speeches · October 13, 1941
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
Z-594
Address of
MARRINER S. ECCLES
Chairman of the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System
before the luncheon meeting
of the
National Tax Association
at the
University of Minnesota
Tuesday, October 14, 1941
For immediate release
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It has not been my privilege heretofore to speak before an
audience of tax authorities. While I am grateful to the National Tax
Association for inviting me, I am merely a banker and business man
and I stand in awe of the tax expert. I have glanced over the record
of some of your past proceedings and I am impressed by the breadth and
scope of your deliberations and by the learning displayed by your
speakers. Bile I cannot hope to add to your technical enlightenment,
I am venturing to outline to you some of the broader national aspects
of taxation in relation to fiscal and monetary action that, in my judgment,
are of the greatest importance to this country now and in the future. In
what I have to say I arc, of course, speaking only for myself.
For a long time I have been interested in making fiscal pol
icy play its proper part in a broad program for maintaining that orderly
economic progress that ought to go step by step with the steady growth
in our human resources and in our technical knowledge. Except during
major wars, our State and local governments have until recently been
much more important from the financial point of view than the Federal
Government. Although Federal revenues and expenditures have greatly
expanded during the past decade, it is only since the beginning of the
defense program that Federal expenditures have begun to exceed aggre
gate State and local expenditures. It is only in the current fiscal
year that Federal taxes will exceed aggregate State and local taxes.
No one who is interested in a more intelligently planned fiscal policy
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for the nation as a whole can fail to take account of the financial
problems of our State and local units of Government, and of the vast
complex of taxing jurisdictions numbering more than 175,000.
The principles that should govern present policy are simple.
If we are to attain the broad objectives of our present national policy,
expenditures for defense must absorb an increasingly large proportion
of our national income. This general policy is, of course, easy to
state, but difficult to apply. Our people—business men, labor, farm
ers—arc still thinking mainly in terms of the profits they hope to
make rather than of the sacrifices which will be required of all groups
of our population. As yet our standard of living has not suffered and
relatively few dislocations have resulted. In some localities where
there have teen sudden large increases in population due to the expan
sion in defense industry, the strain of providing adequate public serv
ices is severe, but in general State and local revenues are exceeding
budgetary expectations and relief rolls are diminishing. The tempta
tion is strong to expand Government services and get rid of unpopular
taxes. Sound public policy requires that both of these temptations be
resisted. Public works not directly connected with defense, no matter
how meritorious on general grounds, should be postponed until after the
emergency has passed and we can once more afford to devote our men and
materials to raising the standard of living of our citizens. I cannot
agree with the superficially logical view that State and local taxes
should be reduced in order to make it easier for taxpayers to bear the
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burden of increased Federal taxes. It. is natural for taxpayers to at-
tempt to avoid a reduction in their standard of living, but taxes will
not serve the essential purpose of helping to divert resources to de
fense production unless consumer expenditures are sharply reduced.
State and local government should decrease expenditures. They
should not reduce existing tax rates and they should devote surplus rev
enue to the repayment of debt. This would be anti-inflationary, in
harmony with governmental policy. In commenting upon the regulation
recently issued by the Board of Governors to dampen consumer instalment
credit, I emphasised the importance of the repayment of debt by individ
uals:
"When incomes are at high levels, that is the
time when people should reduce their debts or get
out of debt. Our people cannot spend their in
creased incomes and go into debt for more and more
things today without precipitating a price infla
tion that would recoil ruinously upon all of us...
By deferring civilian demand at this time, we can
help avoid inflation, we can aid in defense, and
we can store up a backlog of buying power that will
help offset a post-defense slump."
Repayment of debt by State and local governments is equally important
at this time.
Looking ahead, however, to the post-defense period, the prob
lems that we will then be facing will be the same in their essential
nature as those that confronted us during the 30’s and for which we suc
ceeded in finding only a partial solution until the beginning of large-
scale expenditures under the defense program. They are the problems of
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poverty in the midst of plenty; of the capacity to produce outrunning
the power to purchase and consume; of millions of able-bodied and
skilled workers without employment; of idle plants and factories. let,
if we have the will, we know the way to meet those problems. We have
before our eyes a conclusive demonstration of the way in which vigorous
and determined action by Government can transform a situation of general
overabundance to a situation of general scarcity within the space of
a few months.
The general problem of finding a market for the products of
farms and mines and factories that is large enough and stable enough to
provide steady employment for all who wish to work is one that confronts
all the industrial countries of the modern world. In the United States
this problem is complicated by the great size of our country and the di
versity of our economic activities. In those parts of the country that
were settled earliest, wealth has accumulated and from the very begin
ning of our economic history accumulated wealth in those areas has sought
and found an outlet for investment in the development of the resources
of the frontier regions that were one by one opened up to settlement.
Year after year this process continued. The result has been a vast ag
gregation of obligations which the citizens of areas that offered oppor
tunity for investment owed to citizens of areas that had capital seeking in
vestment. Those obligations took various forms: mortgages on urban residen
tial and business properties and on farms, the securities, both stocks
and bonds, of mines, public utilities, and other business enterprises, and
the obligations of State and local governments. As the loans and invest-
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ments grew, the volume of interest, dividends, rents and amortization
payments also grew. Debt payments had to be maintained both in times
when prices for the produce of debtor areas were high and markets were
large and in times when prices were low and markets were restricted.
In general, the creditor areas are also centers of manufactur
ing, that must look for a market not only to their own citizens but to
the country as a whole. The maintenance of economic balance in the
country as a whole requires that citizens of debtor areas have enough
money income both to maintain interest, amortization and other payments
on their obligations to investors in the creditor areas and to maintain
at a high level their purchases of the output of the factories of the
creditor areas. They must maintain their standing both as good credit
risks and as good customers. This healthy state of national economic
balance is continually being upset by forces that are entirely outside
the control of the States or of the individual businessman and the indi
vidual worker. The result is recurrent periods of breakdown and distress
bankruptcy in debtor areas, idle factories in creditor areas and wide
spread unemployment and hardship in the country as a whole. There is no
essential difference between this situation and that resulting from in
ternational debts. Both are, in essence, exchange problems. By tariffs,
quotas, exchange restrictions, or even by resort to more punitive steps
of a military or economic nature, including expropriation, nations
attempt to redress the situation. The Federal Government alone can
remedy this condition among the States—and taxation is one of the most
effective means. Through that medium
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funds which the creditor areas drain out of debtor areas through in
terest, dividends and rents, as well as payments on debt, can be kept
flowing back to sustain employment, to keep mines and factories in the
debtor areas operating and continuing to yield returns to the creditor
areas. I realize that the creditor States complain about paying more
in taxes in proportion to what they get back from the Federal Govern-
ment than do the debtor States. But that is a short-sighted attitude
which fails to comprehend that in no other way can the debtor areas
continue to yield returns to the creditor areas. I recognize also
that the Federal form of government does not adapt itself easily to
a centralized and coordinated attack upon problems that must be dealt
with as national problems if they are to be dealt with at all.
The problem of maintaining the standing of our citizens as
both good credit risks and good customers is basically one of maintain
ing the national income at levels which represent the fullest possible
utilization of our labor supply and other economic resources. Debts
which can be easily carried and paid off when the national income is
stable or steadily growing become insupportable when income falls.
Defaults and bankruptcies used to be the accepted methods of dealing
with these difficulties. But such methods are crude and unsatisfactory
both in terms of economic values and human values. During the depres
sion we developed better methods by attacking the problem from both
ends, by seeking to restore incomes and by adjusting debts of farmers
and home owners through the Farm Credit Administration and the Home
Owners’ Loan Corporation.
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In the future, the most important safeguard against the
danger of a relapse into the intolerable conditions of the early 30’s
will be a long-run plan for public investment, adapted to the differ
ing needs and conditions of our different geographical areas. So far
as possible, this should take the form of productive public works and
expenditures not only to improve the basic conditions which are re
sponsible for keeping the standards of living in some of our States
lower than in others, but also to raise the standard of living par
ticularly in the lower income groups wherever they may be. Productive
public investment, which should be noncompetitive with private enter
prise, means not only roads, public buildings, subsidized housing,
bridges, dams and irrigation projects; it also means better education
and a higher level of public health and nutrition. The fact that so
many of our young men called up for military service were shown on
medical examination to be physically unfit is a shameful revelation
of our neglect, as a democracy, to deal with national health and nutri
tion problems.
We will also need to extend and to make more uniform as
between citizens living in different States the system of social se
curity benefits. This mechanism is ideally suited to use as an anti-
inflationary measure in times like the present and an anti-deflationary
measure in periods such as we may have when the defense effort is over.
This is the time to build up a reserve by increasing the taxes both for
old age and unemployment, decreasing the taxes and drawing on the
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reserve as unemployment develops. And to insure that increased current
revenues will be followed by an appropriate flow of outpayments when
they are needed to combat the deflationary forces of the post-defense
period, the old-age insurance system should be converted from its
present contributory basis to a system that frankly recognizes and
meets the national obligation to provide a minimum of support for all
of our needy aged. We should give everyone reaching the age of 65 a
minimum of $30 a month, regardless of the amount of his contribution
to the system. Variations in payments to meet local conditions should
be made possible by Federal grants matching additional payments made by
the States up to $10 a month, thus enabling maximum payments of $50 a
month. The Federal Government should recapture, by means of the income
tax, payments of this type in excess of amounts needed by the aged to
bring their total income up to a level representing a minimum standard
of comfort. Such a revision would do away with the present complicated
set of rules governing benefits; it would completely remove the cost
of old-age pensions from the budgets of our less wealthy States; and it
would make the support of the aged a national responsibility, as it
should be. I also think it essential to nationalise the unemployment
insurance program extending the coverage to all workers and increasing
the benefits both as to amount and time, increasing the rates and pro
viding that employees contribute 50% of the tax and that it be uniform
as to industries.
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If we are to be successful in the objective of creating a high
and steadily increasing demand for the products of industry after the
defense period, we must adopt a progressive tax system bearing heavily
upon savings concentrated in creditor areas and lightly upon the great
mass of families of the low income groups. This means that we must
get rid of, or at least check the growth of the sort of taxes to
which our States have unfortunately been forced to resort more and
more in recent years. I am referring to the general sales taxes and
the taxes on gasoline, tobacco, and other articles of mass consumption.
These have taken on increasing importance in State tax structures in
recent years as a consequence of the
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inadequacy of the general property tax and the pressure to find funds
to finance relief and other welfare expenditures. Although these
taxes were enacted with the commendable motive of preserving the sol
vency and credit standing of our State and local governments, they
had an unfortunate effect upon the level of activity in the economy
as a whole and were among the factors that made national recovery
slow and incomplete until the beginning of the defense program. Their
effectiveness as revenue producers is largely attributable to the fact
that the Federal Government continued on a deficit basis throughout
almost the whole of this period and thereby provided the stimulus for
expansion of the consumer expenditures upon which these taxes were levied.
If we are to make progressive taxes the major element of our
national tax structure, however, it will not be possible to continue
the present system of having both the States and the Federal Government
levy taxes on corporate and individual incomes and transfers at death.
Increases in the rates of these taxes sufficient to make them contribute a
major share of total governmental revenues over the long run would so
intensify the existing difficulties that some change in the present chaotic
system would be unavoidable. Citizens and corporations in some jurisdic
tions are lightly taxed because of a fixed policy in their States to com
pete for the domicile of corporations and persons of wealth. In other
States they are heavily taxed because their States have taken the
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leadership in the use of progressive taxes. It has long been rec
ognized that uniformity and equity can be attained only by making
the total tax levied on income and on gifts and bequests a matter
for Federal control. This might be done along the lines suggest
ed to you by Mayor LaGuardia at your conference last year, by the
device of allowing a limited tax credit against Federal taxes for
State taxes of similar type. We have already adopted this device
for purposes of the Federal estate tax and the Federal unemploy
ment condensation tax and we have seen that it. does give a power
ful incentive to the several States to enact and collect a tax of
a particular type, when they are led to do so by the knowledge
that the revenue will go to the Federal Government unless they
take appropriate action. However, while this device creates a
presumption that a State will levy taxes only up to the amount of
the Federal tax credit allowed, it does not guarantee the taxpay
er against the possibility that a State government hard pressed
for revenue may not go considerably beyond this limit and it docs
not eliminate the possibility that the same income or the same
transfer of property at death will be taxed by more than one State.
In the end the only thoroughgoing cure for these difficulties lies
in a drastic reallocation of taxing powers between the States and
the Federal Government. Such an allocation would, involve restrict
ing the right to levy taxes on income, gifts and bequests wholly
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to the Federal Government with redistribution of a share of the
revenue from these sources to the States. I know how controver
sial this subject is but I think we will have to face, quite
frankly, the implication that State revenues will tend to consist
more and more of taxes shared with the Federal Government and of
grants from the Federal Government, which already make up about
14 per cent of State revenues. The real question is how to re
tain the valuable elements of local initiative, local control
over governmental services and adaptation of services to the dif
fering needs and conditions of differing areas. We have had enough
experience with Federal grants and with Federal direct expenditure
programs during the depression to know that this problem is not in
soluble. We should continue to follow the broad policy that has
grown out of these activities of leaving responsibility for initi
ative as to the type of activity to be undertaken in the hands of
State and local government, to leave, wherever possible, the de
tailed administration in their hands and to provide for Federal
supervision only to the extent necessary to insure that funds are
wisely, prudently and honestly used. In a program of the magni
tude and novelty that characterized Federal spending for recovery,
it is not surprising that there were mistakes but the failures as
well as the successes of this period of experiment provide a valu
able basis for the wise planning of the future.
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I have outlined in a general way some of the main considera
tions that I think should apply in shaping taxation policy to the needs
of the defense and post-defense periods. Let me add, however, that all
I have said is based upon my profound conviction that we must make de
mocracy function more effectively in the future than in the past—and
that this can be done by democratic processes and methods, primarily by
use of the Government’s broad functional powers of control. Fiscal and
monetary action, properly used, can go far towards correcting the basic
causes of economic breakdown. Those over-all, functional powers—of
which taxation is the most potent single instrument—need to be supple
mented by some direct controls at all times, particularly in a time like
the present when we have acute shortages of strategic materials. How
ever, the more wisely and effectively over-all controls are applied, the
less will be the area in which there will be need for direct measures.
In the past, we have been slow, often too slow, to recognize
changed conditions and to adapt our system to them. We have too often
tolerated poverty while we failed to recognize that the proper function of
the democratic system is dynamic, not static. Too often what we have
thought of as our rights were wrongs for great numbers of our fellow citi
zens. We can—we must preserve our Constitutional guarantees—freedom of
enterprise and initiative, subject only to such limitations and restraints
as are necessary to protect the public interest. But we must recognize
that the right to work must be coupled with the opportunity to work.
Freedom of speech, freedom to worship as we will, freedom of the press,
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all of our cherished liberties are of cold comfort to the destitute.
There is no reason, except wilful blindness, why we cannot make our
system function far better than it ever has before by guaranteeing
that no willing, able-bodied worker shall lack for employment and that
the aged shall not be in abject want.
I grow impatient—for events move swiftly in the world today—
with those in your field and mine who say that fiscal and monetary pol
icies suitable for the past are necessarily appropriate today. It is
surprising how many who should know better, who should have learned from
the experience of the past decade, still hold that taxation should be
based exclusively on considerations of the need for raising revenue,
without regard for the social and economic necessities that only the
tax instrument can be adapted to meet, if intelligently used by Govern
ment.
I recognize fully that in the day when we had a scarcity of
capital, when new capital accumulations more or less automatically
flowed into new production, it was wise public policy to have taxation
contribute so far as possible to capital formation. All that we could
amass at home and billions more that we borrowed from abroad went into
the rapid expansion of the nation across the face of this continent.
But I deny that in a day when capital is over-abundant in relation to
the outlets for its private investment it is still wise public policy
to encourage its accumulation in stagnant pools. Rather I have favored
during the decade of the 30’s tax policies that tended to maintain the
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flow of purchasing power in the economy by forcing idle funds back
into the circulation stream. That is a departure from the older ortho
doxy, to be sure, but it involves no loss of fundamental liberties. It
is no threat to democratic institutions. Rather, it is absolutely es
sential for their preservation. Similarly, I have favored the appropriate
accompanying monetary policies. Thus during the depression, I favored
making the supply of money abundant and interest rates low in order to
create an anti-deflationary climate which would be favorable for recovery
provided positive action were taken at the same time in the fiscal field.
By the same reasoning, I favor such anti-inflationary fiscal and monetary
policies as are possible at this time, when the economy has moved rapidly
towards full production and employment, under the stimulus of large de
fense expenditures.
In the day of capital scarcity, in the day when the gold stand
ard prevailed for most of the world, even though it was never the unman
aged mechanism pictured by its most ardent champions, there may have been
logic in relegating taxation to the role of revenue only, and in putting
some reliance upon the interest rate as a regulator of economic excesses.
But the late 20’s disabused our minds of the notion that a high interest
rate could curb speculation. The early 30’s should have taught us that
a negative fiscal policy was both economically and politically untenable.
The later 30’s should have demonstrated to us convincingly that a more
positive policy, even though halting and hampered by widespread resist—
ance, can have the most powerful effect in economic restoration. And the
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present period is giving us irrefutable proof of the degree to which a
vastly expanded, positive policy called forth by national peril rather
than by deliberate choice, can swiftly transform the economy from under
employment to boom conditions. Unhappily, the boom conditions are
largely concentrated in the industrial sectors of the economy in the
production of the things of war instead of the things of peace that im
prove our standards of living. The logic of having taxation play a pas
sive, neutral role in times past, and of having monetary policy responsive
to international gold movements, rather than subject to national direc
tion and control, is no longer valid in the world of today. Rather, the
respective spheres of fiscal and monetary policy are reversed. Fiscal
policy has assumed the greatest importance as a democratic instrument
of economic action, while monetary policy assumes a secondary place.
Both must be coordinated by deliberate action.
Even a cursory review of the economic history of the last
dozen years indicates not only that democratic nations must and can
without sacrifice of any fundamental principles use the functional
Government controls of fiscal and monetary action, but that no other
rational choice is open to those who profess to be in favor of preserv
ing our institutions. The question is no longer whether such functional
powers should be turned deliberatly to helping us solve our economic pro
blems, but whether we can so organize and coordinate our democratic proc
esses, that the necessary flexibility and administrative discretion will
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be afforded to achieve the best results. I am aware of the difficulties.
They are inherent in established legislative processes, and the division
of powers. They are present, particularly, in the relationship between
the Federal Government and the States.
We have not made much progress towards simplification so far,
but the time has come when we can no longer continue to tolerate this
chaos. For the fact is that with the increasing assumption by modem
governments of social and economic responsibilities, in the light of the
increasingly important role that governments play in affecting economic
conditions, what may have been an endurable conflict in the highly im
portant fields of taxation is now too serious, too much of a limitation
upon necessary democratic action, to ignore.
It is not necessary, before this audience, to stress the point
that there can be no consistency or continuity of national economic pol-
icy, it can have no adequate flexibility, if it must be exercised in con-
flict rather than in harmony with the States. Manifestly if the Federal
Government is to be effective in using its powers to dampen inflation
ary tendencies, State policies must, on the whole, be aimed in the same
direction. In the post-defense era, Federal action to offset a slump
will be ineffective to the extent that the States are not prepared to act
in concert with Government policy.
In brief, monetary policy should be the servant, not the master,
in the economy. We should rely heavily upon fiscal policy, its timing
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and application, as a stabilizing factor and as a motivating force without
which monetary policy alone is ineffective. We should utilize and co
ordinate these over-all. instruments of public policy, not only because
of their demonstrated effectiveness, but because they are the only logical
alternatives to a no longer possible laissez faire, on the one hand, and
a regimented, policed economy, of fascist character, on the other. There
is no reason why we cannot learn to use them more intelligently in the
future than we have in the past, recognizing always that these and other
functional controls are at best supplemental to the main driving force
of private enterprise. There is no reason why democratic processes cannot
be adapted, and every reason why they should be adapted to using these
instruments of economic influence to the fullest, not only in the defense
period but in the future when the economic problems of a world at peace
will ironically be even more difficult to deal with than the economic
problems of a world at war.
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1941, October 13). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19411014_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19411014_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1941},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19411014_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}