speeches · December 2, 1949
Speech
Thomas B. McCabe · Chair
STATEMENT OF
THOMAS B. MCCABE
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON MONETARY, CREDIT, AND FISCAL POLICIES
OF THE
JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE ECONOMIC REPORT
DECEMBER 3, 19h9
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Now that the hearings before this subcommittee of the Joint
Committee on the Economic Report are coming to a close* I wish to com-
mend most enthusiastically the objective manner in which you have ad-
dressed yourselves to your important task. I am sure that the witnesses
who have appeared before you all appreciate, as I do, the earnestness,
impartiality and diligence which you and your staff have shown in your
search for light on some of the most complex problems of our times. You
have been concerned, not with any specific legislative proposal, but
rather with the more fundamental questions of the principles which should
guide future legislation* The report of this committee, composed as it is
of members of both Houses who are well versed in money and banking, can not
fail to have great influence upon the direction of monetary, credit and
fiscal policies in the future.
The searching nature of the questionnaire sent out to qualified
and interested individuals, and the way in which you have brought out dis-
interested professional opinion have contributed to the sustained high level
of discussion that has prevailed during the past three weeks of these hear-
ings. The printed record with the testimony of men of broad experience
from business, finance, and public life, together with the answers to the
questionnaire, constitute a most important and constructive volume — one
that will be a "must" in every library dealing with problems of money in
the world today.
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You are probing into a very delicate and very crucial problem.
It is no exaggeration to say that nothing more vitally affects the wel-
fare and destiny of this nation than the integrity of its money and credit.
The American dollar commands the highest confidence throughout the world.
To maintain that confidence demands no less vigilance than liberty itself.
The problems you have been exploring are at the base of that integrity and
confidence. A free enterprise econoxiry can not exist without appi-opriate
central banking institutions to influence the availability and cost of
credit. Unfortunately this point is not generally undei^stood and lack of
background is not confined to the general public. The attitude of many
business and financial leaders, and of some of our banking leaders and
supervisory officials, whose devotion to the public welfare can not be
doubted, is explainable on no other grounds. Much of the diversity in the
testimony before you reflects not so much basic disagreement as it does
differences in appreciation of the importance of the problem.
I shall address iryself directly to the role to be expected of
central banking procedures in the functioning of the American economy.
Central banking institutions have always been considered the necessary
and essential complement of a free enterprise economy. Money does not
manage itself. Once commercial banking institutions holding demand deposits
become important, central banking institutions must be organized to avert
money panics and to mitigate booms and depressions. Although they have
necessarily been given wide discretionary powers* they should in no sense
be regarded as an invention of or an adjunct to a "managed economy" or an
"administered state". Instead they are part and parcel of a free enterprise
econony, designed to maintain full and continuous use of its human and
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*
material resources. In modern terms this means that they are expected to
help maintain a high and stable level of employment in a free enterprise
economy* They endeavor tp' do this by the prompt and flexible use of
adequate discretionary authority over the cost and availability of money
and credit. As in the case of the Courts, they must be operated purely
in the interests of the public but at the same time they should be immune
from political bias and control. ^
That is the traditional, the conservative, the classic position.
It is the issue that was dealt with by Carter Glass, among others, when the
Federal Reserve System was established* Misunderstanding about it underlies
much of the criticism of our actions. I can not emphasize too strongly
the difficulties we are placed under when many of the most vociferous
supporters of free enterprise, businessmen and bankers, and their organiza-
tions criticize the possession and use by the Federal Reserve System of
necessary authority over the cost and availability of credit as if the
delegation of this authority to the System were characteristic of a
"managed economy" or an "administered state"• It is exactly the opposite.
Otherwise I would not have been considered for my present post. Nor would
I have been disposed to hold it.
Our main problems today have arisen as an inevitable result of
the huge volume of war financing. They raise anew the question, "How
should central bank procedures be related to the fiscal function of the
state?" The traditional position was developed in a world where public
expenditures constituted a low percentage of the national income, where
budgets were expected to be balanced annually, where the public debt,
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though it might have seemed large at the time, was very low in comparison
rath anything we face today, and where, incidentally, the widespread use
of credit by consumers had yet to take root* It is clear that this is
very far from the situation which confronts us today. In this country
public expenditures, including Federal, State, and local, are of a magnitude
that approaches one-fourth of the gross national product* Since the war,
our Federal public debt has been considerably in excess of our entire annual
national income, even though the national income is atrrecord peacetime
levels. Public debt now far exceeds the total of all private debt. The
variety o f new considerations that have to be taken into account in the
modern formulation of fiscal policy is indicated in the report of the
economists at their conference on fiscal policies held at Princeton. Their
report is included in the record of your committee.
It is clear that we can no longer expect the wise exercise of
traditional central banking powers, unsupplemented by other public policies,
to maintain high level stability in a free enterprise economy to the same
extent as was thought possible a generation ago. The impact of other public
policies on the whole economy has grown too large in the interval. Does
this mean that an "administered economy" is inescapable and that we must
frankly accept the habitual resort to widespread controls in the form of
price-fixing, allocations, rationing, etc., in order to maintain high level
stability? These are incompatible with all of our conceptions of a free
enterprise economy in peacetime. To this question the answer is unequivocally
no. 7fe can and we must retain the dynamic stimulus of free enterprise
institutions. The course of postwar experience, both here and abroad, has
demonstrated anew that these institutions need to be protected through the
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exercise of central banking functions affecting the cost and availability
of credit. These are still powerful instruments in the promotion of high
level economic stability. They must operate, however, in close conjunction
with appropriate fiscal, debt management, and other governmental policies.
The Committee for Economic Development has submitted to you a most thought-
ful document addressed directly to this problem. It deserves careful
consideration.
VJhen I joined the Board of Governors in the spfing of 191$, the
economy was still undergoing the trials of the postwar inflation. Money
and liquid assets resulting from war financing were in over-supply relative
to available goods and services. This vastly expanded money supply \?as
supplemented by an increasing volume of commercial credit and consumer
credit. Total loans at all commercial banks increased by more than
$16,000,000,000 between the end of I9h$ and the end of 19U8. There was
full employment, possibly over full employment, scarcities prevailed in the
markets, our people were becoming restive under the impact of continuous
increases in the cost of living, and the operation of the wage-price spiral
that is characteristic of mounting inflation was everywhere in evidence.
Inflation is a form of intoxication in which some groups gain at the expense
of the rest of the population, particularly people of fixed incomes.
Frequently it accentuates selfish interests. Many in these groups think
that their financial progress has been due solely to personal merit. They
are blind to the fact that the great impersonal forces of inflation "greased
the way." It ^vas our unpopular task, together with the Treasury, to counter-
act these forces by monetary and fiscal measures under our respective or
joint influences or control.
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Let me enumerate the measures that were adopted and comment
briefly on each* By far the most powerful measure of restraint was the
use of surplus Treasury funds to retire bank-held debt, particularly Fed-
eral Reserve held debt* The power of decision with respect to this
measure lay wholly with the Treasury, I doubt whether the public in
general appreciates how important this was and the credit that must be
given Congress and the Administration for making it possible during
that period* There is no antidote to inflation equal to the develop-
ment of a budget surplus and the use of that surplus torretire debt at
the central bank. It was endorsed and indeed recommended by the Federal
Reserve System.
The policy of restraint was also fortified by the campaign
undertaken by the American Bankers Association to encourage voluntary
restraint in the extension of credit. I have repeatedly commended this
action in both public and private statements. This cooperation on the
part of the commercial bankers exemplifies the fact that we can all
pull together in this country to achieve public ends when leadership
has understanding and conviction.
Another restraining measure was the reimposition of Regulation
W, establishing limits to the extension of instalment credit to consumers.
It was reinstated and administered by the Board of Governors of the Fed-
eral Reserve System when Congress granted a temporary authority in the
summer of 19U8. During the period of the lapse of this authority, the
total volume of this credit outstanding increased by two and a half
billion dollars.
Another measure, and one of the more controversial, was the
decision of the Board of Governors, after receiving temporary authority
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from Congress, to increase reserve requirements of all member banks by 2
per cent on demand deposits and 1-1/2 per cent on time deposits in the
early autumn of 191$. The Treasury was informed of this decision and
offered no objection*
During all of the period of strong inflationary pressures, there
were related and highly controversial questions in regard to raising the
cost of credit in the money markets* These involved, on the positive
side, increases in discount rates made in 19h& and in 19j*8 by the Federal
4
Reserve, the decisions by the Treasury in 19li7 and 19 U8 to raise its
rates on new issues of certificates, and the accompanying restrictive
actions in the open market tsy the Federal Reserve authorities to increase
the rate's at which Treasury bills and certificates were traded in the
market. They involved, on the negative side, supporting actions in the
open market by the Federal Reserve authorities to maintain the 2-1/2
per cent rate on the long-term Treasury bonds, after permitting prices
of these bonds to decline from high premiums they had reached.
I would like the committee, in judging this controversial sub-
ject, to be in possession of the facts. It has been said that the Open
Market Committee of the Federal Reserve System, which is charged by
Congress with responsibility in these matters, did not wish to continue
to support the 2-1/2 per cent level on long-term Treasury bonds but
was induced to continue this policy by pressure from the Treasury. This
is not true. There were widely varying shades of judgment, not only
throughout the country and in the Congress but within the Federal Re-
serve System on the wisest course of action to pursue. It was my view,
stated at the time, that the System was obligated to maintain a market
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for government securities and to assure orderly coalitions in that
market, not primarily because of an implied commitment to wartime in-
vestors, that their savinps would be protected, nor to aid the Treasury
in refunding maturing debt, but because of the widespread repercussions
that would ensue throughout the economy if the vast holdings of the pub-
lic debt were felt to be of unstable value .
In any case the decision taken and executed was the decision
of the Open Llarket Committee* It represented their combined best judg-
ment and I was convinced then as I am now, in retrospect, that they
were right. They wore concerned with the huge size of the Federal
debt and with its pervasive influence throughout the financial structure*
In view of the pervasive holdings of these securities, of the continued
unsettlement that prevailed in the immediate circumstances of the post-
war inflation, and of the fact that it had not yet been demonstrated
that the great bulk of these securities were solidly held and that the
floating supply had been absorbed, the adoption of a support level below
par was a risk which the Committee was not prepared to ux^derwrite.
Our most controversial action during this period was to raise
the reserve requirements of member banks. This decision wac related to,
but by no means conditioned solely on, the reluctance of the Treasury to
increase short-term rates on bills and certificates as early as was
recommended by the Cpen liarket Committee. I propose, therefore, to
discuss these two situations together< I have stated above that rightly
or wrongly it was the decision of the Open llarket Committee on its own
responsibility not to risk a lowering of the support level on long-*
t«?rm Treasury bonds.
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This decision, in itself, meant, of course, that funds paid out
by the Reserve Banks in support of the long-term bond market added to the
bank reserves available for credit expansion. It meant that the System
must depend mainly, for whatever restraining influence could be exerted,
either on increasing short-term rates or on increasing reserve require-
ments, or both. Either or both of these actions, restraining in them-
selves, were bound to be partly negatived to the extent that support of
the long-term market resulted in furnishing reserves to the banks»
I think it is true that the reluctance of the Treasury to move
as rapidly as the Open Market Committee recommended reinforced the dis-
position of the Board of Governors to make use of the power to raise
reserve requirements* I doubt, however, whether the Board, under the
circumstances then prevailing, would have refrained from the use of the
power to raise reserve requirements even if the Treasury had agreed
earlier to an increase in rates on short-term bills and certificates.
It
is difficult to be categorical about this point because it involves
an interpretation of what official reactions would have been in a
hypothetical situati on.
There are some who felt that neither of these restraining moves
would be effective because they would tend to be offset by the funds that
would necessarily be put out in support of the long-term bond markets
There are others, particularly among the member banks, who felt that
the increase in short-term rates on bills and certificates would be
effective but that the increase in reserve requirements would be com-
pletely offset by support purchases of bonds* We can now look back
and give definite answers to some of these considerations that were
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combination of these moves did actually exert a net restraint, that short-
term money rates did firm, that loan expansion did stop, and that this
situation prevailed until the Federal Reserve reversed its policies
when the inflation abated.
I do not personally subscribe to the view held by some that
this actual result reflected solely the increase in rates on short-term
bills and certificates supported by the voluntary campaign of the
American Bankers Association to restrict credit advances to essential
productive credits. Personally I believe it also reflected the increase
in reserve requirements, for one reason because this increase diminished
the liquidity of the member banks. In retrospect, however, I would also
say that my reluctance to resort to changes in reserve requirements as
a method of dealing with an inflationary situation has been increased,
not diminished, by the experience.
As everyone knows, that particular episode in our economic his-
tory, the hangover of postwar inflation, had come to an end by early
19i#» We can now look back on the postwar period as a whole, conse-
quently, with some perspective and some of the advantages of hindsight*
It is my personal evaluation that this country, all things considered,
came through that period of trial amazingly well, better than any other
major country and with less social and economic distortion. The amount
of inflation that actually occurred was less than there was reason to
fear. By this I do not mean in any sense that no mistakes were made,
or that the inflation and distortions we have suffered were unavoidable
f
Some inflation was inevitable, probably a considerable inflation, but it
could undoubtedly have been held within narrower limits. Nevertheless,
taking all the complexities and perplexities of the problem into con-
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wills I feel that it will be the verdict of history that our combination
of democracy and free enterprise which we enjoy in this country gave a
good account of itself during this period.
The monetary and credit measures which we adopted played no small
part in that overall result. Let me cite two specific instances. One of
our controversial actions was the decision to reimpose restrictions on
the extension of instalment credit to consumers. YJhen we reissued Reg-
ulation W in the autumn of 191*8, the automobile industry was producing
cars to the full extent permitted by the avilability of Materials. This
production was insufficient to meet the demand, however, with the re-
sult that so-called used cars commanded bonuses or premiums of as much
as $500 or more in the "grey" market. It was part of our objective to
defer some of this excess demand until materials became more freely
available, that is to a period when the demand so deferred would sus-
tain employment and buttress high level stability rather than augment
the inflatio n and the wage-price spiral. I think the record shows that
these expectations were on the whole borne out by the subsequent course
of events. Of course, many factors played on the scene and subsequent
events cannot be explained in terms of any one factor alone. Neverthe-
less, it remains true that the premium in the grey market for automo-
biles disappeared shortly after the reissuance of our regulation, that
we were able in March of 191*9 to relax the regulation, and that the
automobile industry since that time has been a bulwark to employment
during the transition period of inventory readjustment that has pre-
vailed in 191*90 With materials more freely available, the automobile
industry has been able to set new high records in production and sales
at a time when this production was most effective and most needed as a
contribution to high level stability.
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iiy second illustration is from the field of mortgage financing
in its relationship to home building activity. lou are all aware of the
spiralling costs of housing construction during the postwar period when
what seemed like an almost unlimited demand for shelter impinged on the
limited resources of the home building industry. You are also aware of
the turndown in new housing starts that occurred in the autumn of 191*8,
the subsequent reduction in costs of new homes by $ per cent to 10
per cent, and the renewed and sustained home building activity at new
record levels that made itself felt during the past summer. Performance
of the home building industry was a powerful factor in the maintenance
of employment at high levels and without renewed inflation of costs
during this past year. It is my personal judgment that monetary and
credit factors played a significant role in these developments* The slow-
ing up of new starts that made itself evident in the autumn and winter of
19U8 was not unrelated to the decreased availability of credit at that
time. The subsequent upsurge of activity during this summer was related
in part to the effect on mortgage financing of our moves to ease credit
during the spring of 19h9, as well as to other actions by government to
ease mortgage credits.
So much for the postwar inflationary situation from which we
have now emerged, and the lessons that the experience has brought to us*
I wish to turn now to the current position of the Federal Reserve System
in its policy operations in the money markets.
That position was announced by the Open liarket Committee on
June 28. I will quote that announcement in full so that you all may
be familiar with it*
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"The Federal Open Market Committee, after consulta~
tion with the Treasury, announced today that with a view
to increasing the supply of funds available in the market
to meet the needs of commerce, business, and agriculture
it will be the policy of the Committee to direct purchases,
sales, and exchanges of Government securities by the Fed-
eral Reserve Banks with primary regard to the general busi-
ness and credit situation. The policy of maintaining orderly
conditions in the Government security market, and the con-
fidence of investors in Government bonds will be continued.
Under present conditions the maintenance of a relatively
fixed pattern of rates has the undesirable effect of ab-
sorbing reserves from the market at a time when the
availability of credit should be increased.!t
I regard the announcement as a significant milestone because it
reflected the joint judgment of the Treasury and of the Federal Open Market
Committee that the postwar economic and financial situation had evolved to
a point where open market operations could safely be permitted to play a
more orthodox role in our policies. Such operations will, of course,
continue to be affected by concern for the stability of the Federal
debt and its repercussions upon the entire debt structure. The public
debt is now a dominant part of the financial structure. No one informed
on money market operations expects that open market policies will ignore
this fact. The public debt, however, huge as it s t i ll is, has become
sufficiently settled in the hands of stable holders to permit open
market policy to be formulated on a more flexible basis than formerly.
I regard June 28, 19U9, as a most important date. It signified removal
of the "strait jacket" in which monetary policy had been operating for
nearly a decade, that is, since the beginning of the war.
The record that I have cited illustrates how we have been com-
pelled to operate under utterly new conditions, unprecedented in modern
times. What is their significance with respect to fiscal policies, to
the relationships required between central banking authorities and fiscal
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authorities, and to the adequacy of traditional central banking powers?
These questions are implicit in your inquiry. They demand the attention
of thoughtful men everywhere. Unless we find the solution to these prob-
lems, our way of life, which is the way of the free world, will be in
jeopardy. Having spent thirty-three years of my life as a private enter-
priser, I want above all to avoid anything that either weakens our economy
or puts the fiscal structure of our government in peril.
I approach these problems with a feeling of humijity which I am
*
sure you and many of the thoughtful men who have appeared before you share.
It is this feeling that makes me so sympathetic to the study which you are
conducting. Out of all of the discussions, we can, perhaps, achieve bet-
ter understanding for our fixture guidance.
I would be less than frank if I left you with the impression that
the new position which was initiated on June 28 had ended the need for co-
ordination between debt management and money market policies. That need
will, of course, continue. Many suggestions have been advanced in the
answers to your questionnaire and in the testimony, suggesting formal pro-
cedures to assure a result that is in the long run public interest of our
democracy. Personally I am skeptical of the value of formalized proce-
dures in a situation of this kind. The truth is that our problems arise
out of the different character of the very serious responsibilities that
are borne by the Treasury on the one hand and the Federal Reserve System
on the other. The record of history is clear, that the institutions
charged with these responsibilities should be mutually independent of each
other, fo r the subordination of either might lead to unfortunate results.
This seems to me to imply that we must rely on the men who carry these
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respective responsibilities, on their good will, constructive vision,
and spirit of cooperation. There is no danger that Treasury officials and
Federal Reserve officials will lack personal contact. The nature of their
duties insures and will continue to insure that they face these problems
together. I took pains to point out in my answer to the questionnaire
that a splendid degree of cooperation exists between the Treasury and the
Federal Reserve.
Reserve Requirements
I propose now to clarify several specific, but not necessarily
related, points where the record indicates confusion. First of these is
the general problem of reserve requirements. Three relatively distinct
types of problems that fall under this heading have been dealt with in
the record, and I want to distinguish them and comment briefly on each.
(1) To what extent should the Federal Reserve authorities have
the power to raise or lower reserve requirements and under what conditions
should this instrument be used?
I am somewhat embarrassed in answering this question. The
Congress has not seen f it in the past to delegate as broad authority with
respect to this instrument as it has with respect to other instruments.
Only six months ago Congress refused extension of the temporary authority
that then existed. I am hopeful that as a result of this committee!s in-
terest the subject might be reviewed in broad perspective in a study under
authority of Congress*
The Board has heretofore proposed that additional authority be
granted so that it would be in a position to absorb additional reserves
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that might be made available in excess of the current needs of the economy.
It has been recognized, and so stated, that reserve requirements are not a
flexible instrument, in other words that frequent 11 jiggling11 of the require-
ments should be avoided. The principal possible sources of additional re-
serve funds are (1) inflow of gold, (2) return of currency from circula-
tion, and (3) Federal Reserve purchases of government securities.
It should be recognized that from a long-run standpoint basic
adjustments in reserve requirements may be needed from time to time to
*
allow for fundamental changes in the reserve structure. An inflow of gold
of a billion dollars a year for five or ten years, together with a return
flow of a moderate portion of the very large wartime increase of currency
in circulation , could deplete the Federal Reserve Banks1 open market port-
folio below a reasonable operating level. It may also be essential at
times for the Federal Reserve to purchase government bonds in maintaining
orderly markets for these securities* An increase in reserve requirements
might be needed in order to immobilize any large amount of reserves created
in this manner.
As I stated in my answer to your questionnaire, the Federal Re-
serve should have authority broad enough to meet its responsibilities under
different situations. We have learned from experience that if we should
again be confronted with the problem of dealing with a dangerous expansion
of bank credit, flexible open market and discount policies would be more
effective instruments than increasing reserve requirements*
(2) Is the existing system of reserve requirements for member
banks effective and equitable?
It is not necessary on this occasion for me to discuss at length
existing methods of computing reserve requirements or why we believe a
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change in the methods is worthy of consideration. These matters are
treated at some length in the answers which the Reserve Bank Presidents
and I have submitted in answer to your questionnaire. The problem has
been studied by various groups in the Federal Reserve System almost from
the time of its organization and many proposals have been made for its so-
lution.
We are convinced that the existing system should and can be
greatly improved. We are not, however, committed to any? particular pro-
posal for change. Our staffs after years of study have worked out a
method which is believed to be workable and equitable and may be the
best that can be devised; it has already been presented informally to
your committee.
The problem is a continuing one and inequities increase the
longer it remains unsolved. It is my view that the problem should be
studied by the appropriate committees of Congress, by banking groups,
and others, as well as by the Federal Reserve. We will be prepared to
present a definite recommendation at the appropriate time. If a National
Monetary Commission is set up to study such questions, this would be one
of the most important for it to consider.
(3) Should banks which are not members of the Federal Reserve
System be required to maintain reserve requirements essentially the same
as those required of member banks?
I have discussed at some length, in the answers submitted to
your questions, the difficult problem of the limitations that the exist-
ence of nonmember banks place on the effectiveness of Federal Reserve
actions. The Reserve Bank Presidents, who are intimately concerned with
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*
this problem, have also given you their views and so have many others.
Differences in reserve requirements are one of the most important aspects
of the effect of nonmember banks on the Federal Reserve System.
Reserve requirements for State banks which are not members of
the Federal Reserve System vary from no statutory requirements whatever
in the State of Illinois to requirements which, in percentages, are
higher than those of member banks in a number of States. The essential
*
difference between reserve requirements of member and nonmember banks,
however, is not in percentages but in the composition of reserves.
Even where the percentages of deposits required to be held as reserves
are the same as, or higher than those for member banks, the nonmember bank
s t i ll has an important advantage. Nonmember banks can meet their reserve
requirements through holdings of vault cash and balances with correspondent
banks, while member banks can count only their balances with the Federal
Reserve as required reserves, and in addition must hold for working
purposes a certain amount of vault cash and balances with correspondents.
Member banks not in reserve cities, the so-called "country" banks, as a
group have recently been maintaining holdings of vault cash and balances
with other banks amounting to about 1$ per cent of their gross demand
deposits, in addition to balances with Federal Reserve Banks of 12 per
cent against net demand deposits* and 5> per cent against time deposits.
*Net demand deposits are computed by deducting holdings of balances with
correspondent banks and other cash items from gross demand deposits.
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*
The practice of holding balances with correspondents is
characteristic of our system of unit banks. In any inquiry of needed
monetary and banking legislation, consideration should be given to the
possibility of evolving a system of reserve requirements that would make
allowance for holdings of vault cash and balances with other banks in
such a way as to minimize the effect of differences between member and
nonmember banks. In my answer to your questionnaire, I have submitted
some alternatives that might be considered to deal withrthis problem.
The Problem of a Divided Banking Structure
It has been intimated to the committee that we in the Federal
Reserve are unduly alarmed by the problems presented by a divided bank-
ing structure since nonmember banks hold only 15 per cent of the total
commercial bank deposits in the country. I want to point out that this
is an overall figure and can be very misleading if not viewed on a geo-
graphical basis. The percentage of deposits varies between H#5 per cent
and 62 per cent from the lowest State to the highest. Correspondingly,
the number of nonmember banks varies between 13 per cent and 85 per cent
of all commercial banks. I need hardly point out to members of Congress
the actual influence of these 7*000 nonmember banks representing 50 per
cent of the banking constituency.
I emphasized strongly in ray answer to your questionnaire my
fundamental faith in the dual banking system. The great commercial ex-
pansion of this country was ventured under that system, and I would be
the last to advocate any policy that supplants it. I also emphasized my
great concern lest our dual banking system degenerate into a hopelessly
divided banking structure, and I gave you what I consider some constructive
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alternatives to deal with it.
My primary aim is to consolidate the efforts of all forces
concerned with our financial integrity to the greatest extent possible
in order to have this country adequately armed, so far as our money
mechanism can accomplish that, to prevent credit excesses in an upswing
and to make Federal Reserve resources universally available to banks if
they need help in stormy weather*
Our banking and credit economy consists of an incredibly
complex structure of interlocked assets and liabilities. No bank can
operate that can not convert its assets quickly into caSh when depositors1
use of funds results in a drain* In periods of financial strain there is
no alternative but recourse to the Reserve System. This recourse to
funds is always available to a member bank, with full assurance that the
Federal Reserve m il be in a position to meet its requirements, whatever
they may be. I would like to see this recourse open also to nonmember
banks who carry their reserves in the Federal Reserve Banks.
Objections raised against inclusion of all commercial banks
in common protective action against inflationary excesses, do not of
course arise when we talk of making the resources of the Reserve System
available to all banks, regardless of membership, when the going gets
rough. Whether it is more vital to restrain a boom or cushion a de-
pression, in either case I have felt that the Reserve System should be
in a position to use all its influence.
I think this should dispel the fog that has spread over the
question of whether nonmember banks should be on an equal footing with
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member banks so far as reserve requirements are concerned. This is no
new subject. It is as old as the Federal Reserve Act itself. Carter
Glass was by* no means alone in insisting that logic and simple fairness
called for universal membership. I can imagine no more vigorous a
champion of States1 rights than he was. In the early and mid-thirties,
Congress specifically provided that all insured banks, at least, should
be memb^of the Reserve System. True, that decision was subsequently
reversed, I mention this only to point out that thereuis nothing new
or novel, there is no reaching for more and more power, when we bring
to your attention the fact that nonmembership dilutes our ability to
do our job — and that is all we are concerned with. Carter Glass put
it in far stronger terms when he said it makes for competition in laxity.
As a businessman I naturally dislike restrictive government
authority and centralization of power. Some of the fog that surrounds
the subject of the role of monetary policy arises because of the erroneous
belief that the Federal Reserve System seeks to play a far greater part
than was intended and that it is reaching for more power. I have tried
to bring out in this discussion, on the contrary, that the dilemma we
faced until this year could not be resolved adequately because, in our
considered judgment, we could not use the open market powers — undoubtedly
very great — which we already possessed without the likelihood of doing
more economic harm than good.
The suggestion has recently been made to me by a very competent
observer that one step forward might be taken through strengthening, in
some appropriate and acceptable way, the relationships between the Reserve
System and the Supervisors of State banks. I have not thought this out
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completely, and I mention it only because this is one of many con-
structive thoughts that we are exploring to harmonize the policies of
all supervisory authorities in attaining our common objective. With
your permission, I will introduce in the record a table which shows
nonmembership by States, both as to deposits and numbers of banks• I
would also like to introduce into the record excerpts from letters I
have recently received from the Presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks
of Chicago, Minneapolis, and Kansas City, commenting op this subject.
Loans to Business
I y/ish particularly at this point to clarify my response in
the questionnaire that dealt with the authority of the Federal Reserve
Banks to extend direct loans to industry. The statement has been mis-
understood by some to indicate that I requested new authority to compete
with the lending authority of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. The
fact is that the Federal Reserve Banks have long had authority under
Section 13b of the Federal Reserve Act to make direct loans to industry.
I was seeking in my answer to avoid conflict between the lending
activities of the Federal Reserve Banks and those of the RFC* I
specifically stated that if Congress did not wish to clarify the position
I would prefer that our authority be repealed, and I wish to reemphasize
that statement because the Federal Reserve System should not be looking
for new worlds to conquer. Furthermore, the very justifiable question
can be raised as to the role of a central banking authority in the field
of direct lending.
It is part of my basic philosophy to be wary of the growth of
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government loan agencies that in their competition with private lending
institutions may weaken these institutions to the point where they no
longer play a dynamic role in our economy* At the same time, I recognize
that situations have arisen, and may arise again, particularly in periods
of emergency, when the availability of public financing is essential to
the survival of the economy. I recognize also that in the area of small
business there may be financial needs at all times that justify direct
government attention and support. In ny answer I tri^d to deal with
both of these needs.
The basic problem arises out of the nature of the credit re-
lationship between borrower and lender that is appropriate to a private
enterprise economy. Though it may not so appear on the balance sheet,
a business credit or business loan is not an isolated transaction that
occurs once between a borrower and a lender and is terminated at the
time of repayment. \Vhat a businessman needs, and what small businessmen
need above all else, is a credit connection, a recurrent source of loans
to which he can turn periodically to finance his seasonal needs, to tide
him over emergencies, to advise him on plans for expansion and to help
finance his growth. It is only very large concerns, with direct access
to the central money markets, that can afford even to contemplate operations
without an established recurrent source of financial accommodation. Most
of our successful business enterprises, both large and small, are
meticulous to cultivate and maintain customer relationships of long
standing with commercial banks and other financial institutions, and
vice versa.
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It is this long-term nature of business credit relationships
that makes me fearful of government lending activities. The danger is
that such financial relationships once established tend by their very
nature to be maintained, and that a growing sector of our private busi-
ness economy may come to depend for its credit advances on the public
credit.
The suggestions I advanced in my answer represented my best
thought on how we in the Federal Reserve System might^meet these con-
flicting objectives constructively, if the Congress placed our authority
on a more effective basis. The advantages to the economy, should Congress
do so, are that we are very close to banks and are familiar with their
operations, that we have adequate resources, and that we have an ex-
perienced personnel capable of giving considerate and constructive
attention to unusual credit situations, particularly those that are closely
associated with the legitimate financial needs of small business. It has
been my observation that an important difficulty of small business,
particularly of relatively new ventures, to secure financing is due to
the fact that it has no established banking Connection* It is my thought
that if the Congress so directs, we in the Federal Reserve could play a
constructive role by devoting ourselves to the establishment of sustained
customer connections between small business units and their local banks.
Clearly, this would be more welcome to small business than the prospect
of continued dependence on public lending agencies.
Frequently, these connections are not automatically established
in the marketplace, because a typical small business with no regular
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banking connection represents an "unusual credit risk that does not
conform to traditional standards. In such cases, the application may-
be turned down by the local bank because it has not the facilities to
make the investigation essential to establish whether or not the risk
is bankable* It is these situations where the Federal Reserve Banks
could operate most effectively. With their trained personnel and
facilities they are in a better position to investigate unusual credit
situations than many small local banks. If they fourtfl such situations
justified the extension of credit, they could make the*loan, subject
always to the safeguard that the local institution carried at least 10
per cent of the risk* They would always be prepared to sell back to
the local bank any or all of their participation and we would consider
their job well done when the borrower had acquired an established local
banking connection and no longer repaired to the Federal Reserve Bank
for assistance.
I am aware that direct loans of a customer nature to industrial
business units lie outside the main credit activities of central banking
institutions. I would not expect that the dollar volume of such loans
at the Reserve Banks would ever be large. I would look on it as a pilot
operation designed to establish regular customer relationships between
local small businessmen and their local banks. I would judge its success
not by the dollar volume of such loans outstanding at any one time but
rather by the vitality that it gave to small business and to commercial
banking*
If Congress were to request us to do a job like this, I can
assure you that the Federal Reserve is organized to do it. As I
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indicated in my answer, I would want our existing authority liberalized
and I would also want assurance that the law be amended so that we would
not be in a competitive position with the Reconstruction Finance Corpora-
tion.
Organization of the System
It is of course vital that the Board of Governors and the Open
Market Committee be composed of men of the highest caliber. I whole-
T
heartedly agree with the view which has several times been expressed
here that the best assurance that the System will continue to be able
to arrive at informed and disinterested judgment on all questions of
monetary policy is a strong Board of Governors. Only a Board made up
of men of the highest competence can discharge the heavy responsibilities
for monetary policy entrusted to it. That is why I feel so strongly that
it was a great mistake for the Congress under the recent executive pay
legislation to alter the relationship between the salaries of Board
members and those of the top executive officers of the government, which
was established when the Federal Reserve was founded. It is not the
salary level as such so much as the implied disparagement and reduced
status of the Board which will make it extremely difficult in the future
to induce outstanding men to accept Board membership. The Board is also
placed at a disadvantage in its relationship with other agencies.
The accusation has been made that the Board operates in an
ivory tower, and that its decisions are surrounded by n$rstery. This is
very far from the fact. I doubt whether there is any institution, public
or private, anywhere in the world whose operations are so fully disclosed
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to the public as those of the Federal Reserve System. In the Federal
Reserve Bulletin, in the annual reports to Congress - which include
all policy actions of the Board and of the Open Market Committee together
with the reasons therefor - in regularly issued reports of day-to-day
operations, in frequent other publications both of the Board and of the
Reserve Banks, and in public discussions, the actions and activities of
the entire System are displayed as in an open book. Yfe occupy no ivory
tower. We live in a goldfish bov<rl. ^
The unique organization of the Federal Reserve enables the
System to be extremely close to the pulse of the econony at all times.
Before coming to decisions on all matters of policy, the Reserve Board
has the inestimable advantage of being able to communicate with and
obtain factual information, as well as opinions, from the twelve Federal
Reserve Banks and their twenty-four branches throughout the country, on
whose boards are more than 2^0 directors, dravm not only from banking
but from the widely diversified industrial, commercial, agricultural, and
professional pursuits of the nation. The directors, the officers, and
staffs of the Reserve Banks and the Board, the Federal Advisory Council,
and the member banks comprise the Reserve System. The Board has constantly
available current information, drawn from this great System, to supplement
the vast mass of factual and statistical data gathered through other
governmental sources. Moreover, the System sponsors special studies as
occasion demands. In addition, we are always at pains to consult with
representative businessmen, the small as well as the larger ones, with
trade associations and, in fact, with all who are affected by System
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operations. We try to weigh carefully their views and to distinguish
broad national considerations from those reflecting narrower interests.
The art of central banking is far from simple, nor is it one
of the exact sciences. That is why, as I have stated, I feel that your
committee is doing such a useful educational job in bringing these
monetary, credit and fiscal problems to the attention of the public and
grappling with these problems. You can help greatly by such conclusions
and recommendations as you may put in your report to ;bhart the future
course of monetary and credit policy and enable it to play its full
part towards achieving our goal of steady economic progress.
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Cite this document
APA
Thomas B. McCabe (1949, December 2). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19491203_mccabe
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19491203_mccabe,
author = {Thomas B. McCabe},
title = {Speech},
year = {1949},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19491203_mccabe},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}