the inflow of short-term capital, much of it mobilized by
has been
foreign branches of U.S. commercial banks, / one of the most striking
this year, and especially
features of the financial scene/since mid-year. This development can be
linked directly to the policy of monetary restraint followed by the Federal
Reserve System and the resulting pressure on bank reserves.
Domestic Demand and the Balance of Payments
We need not review here the mechanism by which a more rapid expansion
of aggregate domestic demand than of domestic supply dampens exports and
stimulates imports of goods and services - thus possibly shifting a country
into external deficit. The fact that the growth of aggregate demand in
this country has been excessive over the last year is obvious. The evidence
can be seen in the familiar indicators of rising prices, lengthening order
backlogs, and increased efforts to accumulate inventories.
What is sometimes forgotten in the United States, because international
transactions are small in relation to total domestic activity, is that these
transactions may themselves provide evidence of excess demand pressures. For
example, in the 12 months through mid-1966, the value of U.S. merchandise
imports x;as 19 per cent larger than in the preceding 12 months. Further-
more, had there not been very substantial releases from Government stockpiles
of materials that would otherwise have been imported, the increase would
have been even sharper (23 per cent), or two and a half times as rapid as
the increase in GNP at current prices.
In this buoyant environment, monetary policy has attempted to hold the
expansion of bank credit and money to levels consistent with real growth
potential, in the face of demands for credit that have been expanding much
more rapidly. To this end, the Federal Reserve has used all the traditional
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instruments of monetary policy - open market operations, changes in discount
rates and reserve requirements - and also some less orthodox tools, including
ceilings on the interest rates that member banks may pay on time and savings
deposits, and general guidance to banks regarding desirable portfolio
adjustments and lending behavior.
These restraints have succeeded in slowing down the rate of bank credit
expansion and money supply growth. For instance, bank credit increased about
10 per cent during 1965, but it has expanded at an annual rate of only
about 7 per cent during the first 9 months of 1966. The money supply rose
4.8 per cent in 1965; it has increased at a rate of less than 3 per cent in
the first 9 months of 1966.
As we know, monetary restraint has had a differential impact on particular
sectors of domestic spending and on current international transactions in
goods and services. Housing has been hit hard, rather too hard from some
points of view, whereas business and consumer spending (which most affect
imports and exports) have been less clearly restrained.
Nevertheless, there are recent signs that monetary restraint is producing
some moderation in spending even in these latter sectors. In the latest
for this year
Commerce-SEC plant and equipment survey, business spending plans/were not
revised upward, the first time this had happened since 1963. This lack of
upward revision in money terms may even be interpreted as a slight downward
revision in real terms, since the costs of machinery and structures have
risen. In the consumer spending field, there is reason to think that some
of the moderation in spending for durable goods, notably automobiles, is
attributable to more stringent terms on consumer installment credit.
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Lenders have been charging higher rates, tightening repayment terms, and
requiring higher down payments. Finally, it should not be forgotten that
the reduction in residential construction activity has released both
materials and labor to satisfy more insistent demands for industrial and
commercial construction.
These domestic developments have not yet produced a clear slowing dox-m
in the unsustainable rate of import expansion. Merchandise imports rose at
least as rapidly from the second quarter to the July-August months as they
did earlier in the year. But there is reason to suppose that there will be
some slowing down in the months ahead. Perhaps there also will be some
additional release of production for export in those sectors of the machinery
industry where capacity has been too tight to take full advantage of buoyant
foreign demand.
The additional measures of fiscal restraint recently recommended by the
President should facilitate the reestablishment of a more sustainable trend
in domestic business spending. This in turn should slow down the rise in
imports of capital goods, which has hitherto been occurring at a spectacular
annual rate of more than 40 per cent.
In summary, while increasing monetary restraint during the last year
did not prevent a substantial deterioration in the foreign trade balance,
and in the balance on total exports and imports of goods and services, it
helped to limit the extent of the deterioration. And there is reason to hope
that these unfavorable trends in the current account are now being checked
as the effects of monetary restraint filter through the economy. We x/ould
hope that the third quarter of 1966 has marked the low point for net exports
of goods and services during the current boom.
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Monetary Policy and Capital Flows
As I mentioned above, it is in the area of capital outflows that
monetary policy and changing credit conditions have had their greatest, and
most easily measured, impact on the balance of payments this year. In
response to the question much debated only a year or two ago - e.g., whether
monetary restraint could improve the U.S. balance of payments significantly
on the capital account side - the answer given by recent experience is a
fl M
clear though qualified yes.
In appraising recent trends in the capital accounts, we must keep in
mind significant developments of earlier years. It is also necessary to
recall the variety of measures taken to affect them. Moreover, a full under-
standing of capital flows must rest on analysis in some detail, since
particular types of capital flows (and flows to different areas) have re-
sponded differently both to general credit conditions and to specific
influences. However, for the present purpose, it is not possible to under-
take such a comprehensive task, and a broad summary must suffice.
Recorded net outflows of U.S. private capital were relatively small from
the end of World War II through 1955, exceeding $1% billion in only one year.
After 1955, however, they surged upward in three waves, first in 1956-57,
again in 1960-61, and most recently in 1963-64, reaching a peak of $6%
billion in the single year 1964.
It was in 1960 that U.S. monetary policy first began to take explicit
account of balance of payments considerations. Interest rates were not
allowed to fall nearly as low during the recession of 1960-61 as they had
in earlier recessions. Efforts x^ere made both by the monetary authorities
and by the Treasury in its management of the public debt to maintain
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short-term interest rates at levels that would not make short-term outflows
profitable on an interest-arbitrage basis. Also, the Government began at
that time to plan the shift in the policy mix which was later embodied in
fiscal measures to stimulate renewed economic expansion, leaving monetary
policy somewhat freer to limit capital outflows than it would otherwise
have been.
However, the underlying forces stimulating capital outflows continually
proved stronger than anticipated. In particular, outflows of long-term
capital, into direct investments and into new issues of foreign securities,
gathered further momentum. U.S, monetary policy did tighten moderately in
1963. But given the domestic circumstances of high unemployment and un-
usually stable prices, no very marked tightening of the sort that might
affect capital flows substantially seemed appropriate at that time. In
addition, developing inflationary pressures in most leading countries abroad
were producing a tightening of credit conditions there that offset much of
the potential impact of the U.S. monetary actions on capital flows.
Selective Restraint on Capital Flows
In these circumstances, the U.S. Government proposed the Interest
Equalization Tax (or I.E.T.) in July of 1963, later enacted retroactively.
This measure made it more costly for residents of developed foreign countries
to borrow in this country on security issues, but it did not otherwise inter-
fere with the market mechanism for allocating available funds.
The result was a brief respite in 1963-64. With the current account
surplus also expanding buoyantly in that period, the over-all payments
up to then,
deficit shrank to its lowest point,/since 1957. But the surge in capital
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outflox^s T^as not yet over. Even before the I.E. T. was proposed, term lehding
to foreigners by commercial banks began to develop in volume. Short-term
bank lending also continued heavy, and the two together rose in a kind of
crescendo through 1964, bringing the total bank-reported outflow of U.S.
capital in that year to $2% billion, more than twice the peak reached in
1960-61. Direct investment outflows, particularly to Europe, also began to
increase very rapidly in this period, rising in total from $1^ billion in 1962
to $2% billion in 1964. There was an added large outflow of nearly $1 billion
in 1964 of nonbank corporate funds other than direct investments.
By 1964, our other international transactions had improved to the point
where we might comfortably have accommodated outflox^s of private U.S. capital
of the 1960-61 order of magnitude - $4 billion. But the further jump in flox^s
I have just described brought the total outflow to $6% billion, and this
demanded new policy actions.
A moderate further tightening of monetary policy seemed appropriate
during 1964 and x;as carried out, in several stages, mainly on international
grounds but also on domestic grounds, especially late in the year when price
indexes began to creep upx/ard for the first time in six years. But it seemed
doubtful that the upx/ard surge in capital outflox/s could be stemmed, much less
reversed, by general monetary actions short of very drastic ones that would be
damaging to the domestic economy.
Therefore, in February, 1965, the President sent to Congress a special
Balance of Payments Message in x/hich he outlined a number of selective measures.
The I.E. T. was broadened to cover most long-term bank loans to developed
countries. And a series of voluntary foreign credit restraint programs
x/ere undertaken. The Federal Reserve was assigned administrative
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responsibility for achieving a reduction in capital outflows from financial
institutions, and the Commerce Department set out to mobilize the support
of nonfinancial corporations in an effort to improve the net payments
impact of their international transactions.
The nature and results of the voluntary programs are by now familiar
to most of you. The essential point is that, thanks to the cooperation of
the business and financial community, we did achieve a very substantial
reduction in net U.S. private capital outflows - from $6.5 billion in 1964
to only $3.7 billion in 1965. This over-all result exceeded expectations.
Outflows of bank-reported capital gave way to inflows. For the year
1965 as a whole, there was a reflow of about $100 million, compared with the
$2?^ billion outflow of the year before. Nonbank claims on foreigners, other
than direct investment, diminished by nearly billion during 1965, after
having risen by nearly $1 billion the year before. Direct investment out-
flows were sharply higher in the year 1965 as a whole than in 1964, but
diminished significantly in the second half year, and an increasing portion
of such outlays was financed by borrowing abroad.
Not all of these results can be attributed to the voluntary programs.
To some extent, there was a natural reaction from the large and partly antic-
ipatory outflows of late 1964 and early 1965, and also the application of
the I.E.T. to bank loans played some role. About $150 million of Canadian
security issues originally scheduled for late 1965 were postponed into 1966
at the request of the U.S. and Canadian Governments. Credit demands from
Japan and Italy diminished as economic activity and credit conditions eased
in these countries. Finally, the gathering domestic boom, particularly after
military activity in Vietnam began to quicken about mid-year, was allo\7ed to
produce a considerable tightening of domestic credit conditions which worked
also in the direction of limiting capital outflows.
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Nevertheless, as a very rough calculation, it might be appropriate to
attribute about one-half of the $2,8 billion net reduction in capital out-
flo\7S from 1964 to 1965 to the voluntary programs. That represents a
considerable success, and a handsome Contribution to the national interest.
U.S. Capital Outflows in 1966
During the first half of 1966, the net outflow of U.S. private capital
rose slightly to an annual rate of $4.0 billion, from last year's $3.7
billion. But these figures include the reinvestment abroad of funds borrowed
abroad by U.S. subsidiaries established for that purpose. If these borrowings
are subtracted, the net outflow of domestic capital is seen to have declined
further, from $3.5 billion in 1965 to an annual rate of $3.0 billion. The
decline was still larger if one disregards the Canadian securities flotation
postponed from 1965.
This further decline is remarkable, particularly when account is taken
of two influences that have been working in the direction of increasing the
outflow this year. These are:
The fact that plant and equipment outlays abroad of affiliates
of U.S. corporations are increasing by an estimated 21 per cent
this year over last.
The fact that last year's large repatriation of liquid funds
from abroad by nonbank corporations, in compliance with the
voluntary program, cannot be repeated.
The influence of monetary policy in holding down outflows of U.S.
capital this year is seen most clearly in the statistics reported by banks.
I noted earlier that cooperation with the Federal Reserve's voluntary
foreign credit restraint program was largely responsible for the cessation
of bank credit outflows last year, and for the reflows that occurred after
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February,1965. The new ceiling suggested under the voluntary program for
1966 would have permitted the banks' outstanding claims on foreigners to
increase from 105 per cent of their end-1964 level to 109 per cent. Since the
banks were below the ceiling at the end of 1965, there was room within these
guidelines for a net extension of bank credit to foreigners of about $800
million this year.
But in fact, the banks have not extended additional credit to foreigners.
Instead, they have further reduced their outstanding claims, by more than
$200 million during the first half year, and by a further $200 million(partly
seasonal) in July and August. At the end of August, the banks were fully
$1 billion below the suggested ceiling. Their outstanding claims on foreigners
were $266 million lower than at the end of 1964. Clearly, domestic credit
stringency - the product of heavy demands for funds and a monetary policy of
increasing restraint - has been a major factor in this development. The
voluntary program for banks, which was the principal influence on the behavior
of commercial banks a year ago, has been re-inforced in 1966 by the over-all
policy of monetary restraint.
Relative credit conditions as between this country and Japan have
changed particularly sharply over the last two years. This situation has
affected U.S. capital flox/s in a significant way. Japan accounted for
one-fourth ($3.2 billion) of total outstanding claims on foreigners reported
by banks in the United States at the end of 19641 it also accounted for more
than one-third ($2.8 billion) of the increase in such claims during the
preceding 5 years. While interest rates have been rising sharply here, they
have declined in Japan. Consequently, for the first time since World War II,
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it is advantageous for major Japanese borrowers to shift their financing from
U.S. banks to Japanese sources. Furthermore, over half of this year's net
repayments to U.S. banks have been accounted for by Japan. In fact, the re-
payments would have been even more rapid if the Japanese authorities had
not been urging caution in order to avoid drains on their official reserves
of dollars.
The impact of monetary restraint on other flows of U.S. capital is less
clearly visible. But it is there. The fact that the rate of sale of new
foreign securities in this country, issued mainly by Canadian borrowers,
has not increased this year, and indeed has diminished if adjustment is made
for the issues postponed from late 1965 to early 1966, owes something to
higher U.S. interest rates and sharply reduced credit availability. Also^non-
bank corporations have repatriated some additional short-term funds from
abroad, even though they had already made large repatriations last year at
the President's request, and even though their foreign operations continue
to expand.
For direct investment, the conclusion is less clear. The main factor
preventing an increase in outflows of direct investment capital this year,
in spite of the rapid further expansion of foreign branches and subsidiaries
of U.S. firms, is still the voluntary restraint program of the Commerce
Department. Under that program, the companies are asked to borrow abroad to
the extent feasible to finance their foreign programs. And they are doing
so. Their borrowings through foreign subsidiaries - either through the
so-called Luxembourg corporations or directly by the operating companies -
do not enter the U.S. balance of payments at all, although their effect is
to reduce outflows of U.S. capital from what they would otherxjise have been.
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The foreign borrowings of U.S. subsidiaries - the Delaware corporations
set up for that purpose - enter the balance of payments as an inflow of
foreign capital and then as an outflow of U.S. capital, and it is proper
for analytical purposes to net these flows out, as I did a moment ago in
discussing total capital outflows, Delaware corporation borrowings abroad
plus exchanges of U.S. company stock for foreign stock came to about $500
million in the first half of this year. Some further, though smaller, amounts
are expected to be raised in these ways during the remainder of the year.
While this foreign borrowing is mainly inspired by the voluntary
restraint program, it is made a good deal more palatable to the companies
by the fact that raising funds in the United States has become much more
expensive and more difficult.
Foreign Capital Inflow, 1966: Special Role of Commercial Banks
There has been a very substantial inflow of foreign capital this
year, apart from the borrowings of the Delaware corporations. There are
two segments, of different sorts. First, long-term capital. This came
mainly from foreign official and international institutions, which purchased
long-term certificates of deposit! and long-term securities issued by Agencies
of the U.S. Government. These assets were attractive because of their high
yields and their increasingly ready marketability.
Second, short-term capital. The inflow of foreign private liquid
strained
funds represented in part a response to the increasingly/liquidity position
of/U.S. banks, and in part a reflection of market doubts, especially during
July, about the stability of the pound sterling.
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Short-term U.S. liabilities to commercial banks abroad increased by
$734 million during the first half of 1966. Moreover, these liabilities
rose further by $620 million in the single month of July. They are believed
to have increased again, though less rapidly, in August and in September.
For the year to date the total rise may be more than $1% billion. In contrast,
there was a net increase of only $116 million in such liabilities during 1965.
In fact, there have been only two other years in which increases of this order
of magnitude have been recorded - 1959, with a figure of $1.2 billion, and
1964, with $1.5 billion.
Most of this increase in liabilities to commercial banks abroad has
occurred in the liabilities of a few large U.S. banks to their ox-7n foreign
branches. The branches have attracted Euro-dollar deposits in large volume
and have passed on a substantial proportion to their head offices.
The interest of the head offices in acquiring these funds is clear.
Faced with increasing reserve pressures, and increasing difficulties in
attracting time deposits, the banks have been willing to pay high rates
both for Federal funds and, through their branches, for Euro-dollars, in
order to be better able to meet strong domestic demands for credit. It is
not surprising that Euro-dollar interest rates have moved closely parallel
to Federal funds rates.
The sources of supply abroad to meet these demands are less well known.
One important influence in the summer bulge in these flows must have been
the nervousness about the pound, which would have provided some incentive
for foreigners to move funds out of sterling and into Euro-dollars even if
the switch were not particularly profitable from an interest-arbitrage point
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of view. But also, and especially recently, there have apparently been
substantial shifts out of Continental European currencies and into Euro-
dollars, because the switch has become very profitable.
The effect of this large inflow to the United States through the Euro-
dollar market has been to strengthen the dollar in foreign exchange markets,
and to weaken other currencies and reduce the official reserve gains in
those countries below what might otherwise have been expected in the light
of seasonal factors and underlying payments positions. To put it another
way, the inflow of foreign private liquid funds helps to finance the U.S.
liquidity deficit, so that less official financing is required. Thus, the
inflow reduces the official settlements deficit.
It would doubtless be unwise to count on a liquid inflow of this
unusual magnitude continuing for very long. Indeed, the flow is likely to
reversed when the pressure on bank reserve positions is relaxed. Thus, the
improvement in the balance of payments from this source must be viewed as
quite temporary.
Concluding Remarks
In this review of some of the key channels through which the effects
of changing credit conditions shox-; up in international capital flows, I
have sought to demonstrate that monetary policy has had substantial effects
this year in holding down outflows of U.S. capital, and in stimulating in-
flows of foreign capital.
No doubt the occasions on which as stringent a policy as we have
followed this year will be appropriate are likely to be limited. One hopes so.
But it has perhaps been useful to have had a clear demonstration that U.S.
monetary policy will be used vigorously when the occasion requires, and that
when it is so used, it can have prompt and significant effects, even on
the balance of payments.
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Cite this document
APA
Andrew F. Brimmer (1966, October 4). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19661005_brimmer
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19661005_brimmer,
author = {Andrew F. Brimmer},
title = {Speech},
year = {1966},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19661005_brimmer},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}