speeches · February 16, 1950
Speech
Chester C. Davis · Governor
"WHAT \(Z HAVE LEARNED IN l£ YEARS OF FARM PROGRAMS
Address by
Chester C. Davis
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the
Twelfth Annual National Farm Institute
Fort Des Moines Hotel
Friday Morning, February 17, 195>0
Des Moines, Iowa
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T7HAT 17i; v/l\/I ]LI/jJtiTED IN 1$ YZARS OF FAH2I PROGRAMS
The over-all theme of this Institute - "VJhat Price Plenty?" - is an
inspiring one, but before getting on -with my part in it, let me record serious
misgivings as to my particular subject. For I!m not sure that we've learned
anything from 1$ years of farm programs. It seems to me there is much evidence
to the contrary, but I hasten to acl:no?jledge that lack of close familiarity
with some of the programs of recent years, and perhaps the growth of elderly
caution may raise question as to the validity of my opinions.
The first task is to define terms. The progran committee obviously
wanted to open the Institute with a review of the attempts that have been made
since 1933 to relieve farm distress, support farm prices and income^ and assist
agriculture to make adjustments required by changing conditions at home and abroad.
But that is only part of the story. In other areas tha nthis, agriculture has
learned a great deal in the last l£ years. Then, too, it is impossible to con
sider farm programs by themselves, the way you might fence off and cultivate a
field. All of our interests are interwoven in a tight, complicated, fast-
moving economy. In the long run, conditions under which farmers raise and
market their crops may be more seriously affected by developments entirely
outside of agriculture than b~.r what happens in their own field.
In the 19U0 Yearbook of Agriculture I attempted to trace the development
of agricultural policy since TTorld Tfer I* and took 30 pages for it. There is
neither time nor reason for attempting it here. That chapter closed with the
observation that if experience in this field teaches us anything of value, it
is that a continuous thread runs through the evolution of an agricultural policy
notwithstanding the manifest inconsistencies and contradictions that appear in it
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Perhaps that is true, though I am less sure of it today. Some of the current
farm programs and commitments, and particularly some of the proposals for tomorrow,
leave mo in the fix of the young Scandinavian who, becoming rich, commissioned
a famous painter to do a portrait of his deceased father, with nothing to go
on but the young man's description. At the unveiling, the son looked at the
portrait from this side and that, and finally said, "Yes, that!s him. That?s
the old geezer, all right. But, my goodness, how he!s changed.*5'
From the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 to now emphasis has
steadily shifted from adjustment to price-fixing by law. I think that is
leading us clo.in the wrong track.
The major programs of the early AAA were set up to be self-financing.
Throughout the 'twenties and early !thirties, farm organisations, particularly
of the North and Test, insisted on that. Since 1936 the shift, of course, has
been toward more and larger appropriations from the Treasury, a part of growing
fiscal irresponsibility I!m going to talk about later.
Te have lost ground in cohesion among farm forces in planning and
administering the farm programs compared with the situation we had throughout
most of the !thirties. Perhaps a certain amount of splitting up in opposing
schools of thought was inevitable, but I am sure that most of us who have
worked in agriculture in the past hate to see it.
There is no truth-divining-rod or universally accepted standard that
can be laid across programs of today or proposals for the future to determine
with finality which features square with the lessons of experience, which do not.
It is rather a matter of opinion and judgment and I can express only my own, not
that of any group or organization.
This is not a suitable forum for splitting hairs or fussing over
details, nor for a play-by-play recital of developments that are now history.
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Tfhat I aim to do before giving way to the heavy artillery - or should I say
the gladiators - who are on this Institute program, is to make some general
observations, first about specific features of our farm programs, and finally
about the pattern of public policy that appears to be emerging in this country,
of which projected farm programs seem to be a port.
In the first category are the overemphasis and the increasing reliance
on government price supports in post-war farm legislation. We should have
learned by now that the bare enactment of a law doesn!t make price suoports
effective at the prescribed level. The prices have to be worked out by
shirtsleeve operations on the farm, in the warehouse or in the marketplace.
For storable commodities there is a honcyrrnon period while government stocks
are being built up by purchases or nonrecourse loans, until the load approaches
its limits. After that, prices have to adjust in one way or another to the
level at which the commodity will be consumed, unless war or some other catastrophe
comes along to bail us out.
r,.re cannot expect to adjust from ori3 let alone two wars of world-wide
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scope and incalculable destructiveness without paying some penalties. Govern
ment price supports and high level government loans can help cushion the shock
but they cannot and should not be expected to avert the adjustments that need
to be made. ITe are living in a fool!s paradise if we think otherwise, A system
of rigid, legislated price supports extended indefinitely into the future and
at levels higher than the over-all surroly-demand situation will support, rail
have extremely undesirable consequences, including a great deal of harm to'farmers
themselves. There is a place, particularly through the transition period from
which we have by no means emerged, for reasonable price supports, free from
legislated requirements that prevent intelligent administration. But we cannot
expect to ride them painlessly over the rough roads that still hrve to be traveled.
Supports at war-time levels mil leod in the all-too-soon future to tight acreage
control, impossible-to-manage farm surpluses, and eventual price collapse. It does
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no good to lull us to sleep in 1950 if in so doing you insure we rail have
something worse than a headache vrhen we wake up in 19^2 or 195>3 or 19^4.
Next, I have the feeling that current programs of high price and
income supports tend to freeze production patterns, to de-emphasize adjustment
as a goal of agricultural policy. One of the most importajit long-range factors
at vrark on the farmer! s side is the spectacular increase in our population at
a rate that has made expert population forecasts of a fev years back look
as foolish as the election forecasts of October 19U8 look now. By midsummer
this year rre vail have doubled the nation's population in £0 years - from
76 million in 1900 to 15>2 million. Vo may be coming in sight of the time
when rising living standards combined with population growth will put pressure
on our ability to expand and maintain the needed production of milk and meat. I
believe present farm programs fall short in encouragement to shifts that need
to be made in land use to fit the demand pattern of tomorrow.
Now a word about our export commodities. As I look out at the world
picture and the longer-range farm situation I see many signs which remind me
of the 'twenties and the 'thirties. I catch myself saying, "I've seen that;
here's where we came in." In the 'twenties we faced real troubles with our
major commodities when the United States stopped lending abroad to finance our
exports and when our foreign customers ran out of dollars. The first war
changed us from a debtor to a creditor nation, and before we had adjusted our
thinking and our ways we entered the second Tforld War which immeasurably
accentuated the change. Adjustments are still ahead of us and they will be
particularly severe in the wheat and cotton areas. They will face us as soon
as we quit sending out the dollars with which to pay for our exports. Our
post-war farm programs do not recognize that fact, right down to and including
the Agricultural Act of ±9k9*
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1/e have unquestionably gained ground in techniques of production,
in increased use of capital per worker in the form of more efficient machines,
better plant and animal strains, fertilisation, etc. Tie have also made distinct
progress in dissemination of t!know-how,f in use of land and water to conserve
the soil and increase and safeguard its future productivity. Even here a lot
of effectiveness is lost through inter-agency duplication, friction and even
downright conflict. The farmers have a right to better cooperation that that
among the agencies created to serve them. And notwithstanding the growth
of technical understanding in this field, the pressure of war-time prices has
led wide areas to disregard the warnings of the past, and so set the stage for
the dust bowls of the future.
One of the bright sides of the farm picture is the prudent way
farmers throughout the Tforties managed their war-time and post-war income.
On the whole they chose to reduce debt rather than increase it as happened
in the first Tforld TJar. Public and private farm credit agencies helped*
But the lessons of the last 15 years teach us the need of some new techniques
in farm credit, particularly to help finance long-term programs of farm
improvements for better land use and conservation. Traditional short-term
production loans won!t do the job that needs to be done on a big scale
throughout the United States.
A glance at your program for tomorrow mil toll you why I do not
discuss in greater detail the changes in our agricultural legislation advocated
by the Secretary of Agriculture. It will be the subject of thorough debate then,
but perhaps one or two observations arc in order here to give you the direction
of my thinking.
I do not agree with the idea that the government can or should
guarantee price supports fixed at a level that will yield farmers in the
aggregate a cash income from marketings equal in purchasing power to the
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average cash income from marketings in the decade I938-I48, and year by year
thereafter maintain a level equal to the average of the first 10 of the preceding
12 years. It just can!t be done,, and that promise along mth the implied promise
of low-priced food for consumers is the fundamental weakness in the Brannan plan.
I didn!t like the idea of general food subsidies during the war, and
I like them less now. There! s no good reason why non-agricultural workers can!t
and shouldn't produce enough goods and services to pay for agriculture! s pro
duction without help from the Treasury. Action to improve the diet of low
income families is quite another thing. That may be good national policy, but
it isn!t a farm program and shouldn!t be called one. School lunches are social
programs, not farm programs, and so in fact was the Food Stamp plan.
But on the other hand, the device of carrying out government price
guarantees under certain conditions by the use of supplemental payments makes
sense to me, if they are geared to moderate, attainable goals, and used rath
great restraint. If we arc going to continue price supports on perishable
commodities like potatoes and eggs, there isn!t any other socially-acceptable
way to make them effective. As a matter of fact, supplemental payments were
used with cotton in 1935 when the only alternative was a price-fixing loan at
or above the market. I think it worked rather well; exports picked up, and
the crop moved into consumption. The loudest complaints came from interests
that were ,!long,f in the cotton market.
I feel compelled to qualify that approval with a sober warning -
don!t let anyone tell you there is magic in this device by which to insure high
war-time income to farmers on the one hand and cheap food to consumers on the
other. The idea may have political sex appeal, but it won't work tha twell.
Now I want to comment on something I have observed through the
years which, if understood, would surprise a lot of people in the cities.
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The most far-reaching and in an economic sense the most dangerously ambitious
legislative proposals for agriculture are not those advanced by responsible
farmers or farm organizations but by men who are honestly - and understandably -
interested in farm votes. A well-meaning committee chairman may put the farm
leaders on the spot by pushing a bill that promises the unattainable, but a
farm leader frequently risks his official life if he opposes it. ¥e must look
with sympathy on the fix of the Congressmen who arc up for election every other
year. If given a choice they tend to vote for the bill which on the face of it
promises the highest support prices in their part of the country. The senators
are a little better off. Their election comes every six years. The easy way out
may seem to be merely to extend the war-time guaranties year-by-year, but sooner
or later it will lead us out over our heads.
Before I drop the subject of price supports, I!ll stick my head up
over the breastworks to be shot at. I am convinced that if we had followed the
lessons of the last 15 years - let's make it 25 years - we would have stuck to
the long-range provisions of the Agricultural Act of l?l|8. It impressed me
as an attempt to apply experience to present-day problems. No doubt changes
were needed, but in the main those long-range provisions would have relieved
the government of the impossible task of maintaining war-time prices in the
face of mounting surpluses. They would have introduced administrative
flexibility where rigidities still prevail.
How that I have probably succeeded in ruffling some feelings on
the subject of price supports and agricultural adjustment, I should like to turn
for the rest of my talk to the pattern of public policy we seem to be following
in this country which is more important to agriculture, in the long run, than
the shorter-range questions I have touched on.
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I mean the growing dependence on government for direction and aid,
and its twin, fiscal irresponsibility inside and outside of government. Fiscal
year 19U9 was one of high income and employment and it closed with 0l«8 billions
deficit. The government estimates $5*5 billions deficit this yerr and ££.1
billions for fiscal !5>1 with continuation of high-level economic activity assumed.
Tie are ncaring the time when billions in savings bonds will mature, with no
assurance that holders will reinvest their savings in government bonds. I doubt
if they will if they once get the idea that creeping inflation, continued
whittling away of the dollarfs buying power, are aheod of us. If the public
doesn't take the bonds, the alternative will be more deficit financing at banks,
more money not matched by production.
Thinking perhaps I might have a distorted view of the post-war drift,
I wrote a friend and told him I was considering starting my talk here today on
the question, "Y.Tiat wo have learned!t, with the answer: "Nothing.1", and then
proceed rath qualifications and explanations much as I have done. You all
know the man - he has held positions of high responsibility in nation and state,
for years in the Department of Agriculture. He replied the other day, and this
is what he said in part:
"The only amendment I would make to your answer to the question
HThat we have Learned in 15 Tears of Farm Programs1 is that I
would say !less than nothing.! In the current year agricultural
prices are still averaging about parity, yet the appropriations
proposed for agriculture are &2k billions, plus additional borrowing
authority. This is fantastic. We are, I fear, on the verge of
losing all the values we have been working for, and the greatest
single threat is a loose or reckless fiscal policy."
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That is the background for a solemn yearning. It mil be nothing less
than national disaster if the farmers join other groups who are saying in effect:
"urc can have prosperity, regardless of anything else, if the government vdll back
us and put up the money." It vdll also be a disaster if the full weight of farm
opinion is not clearly and continuously used to promote policies by labor and
industry that vdll yield the highest sustainable level of non-agricultural
production.
Farmers in the main have done a better job than others in keeping
on producing at capacity through bad times as well as good. The problem is
how to get the others to march along with agriculture in full production.
It is the only way the economy can be made to function at a high level, YJe need
adjustments in agriculture, yes, but it will be a bad day for the farmers and
for the nation when we accept the philosophy that non-agricultural industry and
labor canTt or shouldnTt be expected to produce enough to pay for the production
of the farms without Treasury help*
Let me elaborate on that a little. Since 1920 the goal of developing
agricultural policy has been expressed as the principle of parity of prices or
of income for farmers as they exchange their products for the goods and services
of non-agricultural industry and labor. Parity does not mean a fixed price
level; it relates rather to the purchasing power or exchange value of the
products of one group when traded for the products or the labor of another
group. The pri.ee level is very important to a farmer who is in debt, but in
every other sense the most important consideration is not the dollar price of
a product, but what it vdll bring whenexchanged for other goods and services.
If then we think of all the farmers as one trading group, and all the
rest of the economy as another trading group, there are two ways to hold the
exchange value of the farm output high, or to increase it. One way would be to
cut down the volume of farm production. The other way would be to increase the
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quantity of goods and services produced by the non-agricultural group. I favor
the second way as being the bettor for the nation, better for the farmers, and
better for the world.
My answer to the question, ,n.;hat Price Plenty?", would b tehis: Let
the non-agricultural industries and labor find the way to keep working at full
efficiency and capacity turning out goods and services that can be absorbed
by this country in a high standard of living - in better homes, equipment,
electrification, refrigeration, sanitation, clothing, ad infinitum. Vlith
steady work and efficient production, prices could go dorm without cutting
profits or wages. Real wages would rise, for the laborer is like the farmer -
it isn!t the number of dollars but wrhat he can buy rath his products or his
labor that counts.
Under such conditions, the farmer could produce abundantly and still
trade on good terms for -what the other man makes; he could prosper at lower
price levels. I think that really is the way out. The relation of agriculture
to the rest of the economy is changing radically and further radical adjustments
are ahead of us. YJhen Lewis and Clark skirted the western border of Iowa,
about 90 per cent of the population of the then United States lived on farms,
and those farms produced only enough surplus to feed the 10 per cent who
lived in town. At the peak of wax production in 19U3 snd 19UU* l£ P°r cent of
the nation*s labor force produced the all-time record crops which fed and
clothed this nation and its own and allied vast war machines. Not much more
than one-fifth of our total population actually lives and works on the farms,
although the percentage directly dependent on farming is much greater than that.
So you see that with so few producing so much to feed so many, the
ability of the cities and towns to pay for and consume our farm products is an
all-important consideration to the farmers. That ability in turn rests on the
rate at which towns and cities, the mines and factories, keep busy and produce.
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In view of the importance to the farmer of employment and production
off the farms, what is the situation and what is the outlook today? I think
the elements are present to support a high level of business activity for some
time to come, if we can only overcome two groat big "IFS" that confront us in
industry - labor behavior.
Tie can keep going:
1) If labor leaders will make their followers realize that
in the long run, higher vrp.gcs depend on increased production,
Without it, the wage increases are not real, and
2) If management will deliver lower prices as volume grows, and
will share fairly with labor and consumer the benefits of
increased productivity;-.
These are stubborn "ifs" but they are very important. Perhaps you
say there isn!t much agriculture can do about these things. Perhaps you think
this kind of talk doesn't fit a Farm Institute. But I tell you these issues are
fundamental to farm welfare. Many farm and business and labor leaders have
seen clearly the policy we must follow if our economy is to function. Teamwork
in attaining and holding a high level of production is necessary if we are
to develop the full economic life required of this nation.
The annual meeting of the American Farm Bureau Federation in Mew
Orleans in 1938 was devoted to this theme. It needs to be sounded "again and
again and again". The forces of those who seem to believe we can make ourselves
richer by producing less, with government direction substituted for individual
initiative, arc numerous enough and loud enough without recruiting from the
f arms.
Now in conclusion: Along with many of you I have watched the full
cycle of agricultural policy unfold since the first Ytorld TiTar. Many mistakes
have been made, but on the other hand, many great miracles have been performed.
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TJc have demonstrated as a people that we can accomplish the impossible under
the grim discipline of war, and I have full faith that, unless international
anarchy prevents us, we will demonstrate the same capacity less spc ctacularly
but no less surely in peace. There is no magic formula, by which farmers can
be insured prosperity as a class apart from others, but there are ways to
achieve plenty rath which to provide better living standards for all.
Full achievement in line with our capacities is impossible i/ithout
far-sighted, tolerant and good-natured cooperation, founded on mutual under
standing among leaders of agriculture, labor, industry and government* This
great national forum can contribute to that understanding, and I am proud to
have a prrt in it.
000OOO000
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Cite this document
APA
Chester C. Davis (1950, February 16). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19500217_davis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19500217_davis,
author = {Chester C. Davis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1950},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19500217_davis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}