speeches · November 21, 1949
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Governor
STATEMENT OF
MARRINER S. ECCLES
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON MONETARY, CREDIT AND FISCAL POLICIES
OF THE
JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE ECONOMIC REPORT
NOVEMBER 22, 1949.
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Mr. Chairman, I am here as you know in response to the
invitation in your letter of October 31, 1949, to discuss issues
that have been raised during the study initiated by your Subcom
mittee in the field of monetary, credit and fiscal policies. I
shall be glad to try to answer such questions as may be uppermost
in your mind but I should like first to present for your consid
eration a short statement which I hope may anticipate and answer
some of your questions. My views are the cumulative results of
15 years of participation in developing and carrying out policies
of the Federal Reserve System, preceded by long experience in
private banking under State as well as national authority and
membership in the Federal Reserve System.
I therefore could not fail to be aware of the vigorous
opposition that has so often been voiced against new proposals with
respect to Federal authority over banking. In recent years it has
seemed that nearly every recommendation emanating from the Federal
Reserve Board has been assailed as a threat to destroy the dual
banking system. As one who has spent his business life in that
system, I have been unable to see the justification for such
agitation.
Our commercial banking system is composed of banks that
receive deposits subject to withdrawal upon demand, make loans, and
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perform other services. About half of the total dollar amount of
bank deposits are insured up to $5,000 for each depositor by a
Federal agency, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. Banks
holding eighty-five per cent of the resources of the banking system
are in the Federal Reserve System, another Federal agency. Approx
imately 5,000 of these banks operate under Federal charters, issued
by the Comptroller of the Currency, and about 9,100 under charters
from the 48 States. This is the dual banking system. While I am
sure that those who are its most vociferous supporters would not
seriously contend for the abolition of the Federal Reserve System,
with the consequent restoration of the intolerable conditions that
prevailed before its establishment, they nevertheless constantly
oppose measures that would enable the Reserve System to be far more
effective in carrying out its intended functions — functions that
help to protect not only all banking but the entire economy.
Two proposals — more than any others — stir up this
agitation. One is the proposal for the equal application of a fair
and adequate system of reserve requirements to all insured commercial
banks. The other proposal is that the Federal Government apply the
principles and objectives of the Hoover Commission to the Federal
agencies concerned with banking, monetary and credit policy. Bankers
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believe in the objectives of the Hoover Commission, at least as
applied to all other activities of the Government — why not the
banking activities?
The red herring of the dual banking system is always
brought up to obscure the real merits of the fundamental questions
involved in the proper administration of fiscal, monetary and
credit policy, which concerns commerce, agriculture, industry and
the public as a whole; it is by no means the sole concern of bankers.
The major responsibility of the Federal Reserve System is
that of formulating and administering national monetary policy. It
does this chiefly through the exercise of such influence as it may
bring to bear upon the volume, availability and cost of commercial
bank reserves. It must operate through the commercial banks of the
country because they, together with the Federal Reserve Banks, are
the institutions through which the money supply is increased or de
creased. It is of paramount importance to the entire country that
someone have the means as well as the ability to discharge this
responsibility. It cannot be left to the voluntary choice of some
14,000 individual and competing banking institutions. It cannot be
split up among the various agencies of the Federal and State Govern
ments. The framers of the Federal Reserve Act undoubtedly intended
that it should be in the Federal Reserve Board under the direct
control of Congress.
Others have pointed out that existing bank reserve requirements
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are inequitable, unfair and ineffective at the very time when
they are most urgently needed to restrain excessive expansion of
bank credit. They should not depend as they do now on whether a
bank is located in a central reserve city or in a reserve city or
whether it is outside of one of these cities or away from its down
town area, nor should they depend on whether a bank is a member or
a nonmember. There is no good reason for such distinctions from
the standpoint of effectuating monetary policy.
In addition to other handicaps of membership, members of
the Federal Reserve System are subject to much more onerous reserve
requirements than nonmember banks. Member banks are required to
carry certain percentages of their demand and time deposits in
non-interest-bearing cash balances with the Federal Reserve Banks.
Apart from these required reserve balances, member banks necessarily
carry some vault cash to meet deposit withdrawals, and in addition
they carry balances with correspondent banks, none of which can be
counted toward statutory reserve requirements. On the other hand,
nonmember bank reserve requirements not only are generally lower in
amount but may also consist entirely of vault cash and balances
carried with city correspondents. In some instances reserves of
nonmember banks may be invested in U. S. Government and other speci
fied securities. Thus to a considerable extent nonmember banks may
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receive direct or indirect compensation for a substantial part
of their reserves. These discrepancies are most obvious and
difficult to explain when two banks, one a member and the other
not, are doing the same kind of business as competitors on opposite
corners of the same town. Member banks therefore bear an undue and
unfair share of the responsibility for the execution of national
credit policy.
There should be a plan under which the responsibility for
holding reserves to promote monetary and general economic stability
would be as fairly distributed as possible. This would require a
fundamental revision of the existing basis for bank reserve require
ments. They should be based on the nature of deposits rather than
mere location; they should be somewhat higher upon interbank deposits
than upon other demand deposits. Vault cash should be given consid
eration because it has much the same effect as deposits at reserve
banks.
In any such revision of reserve requirements it is of pri
mary importance to take into account the fact that they are a means
of contracting or expanding the liquidity position of the banking
system and of making other credit instruments more effective. Reserve
funds of banks may expand through large gold inflows or silver purchases,
or return of currency from circulation, or borrowing from Reserve Banks,
or Federal Reserve purchases of Government securities through necessary
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open market operations. There should be sufficient authority over
reserve requirements to permit taking such developments into con
sideration when necessary.
There is widespread misunderstanding even among bankers
of the function of reserve requirements as a means of expanding or
contracting the supply of bank credit. In sharp contrast with
State reserve requirements, those applied to member banks under the
Federal Reserve Act are primarily designed to affect the availability
of credit — that is to say, the money supply. The Federal require
ments are not primarily applied for the purpose of providing a
cushion to protect the individual bank. They are not basically
reserves in that sense at all, and incidentally the Reserve Banks
do not and can not use them to buy Government securities.
The Federal Reserve System is a creature of the Congress.
You can make it weak or you can make it strong. We have recited to
the Congress over and over again the dilemma that we face. It is
perfectly simple. So long as the Reserve System is expected to sup
port the Government bond market and to the extent that such support
requires the System to purchase marketable issues, whether sold by
banks or others, this means that the System is deprived of its only
really effective instrument for curbing overexpansion of credit. It
means that the initiative in the creation of reserves which form a
basis on which credit can be pyramided rests with banks or others and
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not with those responsible for carrying out national monetary policy.
To the extent that banks or others can at will obtain reserves they
are thus able to monetize the public debt. In view of this situation,
if the Congress intends to have the Reserve System perform its func
tions, then you should by all means arm it with alternative means of
applying restraints. The only effective way to do that is through
revision and modernization of the mechanism of reserve requirements.
The Congress will not have done the job at all if it fails to in
clude all insured banks. Reserve requirements that are limited only
to member banks of the Federal Reserve System impose upon them a
wholly unfair and inequitable burden which becomes the more intolerable
as the need arises to increase reserve requirements as a means of curb
ing overexpansion of credit. Of course, organized banking and its
spokesmen, chiefly large city banks, do not want any change. They
never do. Throughout the long history of banking reform in this
country — and it is still very far from complete — the same bankers
or their prototypes have been for the status quo. Beginning with the
National Banking Act they have fought every progressive step, including
the Federal Reserve Act and creation of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation. If you abide by their counsels or wait for their leader
ship you will never do anything in time to safeguard and protect
private banking and meet the changing needs of the economy in such a
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way as to avoid still further intrusion of the Government into the
field of private credit — to which I am really very much opposed —
an intrusion which the public has demanded in the past because
private banking leadership failed.
I may add that whenever Congress sees fit to enact into
legislation the principle of equitable reserve requirements applied
uniformly without regard to membership in the Federal Reserve System,
there might well be changes in other relations of the Federal Reserve
System which would be of benefit to all commercial banking as, for
example, to offer the credit facilities of the Reserve Banks on equal
terms to all banks which maintain their reserves with the Reserve
Banks, together with further improvements in the check collection
system. These and other beneficial changes could well be brought
about with great advantage to banks and to the public in general.
The role of the Reserve System in relation to Government
lending to business also should be clarified. This is particularly
important as to the functions exercised in that field by the Recon
struction Finance Corporation and with respect to the authority of
the Reserve Banks to extend credit to industrial enterprises under
section 13b of the Federal Reserve Act. The latter should be modified
as proposed in S. 408, the bill favorably reported by the Senate
Banking and Currency Committee in 1947, and the enactment of which
was again recommended by the Board in 1948.
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There is unquestionably a need for such an agency as
the Reconstruction Finance Corporation in emergency periods for
direct Government lending for projects outside the field of priv
ate credit, but I have always taken the position that the Govern
ment should not compete with or invade the domain of private banking
and credit institutions. When aid is necessary to facilitate the
functioning of private credit, then such aid should take the form
of guaranteeing in part the loans made by private institutions, just
as was done in the V-loan program of the Federal Reserve for financing
war production. That is what S. 408 proposes. The profound difference
in the principle at stake here ought to be obvious.
In relation to the second question, that of organization,
which I mentioned at the outset, I feel that students of Government
and particularly those who endorsed the objectives of the Hoover Com
mission ought to be more interested than they appear to have been in
the problems of organization of the agencies of Federal Government
concerned with bank supervision. Some however may have been misled
into thinking that there is no problem in this field because the ex
penses of these agencies are not paid from governmental appropriations.
The establishment of a system of insurance of deposits by
the Federal Government was one of the great accomplishments of the
Congress in the direction of fostering public confidence in the bank
ing system. I favored Federal Deposit Insurance legislation at a time
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when most of my fellow bankers were denouncing it. But I never
expected, and I am certain Congress never intended, that this pro
tection for depositors would be used either to hamper effective
national monetary policy or to give any class of banks special ad
vantages over others. I regret to say that the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation has been used to discourage membership in the
Federal Reserve System and to weaken effective monetary policy.
There is no logic whatever in the present provisions of
law which say, in effect, to a bank "You can’t join the Federal
Reserve System unless you also join the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation but you can join the Federal Deposit Insurance Corpora
tion without joining the Federal Reserve System." The law compels
a national bank to join both but a State bank has the option of join
ing one or the other, or neither. I should like most earnestly to
urge upon you the importance of making this a two-way street by
providing that a bank can be a member of the Federal Reserve System
without joining the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, in the
same way that a State bank is now privileged to be a member of the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation without being obliged to join
the Federal Reserve System.
The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation was designed in
the public interest and it should be maintained for that purpose, but
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this is not to say that the continued existence of three Federal
agencies performing similar or allied functions in the field of
bank supervision, regulation, statistical and other services is
justifiable. There is unnecessary duplication and triplication of
offices, personnel, effort, time and expense. While the main
tenance of separate and often conflicting viewpoints may serve
selfish interests, on the old principle of "divide and conquer",
it seems to me that this should not prevent improvements wherever
possible in the organization of a Government already overburdened
with complexity and bureaucracy.
In this connection various suggestions as to where respon
sibility should be lodged for the examination of banks subject to
Federal supervision have been offered, ranging from the setting up
of a new agency, with no other responsibility, to maintaining the
status quo.
The Reserve System must have currently accurate information,
procured through examination, bank condition reports, special investi
gations, constant correspondence and contacts with the banks. The
System must have examiners and other personnel responsible to it,
specially trained and directed for the purpose of procuring such
information. The Reserve System is in position to determine policies
to be pursued by examiners; to coordinate them with credit policies;
and at the same time decentralizes the actual administration by util
izing the facilities of the twelve Reserve Banks and their twenty-four
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branches. They examine all State member banks, receive copies of
examination of all national banks, are in close touch in this and
in other ways with all member banks, as well as the State and
National supervisory authorities. Through their daily activities
of furnishing currency, collecting checks, seeing that member banks
maintain their reserves, and extending credit to them, the Reserve
Banks obtain current information about banks which is invaluable
for purposes of bank supervision. The Federal Reserve is and must
be at least as vitally concerned with the soundness of the individ
ual bank as any one in the organization of the Comptroller or the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The Federal Reserve Act
places in the Federal Reserve a specific responsibility for effec
tive supervision over banking in the United States. Soundness of
the individual bank and soundness of the economy must go hand in
hand. Therefore, Federal Reserve concern with the maintenance of
stable economic conditions should be and is in the interest of sound
banking as well as the public welfare. It has not destroyed the ef
fectiveness of Federal Reserve supervision over State member banks, and
it is absurd to think, as I understand has been suggested to you, that
it would destroy the effectiveness of supervision or examination of
other banks. Moreover, is it reasonable to believe that the intelli
gence of the officials of the Federal Reserve Banks combined with the
judgment of a seven man board appointed by the President, confirmed by
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the Senate, responsible to the Congress, should be regarded as less
independent than a Bureau in the Treasury under one official whose
deputies are appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury. No single
individual in the Federal Reserve System determines its policies.
Since examination supplies information essential to the
right conduct of the business of the Reserve System and since the
Reserve authorities must review reports of examination of all mem
ber banks, it is illogical to argue that they should be deprived of
all examination authority. Examination procedure is a tool of bank
supervision and regulation which should be integrated with and
responsive to monetary and credit policy. If directed as though it
were not concerned with such policy it could nullify what otherwise
could be effective monetary and credit policy. In fact, too often in
the past, bank examination policy became tighter when conditions grew
worse, thus intensifying deflation, and conversely examination policy
has gone along with inflationary forces when caution was needed.
Only one of the three Federal supervisory agencies, the
Federal Reserve System, is charged by Congress with responsibility
over the supply and cost of credit, which is directly affected by
reserve requirements, discount policy, and open market operations.
The Reserve System views the economic scene principally from the
standpoint of national credit conditions as effected by monetary,
fiscal and related governmental policy. Other agencies do not have
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these responsibilities. Their differences of interest often lead
to prolonged discussions which delay or prevent agreements.
Let me turn now to the question of the composition and
responsibilities of the Board of Governors and the Open Market Com
mittee, which Committee is composed of the seven members of the
Board plus five Reserve Bank Presidents. I do not suggest that the
present system has not worked. It was a compromise and your Committee
is interested, and properly so, in the question whether the present
structure could be improved. I feel that I should point out its de
fects and how they could be remedied.
While the Board of Governors has final responsibility and
authority for determining, within statutory limitations, the amount
of reserves that shall be carried by member banks at the Federal Re
serve Banks, for discount rates charged by the Federal Reserve Banks
for advances to member banks, and for general regulation and super
vision of the lending operations of the Reserve Banks, the responsi
bility and authority under existing law for policy with respect to
the Government security market, known as open market operations, is
vested in the Open Market Committee. These operations have become
an increasingly vital part of Federal Reserve policy. In practice
they are the principal means through which debt management policies
of the Government are effectuated. They are the means by which an
orderly market for Government securities is maintained. With the
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rapid growth of the public debt, chiefly as a result of wartime
financing, with the continuance of a budget of extraordinary size,
with major refunding operations in view and the prospect of deficit
financing, there can be no doubt of the responsibility that will
continue to rest with the Federal Reserve System for open market
policy.
Suggestions have been made and I believe will appear in
answers to your questionnaire, with a certain degree of logic in
their support, that the interrelations between the considerations of
policy governing open market operations and those governing reserve
requirements, discount rates, and perhaps other functions, are such
as to justify transferring these major instruments of policy to the
Federal Open Market Committee, leaving to the Federal Reserve Board
as such only matters of secondary importance. This would not justify
the continued existence of a seven man Board of Governors. To the
extent, however, that such suggestions recognize the principle that
responsibility for overall credit and monetary policy should be fixed
in one place, I would agree. On the other hand, they accentuate the
major inconsistency in the present setup.
It should be noted in this connection that the President of
a Federal Reserve Bank is not a director of that bank but is its chief
executive officer. He is elected for a five-year term by a local board
of nine directors, three of whom are appointed by the Board of Governors
and the other six by the member banks of the district. In addition to
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making the appointment, the directors fix his salary. Both of
these decisions are subject to approval of the Board of Governors.
Neither he nor the directors of the bank have any direct responsi
bility to the Congress. When a Reserve Bank President sits as a
member of the Federal Open Market Committee, however, he participates
in vital policy decisions with full-time members of the Board of
Governors, who are appointed by the President of the United States
and confirmed by the Senate and whose salaries are fixed by Congress.
Those decisions, which must be obeyed by his bank as well as by the
other Federal Reserve Banks, affect all banking. So far as I know,
there is no other major governmental power entrusted to a Federal
agency composed in part of representatives of the organizations which
are the subject of regulation by that agency. President Woodrow
Wilson expressed himself very vigorously on this subject when the
original Federal Reserve Act was under consideration. If this principle
is not to be discarded, it follows that further inroads should not be
made into the functions of the Federal Reserve Board and on the other
hand that responsibility for open market policy should be concentrated
in the Board. I am convinced in this connection that there is no need
for more than five members, instead of seven as at present, and that
the Congress should recognize by more appropriate salaries the great
importance of the public responsibilities entrusted to the Federal
Reserve System, of which the Federal Reserve Board is the governing
body. Such recognition would be more likely to attract to the mem
bership of the Board men fully qualified for the position.
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If however it is believed preferable for national credit
and monetary policy to be determined in part by some of the Presidents
of the Reserve Banks, then the Presidents of all twelve Reserve Banks
should be constituted the monetary and credit authority and they
should take over the functions of the Board of Governors, which body
should be abolished. The governmental responsibility of such a body
should be recognized by requiring their appointment by the President
of the United States and their confirmation by the Senate; their sal
aries should be fixed by Congress, to whom they should report. May I
point out that if the Presidents of the Reserve Banks can, in addi
tion to performing their manifold duties as chief executive officers
of these very important institutions, take on in addition the principal
functions of the Federal Reserve Board, it must be that these functions
do not justify a full-time seven-man Board, and this would be another
reason for abolishing it, and substituting a part-time Board composed
of the twelve Presidents.
The views I have expressed have developed out of a long
experience in and out of Government and they have not been altered
by the fact that I have ceased to be Chairman of the Board after
serving in that capacity for more than twelve years or by the fact
that I expect sometime to return to the field of private banking.
In the foregoing I have not attempted to include some other
important matters which may be of interest to the Committee in its
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deliberations and might well be considered by a National Monetary
Commission such as that proposed in S. 1559 which I strongly support.
Accordingly, I would appreciate it if you would permit me to file a
supplemental memorandum for the record in the event that it appears
to be desirable to do so in order to complete my statement.
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1949, November 21). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19491122_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19491122_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1949},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19491122_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}