speeches · April 29, 1954
Speech
Rudolph M. Evans · Governor
"THE INDEPENDENT
BANK AND
CAPITALISM"
An Address
Delivered By
Mr. R. M. ("Spike") Evans
Member of the Board of Governors,
Federal Reserve System
Washington, D. 0.
NATIONAL CONVENTION
DETROIT, MICHIGAN
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It is a distinct pleasure for me once more
to visit with you about a subject upon which
I have very fixed ideas. Those fixed ideas
did not come as a result of something I read
in the textbooks, but they came from my
experience in government, and my experi
ence in business in a small town in America.
So, in v/hat I have to say to you here today,
I want to say it and relate it to capitalism
and the capitalistic system.
I think, if you will look around the world
today in a dispassionate sort of way, you are
bound to come to the inevitable conclusion
that throughout the world there is a ten
dency toward some kind of socialistic gov
ernment.
Probably the most effective defense against
that type of organization are organizations
such as your own that foster the small, inde
pendent business enterprises of this country.
I do not want to undertake to define cap
italism particularly in a hard and fast way,
but I think it is correct to say that a capital
istic system is one that relies upon free, com
petitive, private enterprise. Of course, there
is no such thing as absolute freedom, for we
must have a reasonable amount of public
regulation in the public interest. The Encyc
lopedia Britannica lists three criteria by
which capitalism may be characterized. One
relates to private ownership of land, mines,
industry, etc., and the second relates to "pro
duction by private initiative for private pro
fit."
But, third, it adds, and I think this is very
interesting, "The institution of bank credit
is so essential to the functioning of the cap
italistic system that though not strictly im
plied in the definition, it should be added to
the other two criteria."
While neither capitalism nor any other
economic order is in itself moral or immoral,
I deeply believe that those who live under
and profit by the capitalistic system must be
vigilant to see that it operates under and ad
heres to those high moral standards which
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form the Cornerstone of public faith and con
fidence.
No people in the world have progressed so
rapidly and so far as those of us who have
been privileged to live under the American
capitalistic system. I do not believe that we
could have achieved this unrivaled standard
of living had we followed a dog-eat-dog phil
osophy, or one of sheer greed and material
ism. And I like to believe, and I do believe,
that I have seen in my lifetime a steadily
broadening sense of moral responsibility on
the part of the thoughtful leaders in business,
industry, agriculture and labor. It is incon
ceivable to me that any other "ism" could
take deep root in this country at the present
time.
It is interesting to recall that the Virginia
and Plymouth colonies lacked capital, arti
sans, and the profit motive. The Dictionary
of American History recounts that "The Pil
grims did not bring a horse, cow or plow, . . .
When the meager supplies soon gave out,
there was a period of 'starving' because there
was little incentive in either colony for the
individual to work hard to build up a sur
plus. since the settlers were expected to put
all their produce into a common fund from
which all would be supported and out of
which the companies financing the expedi
tions would receive repayment and profit, a
system bordering on communism so far as
the settlers were concerned. John Smith re
marked, When our people were fed out of
the common store and laboured jointly to
gether . . . the most honest among them
would hardly take so much true paines in a
week, as now for themselves they will do in
a day . . . " It was only when the settlers
gained greater freedom of enterprise, and
were permitted to accumulate private prop
erty, that the colonies grew and prospered.
It has long been my conviction that cap
italism will best be safeguarded by the de
gree to whch all who live under it share in
its benefits and feel identified directly with
it. For that reason I have always advocated
measures that would encourage and preserve
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the independent farmer as well as the inde
pendent bank. In a land where the individual
has an opportunity, if he so desires, to go
into business for himself or to share in the
ownership of an enterprise, there may be
some who are simple or deluded enough to
espouse communist doctrine, but they will
surely be the rare exceptions.
As I see it, capitalism is a dynamic progres
sive process: it is not a static economic order.
It is not something we can take for granted.
Essential safeguards in the public interest,
the preservation of competition, the avoid
ance of monpolies, for example, depend upon
wisely conceived and man administered laws.
I deplore the comment which I have so often
heard that politics is a sort of game of a low
order in which no holds are barred and no
rules of decency apply.
In a country where government rests upon
the consent of the governed, if politics be
comes corrupt the fault lies with decent citi
zens who have failed to live up to their re
sponsibilities of good citizenship. Good citi
zens must take an active and intelligent in
terest in political processes—I am not talking
about partisanship—if our institutions are to
be preserved and constantly improved. Re
member that laws and regulations are ham
mered out on the anvil of Practical Politics
in a Democracy. Heaven forbid that it should
ever be otherwise.
I have said to the Independent Bankers
before, as most of you know, and I reiterate
it now, you will preserve your independence
only if you carry your case to the people.
You will lose if you deserve to lose, but I
profoundly believe you will win if you de
serve to win. And I do not have to tell you
again that I think you deserve to win.
It was with the basic thought of trying to
protect independent banking that the Fed
eral Reserve Board of Governors embarked
on its long, tedious, and expensive case
against Transamerica. The theory of the
Board's case was quite simple. Over a period
of forty-four years the Transamerica group
had expanded from a single banking office
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in San Francisco to a total of 642 banking
offices in the five-State area of California,
Oregon, Washington, Nevada, and Arizona.
These 642 banking offices comprised more
than forty per cent of all of the banking of
fices in this five-State area. The Board
thought that this was "tending" towards
monopoly. In fact, they thought that if this
case did not come under the Clayton Act, it
would be difficult to imagine one that would.
After a hearing, which lasted about three
years, the Board issued an order requiring
Transamerica to divest itself of the stock of
forty-seven banks which it owned. Trans
america took the case to court. When the pro
ceedings were originally instituted by the
Board of Governors, Transamerica owned a
little more than twenty two per cent of the
stock of the Bank of America. However, by
the time the case was argued in court, the
two Gianninis, father and son, had died, and
Transamerica had yold all of its stock interest
in the Bank of America and contended that
there was no longer any connection between
the two institutions?—a view that I did not
share. The court agreed with the Board that
the purpose of the Clayton Act was to "nip
monoply in the bud."' The court also agreed
that the Board had proved that the Trans
america banking group had grown enormous
ly both in absolute size and in percentage of
the total of commercial banking in the area.
I want to read to you a paragraph from the
court's decision. The court said:
". . . We agree that this quantitative
analysis discloses a tremendous con
centration of banking capital, and
thereby of economic power, in the
hands of the Transamerica group
which may be unwise and against
sound public policy. It may be in the
public interest to curb the growth
of this banking colossus by appro
priate legislative or administrative
action. This, however, is not for us to
decide. Our only question is whether
the theory upon which the Board
based its decision meets the legal
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tests which are required under Sec
tion 7 of the Ciayton Act to deter
mine whether Transamerica's bank
stock acquisitions tend to create a
monopoly of commercial banking.
We are compelled to agree with
Transamerica that it does not do so."
In essence, the opinion of the court meant
that under this particular Act there was
nothing further that we could do. Under the
opinion of the Court of Appeals, the Board,
in order to prove a case, would have to show
that the time Transamerica acquired a bank,
that bank was in competition with a bank
already owned by Transamerica, and that
the competition between the two was les
sened as a result of the acquisition. While it
might seem obvious that there would be a
lessening of competition in such a case, the
court said that there must be tangible proof.
This might involve going back ten, fifteen
or twenty years, to the date of acquisition of
many of these banks, and getting the opin
ions of local businessmen and bankers. As a
practical matter, such a proceedings would
be virtually endless as well as fruitless. The
Transamerica case was the first effort to in
voke the Clayton Act and it is fair to say,
I think, that the Board felt it would be remiss
if it failed to test this legislation. The result
has proved that the Clayton Act does not
provide a means for checking the growth of
a "banking colossus" (to use the court's
words), or of preventing "a tremendous con-
concentration of banking capital" (again us
ing the court's words).
You will have to look elsewhere and seek
other legislation to safeguard your interests
—and your independence.
I am quite familiar, as I know you are,
with the arguments for branch and chain
banking. I think the most ardent advocates
of branch banking will agree that the hold
ing company device is an ingenious way of
circumventing branch banking laws. Be that
as it may, I know at least that some of my
good friends who believe strongly in branch
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banking would admit that there probably
would have been no resort to the holding
company device but for the loopholes in
branch banking legislation. I am not under
taking to say that all branch banking or all
holding company banking should be done
away with, but I do want to put in my plea
once more for the preservation of the inde
pendent unit bank and banker.
Local banks are an excellent example of
capitalism, as I define it, because here you
have a group of local people who associate
their talents and their money in order to
provide many kinds of service, without which
no community can really develop. They are
the merchants of credit. Because of their ac
curate knowledge of local conditions and
their intense interest in their community,
throughout the life of this country they have
made it possible for young people reaching
maturity to get credit and develop businesses
that will in later yeitrs make them important
leaders in the community, providing, of
course, they have operated their businesses
efficiently. In this way new leaders are de
veloped, and in due course of time the old
people pass cn and the younger ones take
over the administration of the business af
fairs of the community in which they live.
The business affairs of any community
flow through the doors of its banks. It is very
important to have managers whose roots are
deep in the soil of the territory they serve.
Transient managers, who come and go, do
not have the same feeling for a community
as does a person who was born and bred
there, whose resources have been invested in
the enterprises of that community.
In former years I spent quite a lot of time
in Canada. Businessmen there, especially the
small ones who did not have access to the
large capital markets, universally told me
that dur system was better for them. I feel
certain this is true because I have observed
both kinds from the inside. A farmer may be
a good risk or a poor one, depending upon his
knowledge of his business, his health, his
equipment, his soil. Local people know the
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answers to such questions. The same intimate
knowledge of local conditions applies to
every other line of business in the commun
ity.
Here in Detroit you manufacture some
very important products which are sold all
over the world. Yet I venture to say these
products are sold almost entirely by local
companies or individuals. At least, when
ever I have engaged in a debate for the pro
per trade-in allowance on my old car, it has
been with local people. They know just how
good my old car is, and unfortunately what
local people will pay for it.
I believe my needs for credit should be
passed on by local people. The framers of the
Federal Reserve felt the same way. When
the Federal Reserve System was established.
Congress was very conscious of the size of
the country and the great diversity of its
business interests. These interests are affect
ed by climate—cotton and fruit growing in
the South, corn growing in the Middle West,
etc. They are affected by the location of raw
materials and manufacturing facilities. Con
gress very wisely decided to decentralize the
System by establishing twelve regional Fed
eral Reserve Banks. Later on, twenty-four
branches were added making a total of thirty
offices in the U. S.
Why was this done? Simply because Con
gress wanted to make certain that when a
bank needed to rediscount its paper, people
familiar with local conditions would decide
whether or not the rediscount should be
granted.
A regional Federal Reserve Bank or branch
can provide money to local banks by redis
counting their paper whenever this would be
in the public interest. I mention this because
I want to emphasize the fact that Congress
was careful to set up rules and regulations
that would take local conditions into account
in the granting of credit. In other words, as I
interpret all their actions, Congress wanted
to keep the granting of credit as close as pos
sible to the people. This in itself is an en
dorsement of the principle of the unit bank
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ing we enjoy in this country. A large branch
banking system, whether of the straight
branch type or the holding company type,—
they both serve exactly the same purpose
and must be considered the same kind of
institution—cannot have the intense loyalty
and interest in a local community that you
will find in the local banks, where by the
very nature of things the managers and di
rectors are part of the economic life of the
community.
I want to say just a word here, if I may,
about monetary policy as followed by the
Board at this particular time. Ever since
business started to slide off, and a little be
fore it actually became visible on the horizon,
the Board started to pursue what is known
as an easy money policy. The Board of Gov
ernors of the Federal Reserve Banks, form
ing the Federal Reserve System, have the
power to create money. It is impossible to
have a run on a Federal Reserve Bank. It is
their responsibility to see that there is suf
ficient money available at all times for the
legitimate needs of agriculture, industry and
commerce, to prevent undue expansion of
credit in a period that might lead to inflation,
and to be particularly certain to see that
money is not so tight that it would deter in
vestment in a period of readjustment such
as we are going through at the present time.
Our policy has been described as a policy
of active gains. That is not a precise defin
ition, and it could not be. It may change next
spring or some other time. But for the fore
seeable future, the Federal Reserve System
will see to it that there is sufficient money
available for those who have legitimate needs
for credit.
There are several ways in which the Fed
eral Reserve System can increase or decrease
the volume of money. The local banks, the
Federal Reserve Banks, can rediscount bank
ers' paper. Under special conditions, war or
something like that, they can do it further,
too,—which increases your supply of money.
They can go into the market and purchase
government securities, which introduces new
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money into the market. If they sold govern
ment securities, it would reduce the supply
of money. They can reduce reserve require
ments of member banks. If they are reduced
one per cent straight across the board, that
puts into circulation $1,300,000,000 the next
morning. If they increase it by that same
percentage, the money supply would de
crease by that amount the next morning.
But, for the foreseeable future, there is going
to be plenty of money available for all of the
needs of the people, provided you as com
mercial bankers are willing to accept their
notes. We do not make loans ourselves, ex
cept under wartime circumstances.
I want to say just a word, if I may, about
the independent farmer and the independent
banker, because, I think, when you add in a
few professional people and the few smaller
businesses, you remain about all that is left of
the system that I grew up under as a very
young man, and for which I have a very, very
tender feeling. America became great when
we had these independent people in business
themselves, risking their time and capital in
an effort to assume their position in life. And,
I hope that an organization such as you are
a part of today will continue to furnish that
opportunity to the young people of America.
It is so important.
You know, we have watched, I have par
ticularly, I suppose—the plight of the farmer
in Russia. I have had pretty close contact
with them through a lot of European people
that I know quite well. They had liquidated
the land owning class over there. Maybe as
I am a land-owner, I am not particu
larly friendly to them, and for that purpose
I expect that I would be one of the first that
they would catch, and they would catch a lot
of you, too. They have taken away from them
the opportunity to own lands themselves.
They have taken away from them the op
portunity to produce for their own personal
profit. Of course, that is the very essence of
the capitalistic system. But, it is interesting
to note that as of today, with their population
tremendously increased, their livestock popu-
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lation, according then to their own figures,
is less than when these gents came into
power. They have not been able to convince
the farmer that this communism is a good
thing for him. They have killed them off by
the millions. But, up comes a new generation,
with the same love of the land in their hearts
that was in the hearts of our ancestors when
they came to this country.
I think it is unusual and unique that we
live in a country, the only country where
you have a surplus of agricultural commod
ities on a large scale. We have never used
those commodities in our dealings with for
eign people as much as we could or should.
If you will turn your memory back just a
little ways, you will remember that when
they distributed free food along the border
line between West Germany and Communis
tic East Germany, the people from East Ger
many came over there at the actual risk of
their lives, motherg' and fathers, to get a lit
tle handful of food for their children. And
the communist prevented it. And, why did
they prevent it?
Simply because they could not duplicate
that operation. They could not give those
people the necessities of life. Therefore, they
made it impossible for those people to form
a comparison between capitalism and com
munism.
Now, America has become the world's
greatest power, and with it comes all the
responsibility of leadership. It has been my
contention in the past, and is today, and I
speak from quite a little experience in Wash
ington, that one of the great tragedies of this
country today, the thing that is going to give
us more trouble in the years ahead than any
other mistake we have made—and we have
made a lot of them— is the constant increase
in the size of these business institutions in
this country, and the decline of the small in
dependent business man. The small indepen
dent business man understands human na
ture, and he understands people because he
has to deal with them every hour of his busi
ness day. He is equipped to know how people
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act, and how to deal with them. I believe
very, very firmly, and very, very sincerely,
that when you take away from the small
business man of this country the opportunity
to go into business for themselves, you have
robbed them of one of the basic virtues of
our country. Our country was not founded
that way. They were little fellows, they were
poor; they were your ancestors, they were
mine. They came here, and why did they
work so hard?
Of course, they had a lot to work with in a
country like this. But they did it because it
offered them the opportunity that existed
nowhere else in the world at that time, to do
something for themselves, and to be the
masters of their own destiny and their own
time. And, it created America. It is the same
spirit that made Great Britain great, in the
years before the industrial revolution.
Turn back the pages of history just a little
further, and you will see that Rome became
great, when the farmers and the little busi
ness entrepreneurs throughout the land were
active in government and in business. And as
they slowly passed out of the picture and
crowded into the great cities, they created
the circuses in order to keep an interest. But,
Rome passed on down the road into history.
And I believe that unless we in America pre
serve a large segment of the business of this
country for those little fellows who want to
go into business, I, too, believe that our sun
will start coasting down on the shady side of
the mountain.
And I repeat, it is a great pleasure and a
privilege for me to more or less close my
career in government and return to private
life, as I am, by speaking to a group of people
who, in my humble judgment, are going to
hold in their hands a very large share of the
destiny of my country in the future. I hope
you have courage, and I hope you are not
easily discouraged: I hope you go forward
along the lines you have started.
I wish you luck, and Godspeed.
I thank you.
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Cite this document
APA
Rudolph M. Evans (1954, April 29). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19540430_evans
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19540430_evans,
author = {Rudolph M. Evans},
title = {Speech},
year = {1954},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19540430_evans},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}