speeches · September 16, 1943
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
ADDRESS BEFORE THE
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORS
OF STATE BANKS
IN CINCINNATI, SEPTEMBER 17, 194?
BY
MARRINER S. ECCLES
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
"THE DUAL SYSTEM OF BANKING"
FOR RELEASE WHEN DELIVERED
AT 2:15
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THE DUAL SYSTEM OF BANKING
When your President, Mr. Perry, wrote to me in July inviting me •
to attend this annual convention of your Association, he told me that he
wished to build the program around this central theme;
“In the wartime and postwar eras, how far, and by what means,
is it desirable or possible to preserve the dual system of banking?”.
That is an important and challenging subject. It implies that
there are two sides to the issue. It implies that you are willing to hear
both sides. I could, of course, be politic and say only what I think you
would prefer to hear, but I doubt that your invitation to me was based upon
the assumption that I would appear here as a champion and defender of the
dual system. On the contrary, I imagine that you expected me to play the
role of the devil’s advocate, though, of course, as I see it, I am on th?
side of the angels. On one thing, however, we can agree. As public officials
responsible for banking regulation, we all want a strong and successful
banking system. It cannot be strong unless it is successful, We all favor
what we believe to be in the public interest. And what, in fact, best serves
the public interest will survive in the long run.
As a one-time banker and then as a sharer of the numerous super
visory headaches with which you are all familiar, I have known a good many
of the State supervisors well and favorably, despite their tendency to
differ with my views. So far as I am aware, I have never succeeded in con
verting any of them to my viewpoint, notwithstanding the cogency of the argu
ments on my side of the case. So I will be neither surprised nor dis
appointed if in this session you are not won over to my side. Nor is there
cause for alarm lest your commissions be swept suddenly away, for this is a
most venerable issue, this question of the dual banking system, and the re
lated issue of branch and unit banks, In all probability we, or our suc
cessors, will still be debating these issues far into the post-war world.
Economic forces and modern needs, rather than what may be said here, will
ultimately determine the character and functions of our banking system,
In what I have to say I can speak only for myself. I am well
aware that the division of opinion on questions of unification and branch
banking extends beyond State boundaries into the Federal banking agencies,
including the Board of which I am but one member. But I am confident that
the cordial and cooperative relationships which have existed between the
Federal Reserve and the State banking authorities will not be marred because
I happen to believe in a unified banking system and in well-regulated branch
banking limited to trade areas.
Our banking structure has had a piecemeal growth throughout our
history. It reflects the cumulative efforts of public authorities. State
and national, to meet recurrent emergencies and to deal with specific
problems and competitive conditions. It has not been developed in accordance
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with any comprehensive plan based on the country's banking needs taken as a
whole. As the country expanded, its need for money and credit grew; In
order to supply those demands, banks were formed in the quickest and easiest
manner possible, with little or no direction or regulation, until abuses
and difficulties arose. We all know that the history of banking in this
country is filled with crises and disasters, with fulminations and fumblings
for reform. What has developed hardly justifies the term "banking system”.
Although we can now have far more confidence in the soundness of our banks
than at any time in the past, further improvements are urgently needed.
They will come about, no doubt, in the future as in the past by gradual
steps. To those who believe, as I do, that it is not in the best interest
of the public or of the private banking system to maintain things as they
are, the process will seem painfully slow.
The first duty of the Government, as I see it, is to create a
climate and a condition conducive to a maximum of sustained private pro
duction and employment. Its next obligation, inescapable in the modern
world, is to provide the opportunity for employment, in a way that will
stimulate and not impede private enterprise, at such times as deflationary
forces endanger economic stability. Conversely, its powers must be used
to offset inflationary developments at the other end of the cycle. In
other words. Government can and should be an economic balance wheel, help
ing to keep the economy going ahead on an even keel.
The most important governmental powers affecting economic sta
bility are fiscal and monetary. Most of us recognize that it is essential
in wartime to have close coordination between Government policies and those
of the banking system. The banking system fully subscribes to the ob
jective of financing war costs, not covered by taxation, by borrowings from
nonbank sources, It is clearly recognized that the banks should finance
only that residue of war costs which cannot, or at least are not, met by
taxing and borrowing from the public. There is general acceptance both of
the policy of maintaining approximately the present pattern of interest
rates and of limiting Government obligations purchased by the banks to
certain types and maturities of issues. Central banking operations have
at the same time supplied the banking system with such additional reserves
as are necessary to effectuate these policies.
Essential as it is in the national interest to have this high
degree of coordination in fiscal and monetary action in wartime, it is
equally important from the standpoint of national economic welfare to con
tinue it in peacetime. Looking to the future, the Federal Government is
destined to play a crucial role in the maintenance of economic stability.
It is difficult to see how its basic functional powers can be effectively
employed to this end so long as the nation’s banking machinery is a hodge
podge of some fifty-two different jurisdictions, laws, and supervisory
agencies, so long as approximately half of the banks of the country are
subject to uniform central banking policy and half are not, so long as
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these multiple agencies, State and Federal, with their differing philoso
phies-, divided and conflicting policies, dominate the banking picture,
ftile coordination is extremely difficult, admirable efforts have been made
in this direction. They are in reality an admission of the need for uni
fication of banking regulation and for clearly fixing responsibility where
those who bear it can ^e effective and be held accountable.
The sovereignty of Government over the nation’s money supply is
beyond challenge. It is clearly recognized and declared by our Constitu
tion. Demand deposits, as you all know, have become in the past sixty
years the major part of our money supply. Control over their expansion
and contraction should reach to all banks that are in a position to create
them. Banking reserves which limit the money supply are thus crucial. It
follows that reserve requirements should be made applicable to all banks
of deposit. It is inequitable as well as ineffective that only the member
banks of the Reserve System are subject to changes in such requirements
while those banks which elect to remain outside the System, or those which
are now members and which choose to withdraw, can escape sharing in what
is a national responsibility.
While it is true that some States voluntarily set the same re
serve requirements for nonmember State banks that are fixed for member
banks, the State banks are permitted to count vault cash and to carry their
reserves as deposits with other commercial banks, This has a very different
monetary effect from carrying these reserves with Federal Reserve Banks. Re
serves carried with Federal Reserve Banks arc entirely unavailable for lend
ing, but only twenty per cent or loss of reserves carried with member banks
are unavailable. This makes for a heavy dilution, but not for effective
control.
Likewise, bank examination policy, with its direct influence upon
bank lending and investment, which are money-creating operations, needs to
be closely coordinated with national monetary policy. Notwithstanding the
degree of coordination sought by the agreement among the three Federal bank
supervisory agencies in 1938 and subscribed to generally by the State
authorities, the result is at best a compromise and not a real solution.
Almost every aspect of banking regulation and supervision is made
more difficult and less effective by the existing structure. I need not re
count to you the innumerable conflicts, discriminations, divided and over
lapping authorities, that characterize the banking picture in this country.
As the Federal Reserve Board declared in its Annual Report for 1938, '’The
banking picture emerges as a crazy quilt of conflicting powers and juris
dictions, of overlapping authorities and gaps in authority, of restrictions
making it difficult for banks to serve their communities and make a living,
and of conditions making it next to impossible for public authorities to
apply adequate restraints at a time and in conditions when this may be in
the public interest.” That report suffices to show the need for modernizing
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and streamlining the banking structure of this country as modern business and
industry in almost every conceivable line of endeavor have been modernized
and streamlined. Attempts at coordination, commendable as they are, reflect,
but are not a practical solution of the problems.
Now all of this, you may say, is just my philosophic approach.
I am trying to sketch it in because it is my basic reason for believing that
the dual bunking system, as now constituted, is outmoded and that economic
forces — not mere debate — will compel its adaptation to the financial
needs of modern economic life.
It is not long ago, as time is measured, that we were pre
dominantly an agricultural nation. Local communities were relatively self
sustaining. Industries were largely locally owned and comparatively small.
As the great railroad systems of the nation developed with the westward
march, new towns and villages sprang up along the way. Each had its local,
more or less self-contained economic life, its stores and its banks. This
was in a day of a relative scarcity of capital. Interest rates were high.
Too often banks took the risks and the losses that should have been borne
by risk capital and not by bunk stockholders and depositors. This era of
rapid, steady expansion faded out with the advent of the large mergers and
consolidations in the industrial world, with the development of modern
transportation and distributive systems. Attempts to halt this march of
progress by anti-trust, anti-chain store legislation or other statutory
pains and penalties have largely been in vain. It requires no gift of
prophecy to foresee that the same economic forces will in time compel the
banking system to follow a parallel pattern.
The answer to the theme question of this session is not hard to
discern as you look back at the fate of thousands upon, thousands of the
small unit banks which once thrived. By 1921 we had more than thirty thousand
commercial banks in this country. More than twenty-two thousand of them were
State banks, while some eight thousand were national banks. As of last June
thirtieth, the number of State banks had shrunk from twenty-two thousand to
about nine thousand, and there were about three thousand fewer national
banks. There has been no banking mortality remotely approaching this sad
record in any other nation on earth. The disappearance of more than thirteen
thousand State banks and three thousand national banks as well — whether it
be through failure, through merger, or through voluntary liquidation -- is
eloquent proof that something was fundamentally wrong with a system that
permitted so large a number even to come into being.
We have expended more in time and money on bank examination and super
vision, conducted by at least 52 separate State and Federal agencies, than any
nation in the world. It involves unnecessary waste of manpower at a time like
this. It did not and could not of itself protect the depositors, stock
holders or customers of the thousands of banks that went to the wall, even
during the so-called prosperous Twenties. Aside from voluntary liquidations
or absorptions, nearly ten thousand State banks, with aggregate deposits of
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close to five billion dollars, folded up in the Twenties and early Thirties.
At the same time more than two thousand national banks, with deposits of
only slightly less than two and a half billions, went to the wall. Most of
these were independent unit banks, Banks that survived the Twenties and
then weathered the economic disaster of the early Thirties were necessarily
the strong and not the weak. What saved them in the end was the avalanche
of money poured out by the Federal Government — the billions in loans and
capital supplied directly to the banks by the RFC and the additional billions
furnished to others through the RFC, the Fam Credit Administration and the
Home Omer’s Loan Corporation, which made it possible to liquidate the frozen
and defaulted credits held by the banking system.
As you in this audience know, bad management and other human de
fects were minor and not major reasons for the epidemic of failures. The
mortality was greatest through the Twenties among the smaller institutions
in the agricultural regions. They were the victims of depressed agri
cultural conditions. Thousands that managed to come through in the country
and in the cities only to succumb in the early Thirties, were likewise
primarily the victims of economic distress and disaster with which they
could not cope individually and from which the most diligent supervisory
and examination policy could not save them. Since the bank holiday, the
rising price level has made good the assets of numerous banks that were
closed then and of many that would not have been reopened had strict ex-
amination policy been uniformly applied. The rising price level, not deposit
insurance, has reduced bank mortality to a minimum.
The record of bank failures in this, the richest country on
earth, might have been much better -- it could hardly have been much worse --
had examination and chartering policy been more restrictive in boom times
and if, especially during depression, runs had been averted by deposit
insurance. However, deposit insurance, which I strongly favored at a time
when most of my banking contemporaries regarded it as a scheme for making
good banking pay for the mistakes of bad banking, cannot cure the basic
weaknesses. The attempt to do so at this stage by making chartering and
examination policy increasingly restrictive, would lead only to depriving
the public of needed banking services in innumerable communities. This,
in turn, would lead to demands upon Government to furnish through its
agencies the credit services that the banks would otherwise supply. It
would mean additional Government encroachment upon the field of private
bunking enterprise.
Even today, during the greatest of all war booms and despite the
enormous growth of deposits, many of the smaller banks are having difficulty
in making a living. It is difficult to attract now capital into the banking
system. Moreover, the process of contraction in number of banks is con
tinuing -- fortunately through voluntary liquidation of existing units un
able to operate successfully, and through mergers and consolidations, rather
than through the disastrous process of failures.
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The solution is not to be found in more and more restrictions
applied to a basically faulty structure. The solution lies in a unified
system with branch banking. We alone among the leading nations have
failed to develop such a system. We alone have deposit insurance. We need
it as long as the basic faults of our banking structure remain uncorrected,
but the need for it would disappear, and bank failures would be as rare in
our country as they are in other great nations, if we would deal with the
causes instead of continuing to deal with the effects of the basic weak
nesses in our system.
Merely to unify the banking system under one regulatory authority
would not be a sufficient remedy. As I have sought to stress, the problem
is basically an economic one. The question is, can the small independent
unit banks expect better earnings in the future? Or, of greater importance,
can they provide their communities with adequate credit facilities and bank
services at costs as low as those prevailing elsewhere? In this vast
country there are many so-called creditor areas which have a surplus of
savings over local credit and investment needs, and others, debtor areas,
where the demand for funds exceeds the local supply. But we have a banking
system which requires for the sake of liquidity that banks in the debtor
areas send funds to the creditor areas, whereas the reverse should be the
case, Farmers and homo owners and small businesses are demanding better and
cheaper credit facilities, while banks in their communities hold idle
balances in large city banks or buy low interest-bearing bonds. But to pro
tect their depositors they cannot afford the risk of having all their assets
invested at home, Is there any wonder that borrowers come to Washington, in
times of business contraction, and ask for now Government credit agencies?
I am opposed to Government subsidized competitive agencies taking away busi
ness from the banks. But is the widespread outcry against farm credit
agencies really bused upon a fear of socialized credit and does it really
attack the cause of the trouble?
These Federal agencies, as has been said, were "born of pitiless
and inexorable necessity" in a time of adversity when the bunks could not
meet desperate agricultural needs, and at the time were welcomed by the
banks as they were by farmers. Many of the credits they extended were not
bankable loans. But even if they could be abolished over the opposition of
organized agriculture today, which I very much doubt, that would hardly
mean the difference between profitable and unprofitable banking operations.
You have only to look at the unprecedented and still growing
volume of bank deposits created as a result of war financing to realize
that relief cannot be expected to come through a rising interest rate
structure after the war. The command over the interest rate structure
which governments have exercised during the war will not, in my opinion,
be relinquished afterward. In view of the huge debt-refunding operations
that the Government will have to carry on and the disruptive effects of a
falling bond market, or, otherwise stated, of a rising interest rate on
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these operations, it is hardly likely that the responsible authorities
would fail to exercise their undoubted powers of control to prevent any
such wide fluctuations in interest rates as would afford the banks a hope
of rising returns from this source.
Moreover, the vast volume of funds that have already come or
will come into existence before the end of the war presents a competitive
situation that is hardly designed to result in increased rates and earnings
by the banks. These deposits are owned by insurance companies, mortgage
companies, finance companies, building and loan associations, business and
industry, as well as by many other potential lenders, individual and
corporate. I have recently seen funds advertized for lending in the mortgage
field for as long as forty years at but four per cent. Banks must face the
necessity of adapting themselves to meet such competition and at the same
time, through diversification and sound management, safeguard the interests
of their depositors and stockholders.
I recognize that a banking structure that may best serve one part
of the country may not be adapted to another part. Generally speaking, in
the Eastern States, where larger diversified banking units predominate and
distances are relatively short, there is no such public need for trade-area
branch banking as is the case in those sections of the country where
distances are great and where the banking units are necessarily smaller and
far less diversified in their lending and investing activities — indeed,
often they are too reliant upon conditions in one or only a few lines of
agriculture or industry.
I have long felt that limited branch banking is the practical
solution of the banking problems confronting those areas where unit banks
cannot succeed. I have never favored nation-wide branch banking, or its
extension over wide areas. I do feel, however, that it should be permitted
within limited trade areas, in no case exceeding the limits of the immediate
area served by the head office or by a branch of a Federal Reserve Bank. I
believe that the independent unit bank should be protected, however, by a
statutory provision prohibiting establishment of any branch in a community
already served by a unit bank or by a branch of another bank. The banking
authorities could, of course, permit establishment of another bank in a
community if the need for it existed, but under the provision I have in
mind, a branch could only come into the community by acquiring a unit bank
which had been in existence for at least five years. Such an acquisition
would have to have the consent of the bank supervisory authorities in order
to prevent monopolistic tendencies. Under such provisions, a market would
bo provided for the stock of a unit bank in case the stockholders desired to
sell because of unprofitable operations or for any other reason. At present
the owners of the smaller unit banks are greatly handicapped in having no
opportunity, in most cases, to dispose of their investment, if they wish to
do so, at anything like a satisfactory price.
The smaller unit banks face many difficulties and disadvantages as
compared with branch banks. The smaller units are so limited in their lend-
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ing capacity that more and more, as business, industrial and agricultural
enterprises have enlarged, they have had to turn to the banks with large
resources for their financial requirements. The smaller units do not have
the opportunities afforded the larger institutions to diversify their lend
ing operations and thus spread the risks. They cannot afford to employ the
specialized management in the various lines of lending and investing activity
that can be employed by the larger banks. They are not able to offer the
variety of credit and other services, and they lack stability and continuity
in management, as compared with larger banks with branches. Accordingly, I
see in a branch banking set-up such as I have outlined a practical and
logical solution of the problem, both from the standpoint of providing
needed banking services for the public in many communities and from the
standpoint of the interest of the unit banks themselves.
The present branch banking laws discriminate unfairly against
national banks. While Federal law permits a national bank to have branches
in those States where State law permits branch banking, the Federal law re
quires the some capitalization for each branch of a national bank as for
establishment of a new national bank. Most State laws impose no such capital
requirements. If both State and national bunks wore put on an equal footing
with respect to branches and the independent unit banks wore protected as I
have suggested, it seems to me that it would be in the interest of all con
cerned.
The public interest and public needs will, I am confident,
determine in the end the pattern that will be followed. It is not the
public which has opposed branch banking. As Senator Glass said when the
subject was being debated in the Senate some years ago -- and he has had
more legislative experience with banking problems than any man in public
life in our times —
"The plea against branch banking comes from bankers and not
from people who transact business, not from people who want to
borrow money, not from people who want to buy credit. It comes
from bankers who want to exclude from their peculiar communities
anybody else who wants to sell credit."
And you will perhaps pardon me if I recall to your mind that the same
Senator is the author of the statement that "the curse of the banking busi
ness of this country is the dual system”.
Now, I have not advocated abolishing State chartering and super
vision because I have felt, or at least hoped, that a sufficient degree of
unified policy and action could be brought about, short of so drastic a
change, by requiring that State banks, like national bunks, bo members of
the Federal Reserve System, by a consolidation of Federal regulatory and
supervisory authorities, and by development of branch banking as I have
indicated, Nevertheless, I must confess that the cold logic of the situa
tion calls for the more drastic readjustment to modern conditions.
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In the earlier days of the Republic when State banks were em
powered to issue currency, there was a reason for State chartering and
supervision that ceased to exist when State bank notes were taxed out of
existence. In the light of the clearly recognised sovereignty of the
Federal Government over the issuance of currency, the logic of the case
calls equally for ending State authority to charter banks which, in turn,
while they no longer issue currency, can create bank credit that has so
largely supplanted currency as the country’s chief medium of exchange.
As Professor Westerfield of Yale has pointed out:
"It has been seriously argued that the Constitution not
merely permits but requires that the power of the states to
charter commercial banks be abolished and control of commercial
banking be exercised by the federal government alone, because
the Constitution expressly gives Congress control of the
monetary system and forbids interference with it by the states,
and commercial bank deposits are the principal element of the
monetary system.”
Having a regard for the antiquity of this issue of the dual sys
tem and the controversy which has raged about the subject for so many
generations, I have perhaps been more prudent than logical in stopping
short of advocating that you gentlemen be legislated out of your present
occupations -- but a long line of eminent authorities, who could hardly
be charged with indifference to State Rights, have not stopped short.
Senator Sherman, of Ohio, that distinguished leader in establishment of
the national banking system, concluded nearly eighty years ago that, and
I quote, "The whole system of state banks, however carefully guarded, was
both unconstitutional and inexpedient and ought to be overthrown".
Daniel Webster, speaking in the Senate on the subject of State
bank circulation, said:
"I confess, Mr, President, that the more I reflect upon this
subject, the more clearly does my mind approach the conclusion
that the creation of state banks, for the purpose and with the
power of circulating paper, is not consistent with the grants and
prohibitions of the Constitution.”
Even so ardent a champion of State Rights as Thomas Jefferson
wrote in 1814 that, "The state legislatures should be immediately urged
to relinquish the right of establishing banks of discount”.
My own approach and viewpoint were well expressed by an editorial
in the New York Times of July 25, 1936, emphasizing the fact that ”an
obvious and pressing need" for fundamental banking reform still existed.
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"If the experience of the depression years showed anything," this edi
torial continued, "it showed the glaring weaknesses inherent in a bank
ing system which is conducted under no loss than fifty different sets of
Federal and local regulations, with many communities denied by law the
services of banking institutions equipped with adequate financial resources.
The remedies for these weaknesses are unified regulation obtained through
membership of all banks in the Federal Reserve System and an extension of
the practice of sound branch banking."
You will not, I trust, accuse me of radicalism or of favoring
bureaucracy because I find myself allied in my thinking with so many
others who, down through the years, have shared my general viewpoint;
some, like Jefferson, being much more drastic than I have been. And you
will not, I trust, think that I have any less desire to work cooperatively,
closely, and in harmony with you to make the best of our present situation
just because I believe that time and economic progress will ultimately
bring fundamental changes in the banking structure. I do not care what
system, whether dual or unified, prevails, or how many banking authorities
there are, if the system, whatever it may be, best serves the public
interest and preserves private banking in this nation.
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1943, September 16). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19430917_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19430917_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1943},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19430917_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}