speeches · June 6, 1947
Speech
Chester C. Davis · Governor
A Long-Range Program
for
Agriculture
Testimony of
CHESTER C. DAVIS
before the Agriculture Committee,
U. S. House of Representative
June 7, 1947
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At the invitation of the Agriculture Committee
of the U. S. House of Representatives,
Chester C. Davis appeared before
the Committee and gave this
testimony on June 7, 1947
Distributed by
Committee for Economic Development
285 Madison Avenue, New York 17, N. Y.
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Introduction
For the record, I am Chester C. Davis, President of
the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis and Vice-Chair-
man of the Research and Policy Committee of the Com
mittee for Economic Development, commonly known
as CED. I am testifying on behalf of the CED Research
Committee, which has been requested by your Commit
tee to present its views on a long-range program for
agriculture.
The CED Research and Policy Committee is a group
of businessmen selected by the trustees of CED, and
formed for the study of problems relating to attaining
and maintaining a high level of productive employment
in the United States. A list of the present members of
the Committee is attached to this statement. We work
with an Advisory Board of economists and other social
scientists, and through a staff of specialists in the various
fields concerned with our central problem.
From time to time, the Committee publishes mono
graphs on specific subjects written by members of the
staff after discussion with the businessmen's committee
and the Advisory Board. Under the by-laws of CED
the authors are free to state their own views in these
monographs and the report, when published, is the sole
responsibility of the author. One of these monographs
is "Agriculture in an Unstable Economy," by Professor
Theodore W. Schultz of the University of Chicago, pub
lished in book form by CED in 1945.
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At about the same time the Research Committee, com
posed of businessmen, published its own policy state-
ment on the problems of agriculture, called "Agriculture
in an Expanding Economy." My testimony today will
present the views of the Committee as expressed in this
statement. Copies of the complete statement have been
distributed to the members of your committee.
This, of course, is one of several policy statements
issued by the CED Research Committee. I should like
to add a word to explain the nature of these policy state-
ments. Before it is finally drafted and approved, the
Research Committee holds a number of meetings with
the CED staff and the distinguished economists and
experts who make up its Research Advisory Board. Usu
ally these meetings and discussions take place while the
text of the monograph or book is being studied and
criticized by the trustees and the Research Committee
of CED. In the case of the Policy Statements, the busi
nessmen who make up the Research Committee are solely
responsible for what is contained, while as I have said,
in the case of the more extended monograph or book,
its author is responsible for its contents after the busi
nessmen of CED have done all they can to keep him on
what they think is the right track.
As in the case of all CED policy statements, this state
ment does not purport to present the views of the mem
bers of CED's Board of Trustees or of the businessmen
and others throughout the country who are affiliated
with CED. Obviously, it has been impossible for them
to participate in the background and discussions leading
to the formulation of the statement. The statement does
represent the unanimous views of the Research Commit
tee as constituted at the time of its publication.
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Testimony of
CHESTER C. DAVIS
The statement on agriculture was undertaken because the
Committee believes that the purchasing power of the rural
population—which largely controls their economic and social
welfare—is of major importance to the welfare of the nation
as a whole. The statement emphasizes the direct relationship
between conditions in non-agricultural business and the
prosperity of the farm sector of our economy. In its discussions
of questions of national agricultural policy, however, the
Committee recognizes its limitations, as an organization of
businessmen, in attempting to supply answers to problems
that need consideration by broader councils in which agricul
tural repersentatives have a leading part. The hearings now
under way before your Committee represent an important
step in providing such broader consideration.
Agricultural Conditions
—Now and in Prospect
First a word as to background. The war brought un
precedented prosperity to American agriculture. Under the
pressure of war demand, agricultural output as a whole ex
panded a fourth, food products a third, above 1939 levels.
Almost 30 million acres were added to our harvested land.
Prices received by farmers more than doubled from the low
point at which they stood in 1939. Costs rose too, and partly
offset the rise in prices, but farmers in general enjoyed and
still enjoy greatly increased net incomes. Farmers as a whole
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achieved the best financial position they had occupied in over
three decades. They greatly increased the dollar amount of
their liquid reserves in bank deposits, savings bonds and cash.
At the same time they have reduced their indebtedness con
siderably. An unprecedented migration away from farms has
occurred, thus, partly correcting the peacetime over-supply
of labor on farms which was a major cause of the low per
capita earnings in agriculture between the two wars.
To return for a moment to the war-time changes in the debt
and liquid-asset position of farmers: estimates of the Depart
ment of Agriculture indicate that from January 1, 1940, to
January 1, 1946, the amount of bank deposits, cash, and sav
ings bonds owned by farmers increased from $4,157 millions
to $19,019 millions, a gain of nearly $15 millions. During the
same period the farm mortgage debt to the leading lending
institutions decreased by $1.5 billions. The reduction in farm
mortgage debt since 1930 has been $5.5 billions. This apparent
improvement in the current financial position of agriculture
is not all net gain, however. No estimates are available to
measure the depreciation that has taken place in the farm
plant and equipment during the war years of intensive cul
tivation and scanty replacements.
It is highly unlikely, however, that the agricultural situa
tion will continue to be as favorable as that of the last few
years. Land and other agricultural capital, once committed
to production, tend to stay in production almost without
reference to the volume of demand. It is probable that post
war production will continue far in excess of the pre-war
levels, in part because of increased acreage and in part as a
result of rapid technological improvements in farming. De
mand for agricultural products, on the other hand, is likely
to drop sharply when present abnormally large foreign needs
decline and storage stocks have been replenished. It will drop
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even more sharply, of course, if we experience a decline in
business activity in this country. The return of population to
the farms, which has been under way since the war's end, will
be accentuated by any decline from present high levels of
non-agricultural employment.
Powerful forces will be dragging at farm commodity prices.
The tendency will be toward a decline in the exchange value
of farm products in terms of other goods and in market prices
as well. Although the drop in farm prices and income may
not be as precipitous or as great as the drop which followed
World War I, and some measures may be developed to offset
the forces leading to the decline, nevertheless, it is likely to
cause widespread and serious difficulties in agriculture.
In general, if the country is successful in maintaining high
levels of employment and high consumer purchasing power,
the market will be favorable for sustained high production of
many farm products, especially dairy and poultry products,
meats, fruits and vegetables. There are great areas in agricul
ture, however, where the problems will not be solved by
strong domestic market demand, and effective means for
dealing with these special problems must be included in a
satisfactory long-range program for agriculture.
Our wheat acreage has been expanded to produce more
than can be consumed as bread grain in this country or in
such foreign markets as normally may be available. Cotton
and the region in which cotton dominates the farm economy
present extraordinary problems—the remaking of the economy
of the cotton South is undoubtedly the most important and
most difficult special problem in agriculture confronting the
United States. A third special problem in agriculture is found
in the Plains States, where the farm population lives under
peculiar hazards because of erratic weather. And finally, high
peacetime markets will not automatically meet the problem
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of soil conservation, to which the nation must give greater
attention. America's wealth in land resources has made us
negligent in its care. The committee is familiar with the start
ling figures that reveal the destruction of good land by erosion
in the past. In spite of some improvement*, the loss is still
going on. No one who drives through our farming areas with
his eyes open can question it.
Basic Causes of Agricultural Trouble
The farm problem is a compound of several major factors
and a multitude of minor ones. An excessively large labor
supply — excessive, that is, from the standpoint of returns
earned by individual farm workers — an increasing rate of
output per worker and a slackening in the rate of increase
of demand have characterized American agriculture for many
years. On the face of it these conditions point to an imbal
ance, with depressed conditions and low earnings per worker
as the eventual result.
J. Surplus Labor Resources
Measured by cold economic standards, the excess of human
resources engaged in agriculture probably is the most im
portant single factor in the problem of per capita farm income.
This reflects, first, the slowing down of the non-agricultural
industries in the latter inter-war years. Job opportunities off
the farm being limited, the normal flow of labor from farm to
town dwindled. Meanwhile, the large natural increase of the
farm population continued to add to the relative number of
persons dependent on agricultural production for their living.
A second important element making for an excess of workers
on farms is the continuous improvement in the output capacity
of farm workers. American agriculture is in the midst of a tech-
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nical revolution, the counterpart of the technological advance
in industry.
If, after the abnormal markets caused by the war have
disappeared, the changes that increase farm productivity
outrun the changes that increase demand, our economy will
be unbalanced again by relatively low per capita returns to
agricultural producers compared with other producers. This
condition will be moderated to the extent that the whole
economy expands and permits the movement of workers out
of agriculture or an increased volume of consumption. This
tendency to depress the per capita earnings of farmers is
likely to persist except during wars or business booms or
while inventories are being accumulated. The flow of excess
labor from the farms is a normal movement. It takes place
even when farming is enjoying good times. When it is inter
rupted by hard times and unemployment in non-agricultural
industries, the per capita income of workers in agriculture
tends to fall.
2. Factors Limiting Demand
Demand for American farm products has been, and will
continue to be, affected negatively by the fact that the rate
of increase of population within the markets available to the
American farmer is dropping markedly. The rate of popula
tion increase moved upward during the war, but this is not
expected to continue. It is a phenomenon that has occurred
temporarily during and after other wars.
3. Instability of Income Due to Business Fluctuations
In addition to the low average per capita earnings that
characterized fanning in the 20 years between the wars,
American agriculture has been burdened by a great instability
in its prices and therefore in the income obtained from the
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sale of crops and livestock. Whenever business has boomed,
net farm income has risen fully twice as fast as non-farm
income. Then when business declined, the net income from
farming has always fallen more sharply and further than the
income of persons not on farms. Maintaining a stable farm
income may be impossible if we do not learn how to keep
industry from the production extremes that are its past history.
4. Income Instability and the Price Level
Apart from income instability Stemming from changes in
the agricultural supply-demand relationship, farmers have
suffered from wide shifts in the general price level. Farmers
who are in debt are particularly vulnerable, and since most
farmers are self-employed, many of them carry comparatively
large capital debts. The general level of prices is identified
with the value of money. Farmers have been victims of the
caprice of the general price level too often to favor anything
but a stable price level at high employment. The search for
ways to promote price level stability deserves high rating in
any program for agricultural betterment.
5. The Problem of Farm Product Prices
Recognition of the fact that the see-sawing of total farm
income is caused primarily by price changes, not by changes
in volume of farm output, has led farmers to insist on efforts
to stabilize farm prouuct prices. But price stability is possible
only if the relationship of demand to supply is comparatively
constant. When we try to get around this by fixing prices by
law at levels reached when demand was at peak, we encounter
the "surplus" problem — what to do with the excess above
what the market will take at such fixed prices. Experience
confronts us with the fact that merely setting a price or fixing
a parity formula by law does not solve the farmer's price
problems.
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Parity as an idea appeals to the public as fair and just. But
used as a legal instrument to fix farm product prices, parity
based on a relationship that existed 30 years ago has become
a liability in American agricultural policy. Making it effective,
by means of loans and purchase programs, continues out
grown price relationships and tends to perpetuate past pro
duction patterns; resists production changes that are in
farmers' long-run interests, and builds up surpluses toward
an eventual crisis and collapse; it tends to drive a wedge be
tween internal and external prices of farm products that enter
export trade, thus opening the way for two-price systems to
facilitate export dumping, and other measures which in more
normal times may prove hostile to a liberal foreign trade
policy.
I am tempted to elaborate a little on this question of parity
prices. Parity does not mean a fixed price level; it relates
rather to the purchasing power or exchange value of the
products of one group when traded for the products or the
labor of another group. The price level is very important to
a farmer who is in debt, but in every other sense the most im
portant consideration is not the dollar price of a product, but
what it will bring when exchanged for other goods and
services.
If we think of all farmers as one trading group, and all
the rest of the economy as another trading group, there are
three ways to hold the exchange value of the farm output
high, or to increase it. One way would be to cut down the
volume of farm production. Another would be to increase
the effective demand. A third way would be to increase the
quantity of goods and services produced by the non-agricul
tural group. I believe most of us favor the second and third
ways as being better for the country, better for the farmers,
-and better for the world.
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After considering the present parity formula, the Research
Committee concluded that a redefinition of parity is overdue.
The needed standard of measurement cannot be expressed
in rigid terms of past commodity price relationships. The
policy should aim at two objectives: to create conditions
favorable to the enjoyment of at least a fair minimum stand
ard of realized income by farm families, and to guide farm
production into the pattern that makes most efficient use of
agricultural resources.
What Can Be Done ?
The CED Research Committee feels that it is inappropriate
for a committee of businessmen to attempt to prescribe in
detail for all the ills of agriculture. As I stated earlier, the
development of a long-range agricultural program requires
consideration by broader councils. Nevertheless, it may be
appropriate to discuss some general proposals that can con
tribute to agricultural prosperity and stability.
2. Increasing Consumption
The prerequisite to high agricultural income is a high level
of production and employment in this country. General pros
perity results in an increased consumption of foods, particu
larly of livestock products, thus promoting better use of more
agricultural resources, including land and labor. In addition,
when non-agricultural employment is expanding, the econ
omy can absorb the excess labor supply in farm areas.
Thus, policies designed to achieve reasonable stability in
the general price level and to keep the industrial-urban econ
omy going at a high level of production, employment and
income are of first-rank importance to farmers. CED has been
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devoting its entire energies to the development of such poli
cies. It is not possible to discuss these policies in detail today,
but I shall be happy to leave with your Committee copies of
all the policy recommendations thus far issued, if you wish
to have them.
Our Committee felt that better education on the impor
tance of diet to health is necessary, as well as high consumer
purchasing power, if we are to have profitable markets for
the full production of our agricultural resources. The House
Committee on Agriculture knows what it would mean if all
our population at home were educated to want, and able to
buy, a full, healthful, rich diet. You know we could keep
about 10 times as many people alive on an acre in cereals, as
can be fed on the livestock products from an acre, but we are
not likely to do that in this country. The trend is the other
way. We could use our farm resources fully, with more
workers than are now employed in agriculture, if all our
people could buy and consume the dairy-and-livestock diet
necessary to maximum national health.
While the main dependence for maintaining good markets
for farm products must always be on a high level of con
sumer income, the possibility of increasing consumption
through special measures to improve the diet of low income
families undoubtedly will be given renewed attention. The
Committee certainly endorses that objective. Education in
nutrition will work an important, though slow, improvement
in levels of health. How greatly such food distribution and
educational programs may add to the volume of food con
sumption is still open to debate. Improved diets often call
for different foods, not simply more food. Care needs to be
exercised that such programs do not become a. means merely
for moving surplus farm products, irrespective of their rela
tionship to satisfactory diets.
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2. Increasing Exports
The Committee has placed major emphasis throughout its
statement upon the domestic market. The importance of
foreign markets must not be lost sight of, however. The
United States has highly specialized agricultural resources
suited and developed to produce for export. But if our dom
estic prices for these crops exceed world levels, other nations
in the long run can be expected to oppose our subsidizing
exports in competition with countries that, primarily, are raw
material producers.
For the long haul, by the elimination of trade barriers and
reductions in tariffs, the over-all volume of our foreign trade,
including our imports, should increase, thus enlarging export
opportunities for commodities in which we have comparative
production advantages. The importance of improvement in
international trade both for economic progress and for peace
is considered in detail in a CED policy statement on that
subject, copies of which will be submitted for the use of your
Committee if desired.
3. Increasing Labor Mobility
Various suggestions may be offered to broaden the oppor
tunities for the surplus farm population to find employment
away from the farm. A National Labor Outlook, comparable
to the Agricultural Outlook developed by the U. S. Depart
ment of Agriculture and the State Agricultural Colleges, might
be useful. Attention needs to be given to barriers, such as the
restrictions imposed by some organized labor groups, and
some federal and state regulations governing the recruitment
and distribution of the labor supply, which obstruct the migra
tion of farm people.
The need for adequate health and educational facilities in
rural areas cannot be overemphasized. The process of edu-
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eating youth in the country who eventually will work in the
cities seems likely to continue. If the costs are to be dis
tributed equitably and the job well done, the federal govern
ment, through grants-in-aid, will have to invest more heavily
in the health and education of its rural and farm population.
Vocational training programs available to rural youth should
be broadened to develop skills and means of earning a liveli
hood in non-agricultural pursuits for the boys and girls not
needed in farm production.
Greater mobility of capital in a decentralizing movement
of industry into areas of labor surplus is needed also. There
should be some definite and organized efforts to develop in
dustrial and commercial activity in the very areas in which
surplus population is located.
Measures that would increase the number of subsistence
farms are not remedy for the under-employment problem
in agriculture. Too many farm families already are barely at,
or are below, a subsistence level of living for one reason or
another.
4. Lessening Instability of Income
As was emphasized earlier in this statement, any price
policy for agriculture worth consideration must begin with
the general price level. Attention to specific price maladjust
ments will not avail much for greater stability of agricultviral
income while the general price level continues to gallop up
and down.
To lessen instability caused by changes in the volume of
demand, it is important that the industrial-urban economy
be stabilized at a high level of production. Attainment of this
goal would minimize automatically the instability of farm
income associated with business fluctuations. Nothing is more
important to farm Licome than this goal, which would provide
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a setting favorable for policies and special measures aimed at
stabilizing farm income and product prices.
What to do in case drastic business fluctuations occur is
a natural agricultural worry. The farmer is no more willing
than the next man to sit and wait. He will be searching for
the best among possible alternatives to offset the effects of
business fluctuations upon him. The CED Research Commit
tee feels that it can appraise some of the proposed remedies,
but that it is not its province to urge the adoption of any
particular program.
The suggestion undoubtedly will be made that farm out
put be reduced when unemployment spreads and demand
falls, and expanded when business booms, thus fitting agricul
tural production to business fluctuations. The strongest argu
ment against this policy is that it would hurt the rest of the
economy, by making food and other farm products more
costly during depressions, without substantially helping the
farmer.
Another alternative likely to be offered is the use in periods
of economic depression of a system of price guarantees. If
this road is taken there is reason to fear the tendency to shove
supports up and up to higher levels that, continued, could
have very undesirable consequences. A system of rigid, legis
lated prices extended indefinitely into the future can do a
great deal of harm to the farmers themselves, distorting their
production decisions both as to the kind and the quantity of
crops or livestock they produce. Price guarantees, fixed at
levels higher than the over-all supply-demand situation war
rants, tend to hold more producers in a given field than would
otherwise stay there.
The country is now involved with far-flung price guaran
tees, and others probably will be urged to achieve necessary
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regional adjustments. This suggests that consideration should
be given to fixing the guarantees on a sliding scale, with the
guaranteed price declining from period to period as its ad
justment purpose is effected. Price supports may have a legi
timate peacetime role in minimizing losses and hardship
after the war, but they should not be allowed to freeze pro
duction patterns.
Experience with fixed prices has been sufficiently discour
aging to prompt search for other ways to support and stabilize
farm income. One proposal offered is that the government
under certain conditions pay directly to the farmer the dif
ference between the unit price guaranteed and the price
obtainable in the market. Those who advocate the direct
supplementary payments argue that the country as a whole,
including the farmers, would be better off by permitting the
price flexibility necessary to move farm products fully into
consumption, avoiding the building up of unmanageable sur
pluses in government hands. The payments would safeguard
the farmer without disturbing full-volume production and
trade. Where the purpose is to aid a depressed sector of
agriculture in making a transition (such as now confronts
the cotton South) the adjustment payments would be made
to participating farm families for specific performance. Here
we are dealing with a problem that neither is cyclical nor
transitional, but essentially long-run in its characteristics. The
adjustments in themselves will be long-period ones. If pay
ments for this purpose are provided, they should be geared
to the adjustment deemed necessary for a better economic
balance in the area in question.
A system of compensatory payments has been proposed
to counteract the adverse effects of acute industrial depres
sions upon the income from farming. A particular argument
offered in its favor is that since such payments would be made
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only in the trough of the business cycle they would be counter
cyclical in their general effect; they would help to maintain
industrial markets and to keep a depression from dropping as
low as it might otherwise do. As in the case of the transition
period payments discussed above, compensatory payments
would have to be made in a fashion that would not distort
agricultural production or the trade of farm products.
The use that can be made of direct payments in meeting
future agricultural problems should have careful, objective
study. Such payments cannot be substitutes for the various
forms of effective action that can be taken properly to support
and stabilize market prices for particular commodities. In
some cases, however, they offer important advantages over
rigid price-setting in that they would protect farmer income
while leaving market prices free to command as great con
sumption as possible, and to indicate the probable direction
of demand.
5. Lessening Production Risks
Many things need to be done to lessen risks due to fluctua
tions in agricultural yield. Some of them require government
aid, others do not.
The most promising general line of action probably lies
in further improvements in farm practice and technology.
Over the long run, individual farmers can be assisted to do
much more than they are doing to reduce the instability in
their output. The farm family that produces much of what it
needs for living is less vulnerable than the single cash-crop
fanner who buys all his living at the store, provided, of course,
the diversification of effort does not sacrifice the advantages
of specialized production.
Farming on contours, terraces, lateral runways, and the
like — practices that hold needed water where it falls — in
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most cases will pay their own way in lower costs and greater
production stability. Pasture development and management
is a promising field in mixed farming areas.
All programs aimed either to guide or stabilize farm pro
duction should hold to conservation of the soil as a primary
purpose. Technical assistance and financial aid will continue
to be required by most farmers. Farm tenure arrangements,
taxation, and other devices that now widen the gap between
the earnings of our farm land and the long-range social costs
should be overhauled. Many of the remedies lie in the hands
of the states and localities.
Much land now being farmed is too poor to yield its opera
tors a satisfactory living. Great areas have been homesteaded
for general farming where the risks are too great for safe use
except as range. Much sub-marginal hill land should be re
forested. This field offers a wide opportunity for action by
the federal government, by the state involved, and by private
enterprise.
A system of crop insurance for areas of high climatic risk
is recommended by many persons well acquainted with the
problems of these areas. The main purpose of crop insurance
is to minimize the effect of year-to-year fluctuation in weather
upon the individual farmer's income. If the cost of insurance
were to be borne by the general public, in the long run, it
would result in rising land values and rents with little real
gain to the individual farm family. The cost should be borne
by the parcel of land concerned, and reflected in its value.
There is much to be said both for and against a broad per
manent program for the storage of feed grain as an aid to
stabilizing livestock production. Favoring storages is the fact
that feed crop fluctuations translate themselves into ups
and downs in livestock production. However, the danger that
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such storage programs may be used as a device to raise feed
grain prices and thus to build up increasingly large supplies
of grain which overhang the market, is very real. This danger
could be met by conservative storage practices that leaned to
the side of generous current consumption.
Neither crop insurance nor "ever normal granary" pro
grams can be operated without the aid of government. Nor
is it possible to bring safe farming practices within the reach
of two million or more low-income farm families without a
comprehensive public program of technical assistance and
education.
Now just a few observations in conclusion: the immediate
postwar years offer a real opportunity to establish necessary,
forward-looking policies for agriculture. The years of the
depression and the disturbances of World War II should have
taught us something. The problems confronting American
agriculture will not be solved quickly. They are too intimately
a part of the unstable industrial-urban sector of the economy.
Much will be gained, however, if we know more clearly what
the forces are, what we want to do, and what in fact we are
doing.
We have to try to see farming in the right perspective in
our complex modern life. It is impossible to consider agri
culture by itself, the way you can fence off and cultivate an
eighty-acre field. All of our interests are interwoven in a tight,
complicated, fast-moving economy. In the long run, condi
tions under which farmers raise and market their crops will
be greatly influenced if not controlled by developments en
tirely outside of agriculture. Decisions in foreign capitols, in
the houses of Congress, in board rooms of great corporations,
or in labor union halls will help determine whether farmers
suffer or prosper in the years ahead.
If I could be granted the fulfillment of one wish for the
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growth and prosperity of agriculture, it would be this: let non-
agricultural industries and labor find the way to keep working
at full efficiency and capacity, turning out goods and services
that can be absorbed by this country at a high standard of
living — in better homes, equipment, electrification, refrigera
tion, sanitation, clothing, ad infinitum. With steady work and
efficient production, prices could go down without cutting
profits or wages. Real wages would increase, for the laborer
is like the farmer; it isn't the number of dollars, but what he
can buy with his product or his labor, that counts.
Under such conditions, the farmer could produce abun
dantly and still trade on good terms for what the other man
makes; he could prosper at lower price levels. I think that
really is the way out.
You can see generally what I think is ahead of us. I expect
to see prices of farm products work lower as the early post
war demand falls off. I expect this tendency to develop and
continue in spite of any laws now on the books or enacted
later, though we can all be glad that we have legislation aimed
to support farm prices for a limited period while farmers get
their affairs in order. Farm prices may show a tendency to
break before other prices do, because wages and controlled
or managed prices are "sticky." That is why I hope volume
will rise and prices fall in nQn-agricultural lines as soon as
possible. Too much lag would be dangerous.
The increasing productivity per worker in farming which
marks this country's agriculture has resulted because farmers,
year by year, have commanded more and more capital per
worker in the form of machines and land. As one pair of hands
gets more and better tools to work with, their owner manages
more land and works it better; his unit costs go down, and the
farm yields higher returns and a better living per worker.
This trend is going to continue; it is inevitable. It means better
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homes and a better life for those who remain on the farm.
It also raises the question whether the growth of decentralized
industry throughout rural America will be rapid enough to
absorb the workers who, in spite of all that is done to expand
markets and consumption, will be released from the farms as
mechanization proceeds.
Along with some of you, I've gone the full cycle from the
last war to this watching the evolution of farm policy aimed
to provide remedies for farm problems as they unfold. I am
not afraid of the new or the untried, or of government action.
But I know there is no magic. There is no substitute for
efficient production, which can be secured by the intelligent
use of plenty of capital per man in the form of land, tools,
buildings, lime, fertilizers, and livestock. Nothing can take
the place of good management of our soil and water resources.
It will be better to seek high returns per worker through
large-volume, low-cost production, than to try to get the same
high return by means of high prices for scarce, limited pro
duction. But the rest of the economy must play the game
under the same set of rules. This calls for genuine teamwork
of agriculture and labor and business management based, on
the principle that we have to produce something before we
can divide it, and that we have to divide fairly if we are to
keep on producing as we should.
The need is great for policies serving American agriculture
that will be effective, consistent and integrated with our
other national policies. The Research Committee of CED
does not envy you gentlemen your job, but it hopes and be
lieves that your Committee will make a notable contribution
in this direction.
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Research and Policy Committee
RAYMOND RUBICAM PAUL G. HOFFMAN
Chairman PRESIDENT
NEW YORK, NEW YORK THE STUDEBAKER CORPORATION
SOUTH BEND, INDIANA
CHESTER C. DAVIS
JAY C. HORMEL
Vice Chairman
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
PRESIDENT
GEO. A. HORMEL & CO.
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
AUSTIN, MINNESOTA
ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI
ERIC A. JOHNSTON
JOHN D. BIGGERS
PRESIDENT
PRESIDENT MOTION PICTURE ASSOCIATION OF
LIBBEY-OWENS-FORD GLASS COMPANY
AMERICA, INC.
TOLEDO, OHIO WASHINGTON, D. C.
JAMES F. BROWNLEE ERNEST KANZLER
FAIRFIELD, CONNECTICUT CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
GARDNER COWLES UNIVERSAL C.I.T. CREDIT CORPORATION
DETROIT, MICHIGAN
PRESIDENT AND PUBLISHER
DES MOINES REGISTER & TRIBUNE FRED LAZARUS, JR.
DES MOINES, IOWA PRESIDENT
DONALD DAVID FEDERATED DEPARTMENT STORES, INC.
CINCINNATI, OHIO
DEAN
THOMAS B. McCABE
GRADUATE SCHOOL OF BUSINESS
ADMINISTRATION PRESIDENT
HARVARD UNIVERSITY SCOTT PAPER COMPANY
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS CHESTER, PENNSYLVANIA
C. SCOTT FLETCHER FOWLER MCCORMICK
PRESIDENT CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA FILMS INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY
INC. CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS PHILIP D. REED
MARION B. FOLSOM CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
TREASURER GENERAL ELECTRIC COMPANY
EASTMAN KODAK COMPANY NEW YORK, NEW YORK
ROCHESTER, NEW YORK BEARDSLEY RUML
GEORGE L. HARRISON CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
PRESIDENT R. H. MACY & COMPANY, INC.
NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY NEW YORK, NEW YORK
NEW YORK, NEW YORK WAYNE C. TAYLOR
ROBERT HELLER WASHINGTON, D. C.
J. CAMERON THOMSON
PRESIDENT
ROBERT HELLER & ASSOCIATES, INC. PRESIDENT
UNION COMMERCE BUILDING NORTHWEST BANCORPORATION
CLEVELAND, OHIO MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA
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285 Madison Ave., New York 17, N. Y.
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Cite this document
APA
Chester C. Davis (1947, June 6). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19470607_davis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19470607_davis,
author = {Chester C. Davis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1947},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19470607_davis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}