speeches · October 18, 1955
Speech
William McChesney Martin, Jr. · Chair
For Release at 7:30 p. m, ,
Eastern Daylight Time,
Wednesday, October 19, 1955.
Address of
Wm. McC. .Martin, Jr.
Chairman, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
before the
New York Group
of the
Investment Bankers Association of America
Waldorf Astoria Hotel
New York City
October 19, 1955
7:30 p.m. , Eastern Daylight Time
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There's an apocryphal story about a professor of economics that
sums up in a way the theme of what I would like to talk about this evening.
In final examinations the professor always posed the same questions. When
he was asked how his students could possibly fail the test, he replied simply,
''Well, it's true that the questions don't change, but the answers do. In our economic affairs, the major questions confronting us are in
large measure hardy perennials: How do we attain and retain prosperity?
How do we achieve normal healthy growth? How do we preserve the pur
chasing power of our money? The answers to these interrelated questions
in the 1950's thus far differ in important respects from those of earlier
decades.
My purpose tonight is to explore with you some of the main currents
and undercurrents of thought which have colored and shaped these differing
answers.
It is, of course, unorthodox, if not downright poor form, to reach
your conclusion in the course of your introductory remarks. But, as a
matter of emphasis, I would like to state it now.
In the absence of war, or serious conflict among our people over
political or social aims, the road to a substantially higher standard of
living lies ahead of us as clear and as smooth as our modern turnpikes.
We have passed through the turnstiles and are, in my judgment, out on the
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open road. This position has been achieved after a good many ups and downs
false starts, adaptations to war and preparations for war, false turns, and
poor directions. Furthermore, the machine we are driving is adequate and
capable of traversing the grades, curves, crossroads, and danger points,
provided only that the drivers observe the speed laws, are alert and
responsible, and sufficiently trained and experienced in the art of driving
to understand the nature of the principles of propulsion, and the goals of
the journey they are making. Our ability to travel this road safely depends
upon a community of drivers who understand and utilize the time-tested
principles which are derived from our inheritance.
It seems rather striking that one of the ideas now firmly imbedded
in our articles of material faith, the concept of governmental responsibility
for moderating economic gyrations, is almost entirely a product of our own
Twentieth Century.
This concept, which is steadily being brought into sharper focus, has
evolved from general reaction to a succession of material crises heavy in
human hardship. It grew from mass desperation and demand for protection
from economic disasters beyond individual control.
The Federal Reserve System, which I have the honor to represent,
was our earliest institutional response to such a demand. It emerged out
of the urgent need to prevent recurrences of such disasters as the money
panic of 1907, and out of the thought that the Government had a definite
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responsibility to prevent financial crises and should utilize all its powers to
do so.
Accordingly, 42 years ago Congress entrusted to the Federal Reserve
System responsibility for managing the money supply. This was an historic
and revolutionary step. In framing the Federal Reserve Act great care was
taken to safeguard this money management from improper interference by
either private or political interests. That is why we talk about the over
riding importance of maintaining our independence. Hence we have our
system of regional banks headed up by a coordinating Board in Washington
intended to have only that degree of centralized authority required to discharge
effectively a national policy. This constitutes, as those of you in this audience
recognize, a blending of public interest and private enterprise uniquely
American in character. Too few of us adequately recognize or adequately
salute the genius of the framers of our central banking system in providing
this organizational bulwark of private banking and business.
Since the Federal Reserve System came into being, the problems of
inelasticity of currency and immobility of bank reserves--which so often
showed up as shortages of currency or credit in times of critical need-
have been eliminated, and money panics have largely disappeared.
In this specialized respect there can be no doubt that the System has
made notable progress, but in the more fundamental role of stabilizing the
economy the record is not so clear. All of us in the System are bending
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our best efforts to capitalize on the experience of the past, and our current
knowledge of money, so as to make as large a contribution as possible in
this direction. But a note should be made here that, while money policy
can do a great deal, it is by no means all powerful. In other words, we
should not place too heavy a burden on monetary policy. It must be
accompanied by appropriate fiscal and budgetary measures if we are to
achieve our aim of stable progress. If we ask too much of monetary policy
we will not only fail but we will also discredit this useful, and indeed
indispensable, tool for shaping our economic development.
The answers we sought to the massive problems of the 1930's
increasingly emphasized an enlarging role for Government in our economic
life. That role was greatly extended again in the 1940's when the emergency
of World War II led to direct controls over wages, prices, and the distribu
tion of goods ranging from sugar to steel.
That experience led to growing concern over the effect of a strait-
jacket of controls on the economy's productive capacity, and the price
that would be exacted in terms of individual liberty if the harness of wartime
economic controls were carried over into the postwar years.
Such a strait jacketing of the economy is wholly inconsistent with our
political institutions and our private enterprise system. The history of
despotic rule, of authoritarian rule, not merely in this century but through
out the ages is acutely repugnant to us. It has taken a frightful toll in human
misery and degradation.
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The transformation of this country from a wilderness to a highly
developed civilization demonstrates the results that can be obtained through
a system which is directed toward releasing, not shackling, energies and
abilities. The fruits of these energies and labors are shared in growing
abundance, not by primitive barter, but by the processes of the market
place.
The advantages of a system where supply capacities and demand
wants and needs are matched in open markets cannot be measured in economic
terms alone. In addition to the advantages of efficiency in the use of economic
resources, there are vast gains in terms of personal liberty. Powers of
decision are dispersed among the millions affected instead of being central
ized in a few persons in authority.
The basic concept of the market system has remained with us since
the founding of the nation. It has remained the cornerstone of our society
to this day, although we have done some extensive remodeling of the structure
as a whole from time to time.
We have in the past done some remodeling for the admirable purpose
of correcting structural defects and distortions. Competitive, freely func
tioning markets are one thing, and rigged markets are another. Rules and
regulations to prevent rigging are necessary and essential to a sound
structure.
Other remodeling has come about because the American people have
Refused to accept economic goals as their sole objective. That was true in
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older generations, as well as our own. Our family inheritances have, I am
glad to say, usually included the beliefs that man cannot live by bread alone,
and that in a properly equipped home library the Bible should occupy a more
important place than a manual of arms or a mail order catalogue. Let it
be said, to our credit, that American economic action has often been deter
mined by balancing material advance against other human objectives.
For these reasons, and perhaps others, our market system has been
modified continuously throughout this country's history. Ideas of market
places functioning with no rules or regulations except the "law of the jungle"
have, quite justly, gone the way of the great buffalo herds. When we speak
today of "free markets" we of course mean markets that are only relatively
free, as the freedom of speech we enjoy is itself only a relative freedom.
The essential characteristics of free markets have nevertheless been
retained.
It is true that in a great emergency we have been willing to make a
departure from our market structure, but our mood has been that of the
man who has to leave home for the confines of a bomb shelter. When a war
comes on, we are willing to put up with all sorts of economic controls and
dictation of even small details of our economic life. The dignity of the
individual gets submerged in the necessity to win the war. The law of supply
and demand is suspended temporarily, but it cannot be permanently repealed.
It is always with us just as is the law of gravity.
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When peace is restored we do not continue to ignore it. We cannot
substitute the judgment of a few in authority for the free and independent
judgments of the community as they are expressed in the market place.
We cannot do so, that is, and retain our concept of freedom in a competitive,
private enterprise economy.
I am not unaware that freedom entails certain hardships on the nervous
constitution. It gives us opportunity to choose, but it also requires the making
of choices. The pleasure of having a choice to make is counterbalanced by
not only the necessity for making a choice, but also the responsibility for
accepting the consequences of that choice, whether good or bad. Naturally
we like the consequences only when our choice proves right. That's one
reason it is easier to make a mistake than to admit one.
It requires no strain on my imagination to suppose that there might
be some, even in this audience, who occasionally feel a nostalgia for the
pegged money market that came into existence during the war and continued
until the Treasury-Federal Reserve accord of March 1951 turned us back in
the direction of a freer market.
Free markets, like free economies, have a way of going down as
well as up, and thus reminding us that our system is one of profit and loss,
entailing penalties as well as rewards. During the last four and a half
years the Federal Reserve has pursued a monetary policy characterized by
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flexibility, or prompt adaptation to the sharply changing needs of a dynamic
economy. It has been necessary in this period to combat both the forces of
inflation and of deflation.
There are some who contend that a little inflation--a creeping
inflation--is necessary and desirable in promoting our goal of maximum
employment. My able associate, Allan Sproul, President of the Federal
Reserve Bank of New York, put his finger on the fallacy in this contention
in testifying before a Congressional committee earlier this year when he
said:
"Those who would seek to promote 'full employment'
by creeping inflation, induced by credit policy, are trying to
correct structural maladjustments, which are inevitable in
a highly dynamic economy, by debasing the savings of the
people. If their advocacy of this course is motivated by
concern for the 'little fellow, f they should explain to the
holders of savings bonds, savings deposits, building and
loan shares, life insurance policies and pension rights,
just how and why a rise in prices of, say, 3 per cent a
year is a small price to pay for achieving 'full employment.
They should also explain to all of us--little, big, and just
plain ordinary Americans--what becomes of our whole
system of long term contracts, on which so much of our
economic activity depends, if it is to be accepted in
advance that repayment of long term debt will surely be
in badly depreciated coin. "
If inflation would in fact make jobs, no reasonable man would be against it.
But as I have frequently emphasized, inflation seems to be putting money
into our pockets when in fact it is robbing the saver, the pensioner, the
retired workman, the aged--those least able to defend themselves. And
when the inevitable aftermath of deflation sets in, businessman, banker,
worker, all suffer. That doesn't mean jobs. It means just the opposite.
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There have been some rather wide swings in attitudes toward
monetary policy during recent years, In the depression, a great number
came to the conclusion that monetary policy was ineffective as an instrument
for promoting recovery from economic decline. Following World War II,
some were troubled by the move from direct controls to restoration of the
general control involved in monetary policy because they feared it could
not restrain the inflation then prevalent--not, that is, without being so
drastically exerted as to plunge us into a devastating depression.
Nowadays, there is perhaps a tendency to exaggerate the effective
ness of monetary policy in both directions. Recently, opinion has been
voiced that the country' s main danger comes from a roseate belief that
monetary policy, backed by flexible tax and debt management policies
and aided by a host of built-in stabilizers, has completely conquered the
problem of major economic fluctuations and relegated them to ancient
history. This, of course, is not so because we are dealing with human
beings and human nature.
While the pendulum swings between too little or too much reliance
upon credit and monetary policy, there is an emerging realization more
and more widely held and expressed by business, labor and farm organiza
tions that ruinous depressions are not inevitable, that something can be
done about moderating excessive swings of the business cycle. The idea
that the business cycle can be altogether abolished seems to me as fanciful
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as the notion that the law of supply and demand can be repealed. It is hardly
necessary to go that far in order to approach the problems of healthy economic
growth sensibly and constructively. Laissez faire concepts, the idea that
deep depressions are divinely guided retribution for man's economic follies,
the idea that money should be the master instead of the servant, have been
discarded because they are no longer valid, if they ever were.
Nor does the discarding of old ideas and the substitution of new ones
mean that we are throwing basic laws or principles overboard. It is the
return to first principles in many parts of the free world that is the most
significant aspect of world-wide recovery and progress outside of the iron
curtain. And that, in turn, vastly brightens the hope of lasting peace.
By first principles I mean time-tested basic concepts of the market
place and the development of competitive private enterprise, with only that
degree of Government interference or regulation necessary to prevent
abuses and excesses. We see a return to these concepts here and abroad
because other concepts have failed, and where there has not yet been a
revival of these concepts economic troubles are acute.
As I suggested at the outset, the basic problems, the questions,
remain pretty much the same always. The answers are different--and
no one would be so rash as to say that we have ultimate solutions for all
of our problems. We can say confidently, I think, that we have discarded
some wrong answers--that we have returned to some of those fundamental
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principles under which our society, our institutions, have flourished with
incomparable benefits, benefits not merely material.
There will always be some, of course, who think we must go through
the wringer periodically to purge the economy. There will always be cynics
and defeatists, no doubt, who say that because there have always been
disastrous depressions and more disastrous wars, we must accept these
visitations as inevitable. If there are enough hopeless Jeremiahs, enough
defeatists and cynics, those calamities are indeed inevitable. If we do
nothing about it, if we do nothing to prevent inflation and thus avoid the
inevitable aftermath of deflation, then of course we are defeated. Today' s
generations will accept no such fatalistic philosophy.
If we fail to apply the brakes sufficiently and in time, of course,
we shall go over the cliff. If businessmen, bankers, your contemporaries
in the business and financial world, stay on the sidelines, concerned only
with making profits, letting the Government bear all of the responsibility
and the burden of guidance of the economy, we shall surely fail. I am as
weary as you are of pious platitudes and after dinner preachments about
leadership and financial statesmanship. But the fact is that the Government
isn't something apart and remote from you. It is you~-all of us. If those
responsible for major decisions in business, finance, labor, agriculture,
are irresponsible, Government can't compel you, short of moving in the
direction of dictatorship, to be reasonable, or moderate, or prudent.
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In the field of monetary and credit policy, precautionary action to
prevent inflationary excesses is bound to have some onerous effects--if
it did not it would be ineffective and futile. Those who have the task of
making such policy donlt expect you to applaud. The Federal Reserve, as
one writer put it, after the recent increase in the discount rate, is in the
position of the chaperone who has ordered the punch bowl removed just
when the party was really warming up.
But unless the business community, leaders in all walks, exhibit
moderation, prudence, and understanding, then we will fail and deserve
to fail, I cannot believe we will be so blind. I have a deep and abiding .
faith in that undefinable yet meaningful phrase we frequently use --
"the American Way of Life,
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Cite this document
APA
William McChesney Martin, Jr. (1955, October 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19551019_jr.
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19551019_jr.,
author = {William McChesney Martin, Jr.},
title = {Speech},
year = {1955},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19551019_jr.},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}