speeches · December 12, 1961
Speech
William McChesney Martin, Jr. · Chair
For release at 7:30 p. m.
Eastern Standard Time
Wednesday, December 13, 1961
The Balance of Achievement
Remarks of Wm. McC. Martin, Jr.
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
at the
1961 William Penn Award Dinner
of the
Chamber of Commerce of Greater Philadelphia
Philadelphia, Pa.
December 13, 1961.
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THE BALANCE OF ACHIEVEMENT
I am very pleased to receive this William Penn Award from
the Chamber of Commerce of Greater Philadelphia. In accepting,
however, I fully understand you are according an honor to the great
American institution I am privileged to serve. This is appreciated.
For, unless the Federal Reserve System has the interest and under-
standing of organizations such as yours, it cannot hope to fulfill
its mission.
To be honored in Penn's name is a fine distinction, for it recalls
a heritage with which we should all be familiar. William Penn took
title to new land in America in 1681 as settlement of a debt owed his
father by Charles II. He saw his objectives clearly and moved toward
them with dispatch.
He made his peace with the Indians; he carefully laid out his
"greene country towne" between the Schuylkill River and the "great
River Delaware"; and he established a prosperous and growing
community that is, 280 years later, still prosperous and still growing.
We can all appreciate Penn's foresight and executive abilities.
But much has happened since the end of the 17th century when
Philadelphia was proudly described to prospective colonists as having
"two thousand houses, all inhabited: .. . three fairs every year, and
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two markets every week. " This city and this country have grown
larger, and the world has grown smaller, than any of the early
settlers could have possibly imagined.
With growth and progress have come new difficulties and new
dangers. The difficulties we face today are at least as great as those
faced by William Penn on the "old" frontier. But they seem, out of
growth and progress, to have become vastly more complicated.
We are faced with a need for a careful balance of conflicting
desires. We have many needs and limited resources to satisfy them.
This need for balance seems to pervade our lives. The individual
strives for balance between work and leisure, between professional
and social contacts. He, himself, through mind and heart, is the
balancing mechanism. As a nation, we find it useful also to
balance conflicting pressures. The checks provided by co-equal
branches of Government help us to do this.
In the economic sphere, the free market may be looked at as
a balancing mechanism. The free market works to bring about
adjustment in demand and supply of goods and services. It is
indeed to the credit of the free market that it performs its functions
so well.
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No more appropriate example of need for balance in the
economic sphere can be found than in our international payments
position. Over the past several years we have experienced a serious
deficit in our balance of payments. The Federal Government spends
abroad for military and foreign aid purposes. Private businessmen
invest abroad to take advantage of low costs of production and dis-
tribution and profitable markets. Businessmen and consumers
purchase abroad to take advantage of low prices and new products.
We have not been able to induce foreigners to spend and invest as
much here in the United States. And yet it is clear that if the
Federal Government, private businessmen, and consumers are to
continue satisfying their expressed desires to the extent they have,
we must increase spending and investing by foreigners in the
United States.
During 1960 the balance-of-payments problem was intensified
by an outflow of short-term capital. One cause of this
outflow was the difference in short-term interest rates in this
country and short-term rates abroad. In payment of part of the
deficit, gold flowed out of the country at a rapid rate. A continuing
accumulation of foreign claims on American dollars, and the outflow
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of gold, reached the stage where the stability of the American dollar
was being questioned in foreign financial centers. The situation had
become critical.
Yet it wasn't possible to concentrate all our policies on this one
critical issue. Bringing balance to our international payments is
necessary; but we have other desires as well which are closely related
and which must, to as large a degree as possible, be satisfied also.
The intensification of our balance-of-payments difficulty in
1960 coincided with a decline in business activity here in the United
States. Early in 1960 the Federal Reserve had launched a vigorous
program to buttress the economy. The lending capacity of our bank-
ing system was expanded by increasing bank reserves and enabling
banks to pay off borrowing. With the increased availability of credit,
interest rates declined.
The need for recovery at home and equilibrium in our payments
internationally confronted the Federal Reserve, as well as the nation
as a whole, with a difficult dilemma. Supplying bank reserves by
concentrating on Treasury bills in our open market purchases, as
had been our general custom, could drive short-term interest rates
so low as to encourage a further outflow of funds.
We had, then, to try some other approach to permit the fulfill-
ment of our international and domestic needs in the monetary area.
The System decided to push out its open market purchases beyond bills
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and other short-term securities to try to provide the reserves necessary
to stimulate business without fostering the further outflow of short-term
capital.
The cause and effect of economic developments are never easy to
disentangle. And we cannot trace definitively the impact of Federal
Reserve policy. But for the time at least, speculation against the
dollar has diminished; and, at home, recovery has proceeded at a
rapid rate since February of this year.
Despite these improvements, we can by no means relax. The
basic causes of our balance of payments deficits are much broader and
deeper than interest rate differentials. Recovery here in the United
States has brought with it an increase in imports, a shrinkage of our
export surplus and a growth in our payments deficit. Our deficit, after
declining below $2 billion on an annual rate basis in the first half of this
year, increased again to an annual rate of over $3 billion in the third
quarter. A continuation of this kind of deficit is threatening to say the
least, and raises the spectre of renewed speculation against the dollar.
We have come, then, a long way from the situation of the early
postwar years. During those years, you might recall, we gave generous
aid to the war-devastated countries of the world. They did the work of
reconstruction; we supplied some of the materials and tools.
In the course of time, our aid program bore fruit. The war-torn
countries began to prosper; they got their finances in order, expanded
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their foreign trade and created the means and opportunities for a freer
flow of funds across their borders.
All these developments were properly hailed as necessary and
desirable. But they also marked a change in our own role in inter-
national affairs -- from one whose primary purpose was to help restore
and reconstruct to one who must now compete.
We have not yet adapted ourselves to this change in status. Con-
sequently, we have not yet achieved a reasonable balance in our inter-
national payments. And, as a result, we must continue to exercise
care in our judgment of what to do about it.
Some remedies that are recommended could prove extremely
destructive. Restrictive trade and investment policies would wipe out
the hard-won gains of years of effort to promote trade. Ultimately,
these policies would also compound our international payments difficulties.
It must be remembered that free and expanding trade is a benefit to us
as well as to the rest of the world.
We must, if we are to solve this problem, clearly recognize the
kind of world in which we now live --a relatively small, competitive
neighborhood where it takes about six hours to transport 125 people to
Europe in one of our jet planes and no time at all to transfer $125 million
by cable. We must come up in foreign, as well as domestic markets,
with the right goods and services, at the right prices. Whatever the
controversies about other undesirable aspects of inflation, the fact
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remains that we simply cannot afford to be priced out of world markets
by price increases at home. Employers here are competing with
employers abroad for profits. Employees here are competing with em-
ployees abroad for wages. This is the meaning — the problem and the
great advantage --of international trade and the convertibility of
currencies. Those who believe in the competitive system, and under -
stand its advantages, should be aware of this.
So, too, with the other economic problems we face today. If we
are to achieve our goals, we must pursue carefully considered policies.
The Federal Reserve has worked to foster recovery from recession in
both output and employment. In November, more than 67 million people
were at work, a record number for that month. Yet 4 million were
still unemployed. On a seasonally adjusted basis, the rate of unemploy-
ment dropped considerably in November to 6. 1 per cent of the civilian
labor force from the 6. 8 per cent that had prevailed over most of the
year. That is some progress, but considerable further progress is
imperative, and appropriate policies on the part of Government and of
labor and management will be needed to achieve it.
When World War II ended, many were concerned about a
resumption of the Great Depression. With the waste and sadness of
the 1930's in mind, we adopted as a primary objective the maintenance
of high levels of employment. When it became clear that the major
problem was not depression but inflation, we found it necessary to turn
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our heavy artillery in the other direction and restrain excess demand,
More recently, much attention has been given to the problem of economic
growth. And, as I have already mentioned, our balance of payments
today also requires serious attention.
It is sometimes asked whether our multiple objectives are com-
patible. Can we have high levels of employment and rapid economic
growth without inflation and without disequilibrium in our balance
of payments?
I think this is not quite the right question to ask. It assumes
we can attain one or more of our goals if we forego the others. I
doubt that this is true . If we permit prices to rice rapidly, we will
not long sustain high levels of employment nor high rates of growth and
we will not be able to establish equilibrium in our balance of payments.
Conversely, if we permit high levels of unemployment to exist, we also,
I think, cannot long sustain rapid growth, or price stability; nor, for
that matter, free and expanding world trade. In other words, we must
make our objectives compatible by a policy which recognizes our
limitations, because if we don't we may find we cannot secure any of them.
What is needed, in my judgment, is a judicious blend of specific
actions, well-balanced monetary and fiscal policies by Government,
and wage-price policies by labor and management fitting to a vigorously
competitive market structure.
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In such a setting, the Federal Reserve System would be able to
carry out its operations more effectively, and at the same time with
greater moderation in respect both to easing and to tightening credit
conditions. In consequence, swings in interest rates and in bond prices
could likewise prove more moderate.
A good volume of savings is, of course, essential to provide
investment funds for enlarging our productive capacity. The role of a
central bank, in a period of expansion, is to minimize the tendency for
bank credit to be used instead of savings for this purpose. If we are
to have the growth and the expansion of job opportunities that we all
want, we will need to encourage savings.
In all times, it is of course vital that the nature of our difficulties
be studied carefully and that policies be based on sound analysis. If
we are to achieve the kind of balance necessary, a rational attack on
these problems must be made.
Complete, 100 per cent agreement can never be hoped for.
Monetary policy, I decided some time ago, can never be an exact
science, for it deals, ultimately, with people, as well as their assets
and liabilities. The framers of the Federal Reserve Act were aware,
I think, that monetary policy would inevitably require an element of
judgment. They took some very well advised measures in mobilizing
the efforts of many potential contributors. The hope was that judgments
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would be impartial, informed, and in the interests of the country as a whole.
Let me just note one or two of these measures in passing. The
Federal Reserve System was designed to promote the public interest.
The Reserve Board in Washington is clearly a public body. The members
of the Board of Governors are appointed by the President of the United
States with the consent of Congress. They have primary responsibility
for coordinating and directing policy. The twelve regional banks also
play an integral role in the formulation and implementation of policy. They
are directed by a board composed of nine directors. The member banks
in each district select six of the nine, with the other three being selected
by the Board of Governors, Once these directors become members of a
Reserve Bank's board, they take on public responsibilities. For example,
they initiate changes in discount rates, which must be approved by the
Hoard of Governors, and they nominate the chief officers of the Reserve
Banks, who also require approval by the Board. The Presidents of the
Reserve Banks join with the Board in formulating open market policy. When
Congress entrusted the power of money management to the Federal Reserve
System, it endeavored to provide that this power would not be controlled by
private interests on the one hand or be subject to political manipulation on
the other.
In adopting that approach, the Congress seems to me to have been
very wise. Because it is important to remember that when we deal
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with the subject of money, we are also dealing with the faith and credit of
the United States.
When I was overseas recently, one thing that impressed me, more
than ever, was how much people in other countries look on the dollar as a
symbol of this country's strength. To them, a decline in the value of the
dollar, to say nothing of a formal devaluation, would mean a decline in the
faith and credit of the United States. They would regard it as a sign of
decline not only in American economic strength but also in moral force.
But money has more than a symbolic value. It serves as a medium
of exchange, as a standard for measuring value, and also as a means of
storing value. In so doing, it also serves --so long as its own value is
maintained --to keep our entire economy functioning efficiently for the
maximum benefit of all.
Furthermore, we should never forget that money --if good --is
also an instrument of liberty. As we know from history, it was not until
payment in labor and produce was supplanted by payment in cash that men
were able to break out of the serfdom that had bound the mass of them
for life to their native plot of soil and their native status in society.
For these, and for many other reasons, money should never be a
political issue. There are numerous, legitimate areas of difference
between the parties -- foreign policy, the limitations of Federal power,
the prevention of monopolies and other matters of both theory and practice
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on which the voters are divided by their convictions or interests. But in
my judgment it is clear that the necessity to maintain the value of our
money is accepted by the rank and file of Democrats and Republicans
alike, and certainly neither party can benefit by depreciating the dollar.
In carrying out its non-partisan role, the System is additionally
fortunate in having a framework, provided by Congress in the Federal
Reserve Act, that was designed to accord recognition to the great diversity
of conditions and problems to which our vast continent gives rise. The
directors and the personnel of the regional banks -- intelligent, experienced,
and well-posted men -- are strategically located. They provide the System
with a distant early warning system -- a "dew line" -- in the economic
sphere.
The individual Reserve Banks, in their closeness to developing
regional situations, also give the System a flexibility it would otherwise
lack. The problems of one region today may be the problem of another
region — or all other regions -- tomorrow. The analysis, efforts, and
experience of a Reserve Bank in meeting the problems that it perceives
could prove of utmost value for other regions and for the nation as a whole.
One of the great challenges confronting all of us today is to improve
economic understanding. The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia is
about to embark on a new venture to meet this challenge. The President of
the Philadelphia Bank, Karl Bopp, will tell us more about this later.
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I think you will see that what the Philadelphia Bank is doing is an example
of the benefits of a regional system.
The balance of public, private, and regional interests reflected in
the framework of the System seem to me in the best American tradition.
Democracy is always a balancing of conflicting interests and opinions.
We permit and solicit the expression of differences in order to take
advantage of the best possible ideas. It was Justice Holmes who
pointed out that the competition of freely expressed ideas is not unlike, in
its benefits, the competition among goods and services in the market
place. We organize for free expression, for the adjustment of conflict-
ing opinions and, finally, for cooperation. "The highest and best form
of efficiency," Woodrow Wilson believed, "is the spontaneous coopera-
tion of free people." It is the kind of cooperation that only a democracy
can generate.
The economic process of building, producing, and consuming is a
rational process. Men can master it through reason, and improve it
through the discipline of objective study. If we are to achieve a wise
and efficient balancing of policies and objectives in the complex world
closing in upon us, the widest sort of understanding is necessary.
Consequently, it has been helpful to have discussion and debate, and
critical studies of monetary policy. However, I hope, by now, that it
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is widely understood that economic problems cannot be solved by simple
mechanical formulas, any more than monetary policy can be formulated
by the wonderful machines that have today become invaluable aids.
The winds that carried the news of new worlds to William Penn and
others carried also the scent of opportunity and freedom. We have
made much of our freedom and opportunity in the virgin continent
uncovered a short four and a half centuries ago. Our rewards have
been substantial.
What began as a faith in the ability of men to govern themselves
without producing anarchy and to fulfill their own ambitions without
economic disaster has been confirmed by our growth and progress. We
now understand that man has, and always had, tremendous energies for
either constructive or destructive enterprise. Our free systems,
providing opportunities for success, as well as failure, have through
a dynamic equilibrium of desires, channeled these energies into
constructive achievement.
If we are to continue our advance, the problems of today, more
complicated though they be, must be understood and the balance of what
we can have -- given what we do have and what we want -- must be struck.
This is no easy task. But with our economic and political heritage
no one can doubt our success.
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Cite this document
APA
William McChesney Martin, Jr. (1961, December 12). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19611213_jr.
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19611213_jr.,
author = {William McChesney Martin, Jr.},
title = {Speech},
year = {1961},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19611213_jr.},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}