speeches · January 18, 1954
Speech
Delos C. Johns · Governor
FROM TODAY'S VANTAGE POINT
An address by
Delos C. Johns
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
AGRICULTURAL CREDIT CONFERENCE
Arkansas Bankers Association
Marion Hotel, Little Rock, Arkansas
Tuesday, January 19, 1954
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FROM TODAY'S VANTAGE POINT
When it became necessary some weeks ago to give Jeff Burnett a title
for the remarks I shall make today, I was influenced by two things. First, I
hadn't then made up my mind about what I wanted to say and, therefore, wanted
a title which would not put me in a strait jacket. Perhaps you will agree that
the title, "From Today's Vantage Point", like a Mother Hubbard, will cover
nearly any subject. Second, and of even greater weight, I am at this season
approaching the third anniversary of my accession to the presidency of the
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Since the shortfall is but a few days,
it is pleasant to me to pretend that today is the third anniversary. It is pleasant
because that makes it almost the third anniversary of my first official trip into
Arkansas, the only whole State in the Eighth Federal Reserve District. One
of my first excursions away from St. Louis was to the Little Rock Branch. You
were then and always have been so hospitable and gracious to me that I like to
come back. Aside from these personal and confessedly sentimental considera
tions, an anniversary is an appropriate time for pausing, looking about, observing
where you are, how you got there, which way you are pointed, and perhaps doing
a little philosophizing. At any rate, by your leave, that's what I would like to do
today.
During the past three years the people of the United States achieved a level
of material prosperity which a few years ago was no more than dream stuff.
In 1951 the gross national product, i. e. , the sum total of the value of goods and
services produced by the people of this country, exceeded $300 billion for the
first time. This figure rose by about $20 billion in each of the next two years.
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Preliminary estimates indicate that the gross product for the past year was
$367 billion, very close to the magical $400 billion mark which in the 1940fs
we thought might be achieved by 1975. It should be remarked, too, that, since
1951, consumer prices have remained very nearly stable, so that the real
gains to the people of the country in this recent period have indeed been
substantial. By almost any measure we choose to take, these have been in a
material sense the three best years in the history of our economy. Unemployment
has been close to an irreducible minimum, consumption expenditures have
been at all-time highs, and people have been able to save more each year than
ever before except for the four abnormal and unwelcome years of World War 11.
Everything considered, until quite recently only two adverse factors
have persistently given concern to us all, and special concern, I know, to you
who live, work, and do business in Arkansas. One of these unfavorable forces
has been the weakening of farm prices and consequent drop in farm income.
The second has been the continued existence of the so-called !rdollar gap" in
our foreign trade, in the presence of which we have been able to maintain the
recent level of our exports only by reason of our military aid to foreign
countries and our direct economic aid to various and sundry nations of the
world. Within the past six months or so there has been added to these two
special problems the more general one of combatting forces which tend to
depress the levels of income and employment in our economy as a whole
0
Intelligent efforts to solve these three old and new problems require us to
reflect on them soberly objectively, and unselfishly. We must look about
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us "from today8 s vantage point1. and form judgments about the future which we
may live to bless or, perish the thought, to curse.
The first break in farm prices after World War 11 began in mid-1948.
An upturn was apparent early in 1950, and the favorable trend was given further
impetus by the outbreak of war in Korea. Since early 1951, however, farmers1
prices have generally gone down, and the drop since late summer of 1952 has
caused widespread worry. Meantime the efforts of the Federal Government
through Commodity Credit Corporation to maintain rigid support prices for the
basic commodities have led to embarrassments which are becoming more and
more acute. CCC's commitments on loans and its accumulation of inventories,
which together exceeded $3 l/2 billion on June 30, 1950, fell by more than half
to less than $1 1/2 billion by late 1952. Thereafter gradual increases in
commitments brought CCC's total investment to nearly $2. 5 billion at the end
of December, 1952; and in the last year this figure has been more than
doubled, to an all-time high as of now of over $5 1/2 billion. Nor is the end
in sight. The President in his special farm message to the Congress a few days
ago, on January 11, felt it necessary to ask that the borrowing authority of CCC
be increased from $6 3/4 billion to $8 l/2 billion, effective July 1 of this year.
We all know, of course, that what we refer to as the "farm problem"
has been more than these three years in developing. Agriculture suffered much
hardship long ago, between 1873 and 1896, but these years were erased from the
memories of many by a quarter century of farm prosperity which followed, the
so-called "Golden Age of Agriculture". Since the post-World War 1 depression
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of 1920-21, however, the American farmer has been in difficulty more or less
constantly. Only during World War 11 and in the years immediately after,
when we were feeding the peoples of a war-torn world, was agriculture
really prosperous. All this suggests basically and fundamentally a serious need
for the reallocation of resources in agriculture. The spectacular advances
recently made in mechanization and in the applications of science to farming
have not proved to be unmixed blessings, for these advances have caused the
supply of farm products as a whole to run ahead of the demand which exists for
them at prices which will cover the costs of production on most farm units.
Persistence of the commitment to rigid support prices, even after the demand
for farm products generated by World War 11 had languished, has complicated
the long-run problem to such an extent that one finds the question seriously
asked: "How long can the commitment to rigid price supports be further continued
without its proving to be an unbearable tax burden?"
Not unrelated to the farm problem are the difficulties of maintaining a
satisfactory volume of international trade. The problem of securing a balanced
foreign trade, like the agricultural problem, has existed ever since the end of
what is now the old men's war, World War 1. That was my war, incidentally.
Indeed, the "dollar gap11 of which we read almost daily has been with us more than
thirty years, and one temporary solution after another has been necessary to
avoid an intolerably low level of foreign trade. During the 1920!s private American
investments abroad closed the gap, as did gold imports during the 'SO's. During
World War 11 it was lend-lease and, immediately after, lend-lease and U.N.R.R. A. ,
which enabled us to maintain our excess of exports. Then came the British loan,
Army Civilian Supply of goods in occupied countries and, most important of all,
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the European Recovery Program. More recently a combination of direct
economic aid and loans, plus United States Government off-shore purchases
for military aid, have enabled us to export as much as we have exported. If
our Government had not in one way or another made between $4 and $5 billion
available to foreigners in each of the last two years, our exports must have
been less by nearly that amount.
How important the export markets are to American agriculture is well
known. In the post-war period of 1946-1952 the total of American exports was
$123 billion, of which $25 billion, or raore than one-fifth , consisted of agricultural
products, chiefly cotton, grains, and tobacco. But only $78 billion worth of
our total exports were paid for by imports. Had the gap of $45 billion not been
made up by United States Government aid, the American farmer would have
been worse off than he actually was. Unless such aid is to continue indefinitely
in one form or another, some way must be found of increasing American imports.
It is to be hoped that the Randall Commission's report, due shortly, will suggest
politically acceptable ways of enabling the United States to increase its imports.
To put it another way, the United States must find a way to begin acting like the
creditor nation which it in fact has been for more than three decades.
So much at this time for the two special problems which have long been
crying for solution. A moment ago I remarked that, as a whole, Americans
have been exceedingly prosperous during the last three years. As you will
remember, however, I was quick to add that we have been confronted recently
with the problems which accompany and follow slackening economic activity.
During 1953 there was an unfavorable turn in many of the key indicators.
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Industrial production, the national income, construction contracts, and
manufacturers' new orders started to drop, while unemployment and concern
over the level of inventories increased in the last quarter. Because these
unfavorable turns did not come all at once and were not precipitate, their impact
on income earners, except in some farm areas, has to date been neither sudden
nor severe. Yet within the year just ended the throbbing boom of the early 1950fs
unmistakably faded.
No one can be sure, of course, of the magnitude and duration of the
present drop. Looking back, it is clear that business activity changed direction
somewhere around mid-1953. As measured by the Board of Governors' Index
of Industrial Production, which in December stood at 128 per cent of its 1947-49
base, the present decline has so far amounted to nine index points, or in other
words a decline of 7 per cent. In terms of the gross national product, which
peaked in the second quarter of 1953 at an annual rate of $372 billion, the drop
has approximated $10 billion, or 2 1/2 per cent. Parenthetically, the record
of the 1949 downturn in these two indexes may afford an interesting comparison.
In 1949 production fell eleven points from peak to trough for a percentage change
of 10 per cent, and gross product dropped some $11 billion (from a substantially
lower level to start with), or a shrinkage of 4 per cent.
During the recession of 1949 and again through the slump in consumer
durable sales in 1951, it became apparent, however, that there are strong sustaining
forces in the economy. A continuing rapid increase in population and a substantial
rate of household formation persist as favarable factors on the demand side.
Even the distribution of the population among age groups is favorable, for the
babies of the post-war boom are growing up to eat more food and wear more
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clothing. To such long-term natural supports must be added certain "built-in"
institutional factors which operate to counteract a downward movement of
activity, such as social security payments, unemployment insurance, the
reduction in total tax demands as national income declines, the support of
agricultural prices, and so on.
Such encouraging considerations as these have a certain cogency and
should, I think, keep us from becoming unduly frightened. At the same time we
must not be deluded. The positive signs of incipient recession must be neither
overlooked nor lightly explained away. A sharp decline in business activity would
make even more serious the agricultural and foreign trade problems of which
I spoke a moment ago. We must not forget that a high rate of industrial activity
means both a sustained demand for farm products and possible job openings for
those who wish to leave areas of surplus farm population. Rising incomes and
employment mean, too, a high propensity on the part of Americans to import
goods and services; but contrariwise, a slump in America means falling sales
by foreigners in this country, possibly spreading depression abroad and thereby
bringing about a decline in our own exports. Surely we would all avoid a re
currence of severe depression with its accompanying physical hardships and
the degradation of those who are without livelihood and hope for the future. I
do not preach - rather I denounce - a psychology of fear. I am an optimist by
nature. But optimism in these matters must be buttressed by sane, calm,
statesmanlike thought, planning, and action. We must diagnose our problems
objectively and fearlessly; we must decide on our course of treatment and carry
it out with equal justice and courage.
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Any approach to these problems of ours requires that we be agreed on
our objectives. I take it that Americans wish to preserve the institutions of a
capitalist economy, and that we are committed to the proposition that allocations
of resources should be determined by the workings of a free price system. This
means that incentives must be offered to him who would venture his capital in
any endeavor, whether he be manufacturer in Little Rock, banker in Pine Bluff,
or farmer in Greene County. Yet, as has been often remarked, it is misleading
to talk about f!a profit system.1, for ours is a Hprofit-and-loss system". He
who ventures must run the risk of losing. Either that or we must resign our
selves to an economic system in which losses are socialized. Among the questions
we have to decide are these: Do we like the idea of socializing profits? Do we
like the idea of socializing losses any better?
Having pondered these questions, I suggest we proceed to ask ourselves
whether we think it is the responsibility of Government to maintain over the
years a fixed, high level of income for any special interest or group in the
economy. We should keep ourselves reminded that as changes inevitably occur
in the desires of consumers and such changes are registered in the market place,
producers of particular goods and services, with like inevitability, will be ad
versely affected. Should those so faced with falling demand for their output be
expected to have first recourse to Government, or should they be expected first
to have recourse to the traditional tools of a freely competitive economy? Given
a favorable political climate, what tools of a freely competitive economy are
available? These are some of them: (1) Ability and willingness to analyze
markets, to use imigination, to do research or at least adopt its results, all
toward the end of producing goods and services that the market wants or will
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take; (2) ability and willingness to achieve efficiency in production and thus to
reduce production costs; (3) ability and willingness to achieve effectiveness in
salesmanship and efficiency in distribution. To a great many, after long years
of war and preparation for war, some of these tools are new and strange. To
others they are not new but forgotten. To a few, unfortunately, they are neither
new nor forgotten, but unwelcome because it is work to use them, plain, hard
work, Another question we must ask ourselves is whether we shall cast these
tools into the discard or firmly encourage and require their use.
It is not my purpose to suggest answers to all these questions. I only
suggest that you and every other citizen of this country continue to give them
your earnest and prayerful consideration. Nor do I mean to suggest or remotely
imply that Government has no role to play in promoting economic health and
growth. I would be untrue to my convictions and distinctly out of character if
I were to leave you with any such impression. Even if you should resolve in
your own minds that Government should not undertake to maintain everyone's
profit position, it will be obvious to you that Government has an appropriate and
essential role to play; and that role is wholly consistent with the fundamental
objectives to which I assumed agreement a moment ago. In the first place, I
apprehend there would be little or no dissent from the assertion that Government
should stand ready to provide direct relief in necessitous cases of distress with
which Government alone, or better than anyone else, is able to deal adequately.
Relief of the victims of drouth, flood, or other catastrophic circumstance is
illustrative, but not exclusively definitive, of this category of governmental
action In the second place, and offering an opportunity which is not only wider
B
in scope but also calculated to prevent distress as well as relieve it, Government
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may serve as a buffer against sudden and drastic drops in income during down
ward phases of the business cycle. Stated otherwise, Government may make
important, essential, and effective contributions to economic stability and to
mitigation of excesses in the business cycle. Indeed it should be said, in my
opinion, not that Government "may11 do these things but that it is its duty to do
so. For a brief moment before I close let me invite your attention to the ad
ministration of the second broad category of governmental action which I have
just mentioned.
We have recent evidence that monetary authority, which in this country
the Congress has seen fit to delegate to the Federal Reserve System, can act
promptly and courageously to mitigate a downturn in business activity. In
response to the economic changes we have noted during 1953, Federal Reserve
credit policy shifted from one of restraint to one directed toward a measure of
ease in the money market. By early May there were indications that the credit
and capital markets were becoming too restrictive for the preservation of
economic stability, and the Federal Reserve System began adding to bank re
serves through the purchases of Treasury bills. In total, these purchases pro
vided roughly $1 billion during May and June, substantially easing bank reserve
positions by mid-year. Pressure on bank reserves was further eased by a
reduction of about $1.2 billion in reserve requirements during early July. Fur
ther purchases in the open market over the second half of the year and advances
to Government securities dealers under repurchase agreements in December
and early this month also contributed to ease in the market by countering the
usual year-end tightness. So long as present conditions obtain, bankers may
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expect that they will be encouraged to lend by having adequate reserves made
available to them. It is not unreasonable to suppose that the continuing availa
bility of credit to both short-and long-term borrowers will be a major factor in
limiting and inhibiting the recent business downturn.
It may be, however, that Government must lean at times more heavily
on the instrument of fiscal policy. Notwithstanding the desirability of striving
in good times to avoid deficits and consequent addition to the public debt, it
may be that resort to deficit spending may be indicated, if necessary to stem a
tide of deflation. There are those who hope, however, that a new approach to
such spending may be developed, and that the instrument of fiscal policy may
be so sharpened that it can be effectively directed at those industries and those
localities which are especially in need of assistance.
To sum up, let us say that it is the obligation of government in mid-20th
century to provide a salubrious climate within which free entrepreneurs may
operate. These risk takers are entitled to have assurance that they may largely
reap the fruits of their risks and labors and that the Government will by appropri
ate action do what it can to prevent a grinding deflation from distorting and
torturing the framework of the economy. In determining what is appropriate, we
should be sensible of the immediate and - more important - the long-range effects
of damming up the flow of resources from one use to another by expedient, long
continued interference with the allocative mechanism of a free price system. We
must turn our faces in the direction of cooperation, even aggressive cooperation,
with the nations of the world toward the goal of removing impediments to inter
national trade. We should guard against use of the powerful instruments of
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monetary and fiscal policy in such a way as to encourage and reward inefficient
and wasteful business methods.
We must, in short, do more than lip service to the ideal of a free economy
if our free institutions are to survive. If we are to enjoy the benefits of the
marvelous apparatus of competition, we must permit it to work. Here in the
State of Arkansas, where the happy signs of growth, development, and progress
are all about you and where your gains have been won in a great competitive
struggle, I suspect I have not said anything you do not already know and believe.
000OOO000
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Cite this document
APA
Delos C. Johns (1954, January 18). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19540119_johns
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19540119_johns,
author = {Delos C. Johns},
title = {Speech},
year = {1954},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19540119_johns},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}