speeches · September 28, 1941
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
R-895
BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
STATEMENT FOR THE PRESS
For immediate release September 29, 1941
Statement of Marriner S. Eccles, Chairman of the Board
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, before the Banking
and Currency Committee of the House, September 29, 1941, with
reference to the Price Control Bill.
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R-895
Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee: In appearing here
today at the Committee's request, I should like to make a brief state
ment of my personal views as to the part that price control has to play
in any adequate Government program for dealing with price inflation, I
have not had an opportunity to prepare a comprehensive statement cover
ing the many aspects of this important subject but on various occasions
I have undertaken to set forth my own views on the problems of combating
inflation as well as deflation, and this Committee, both in these hear
ings and in the past, has already covered so much of the ground that it
is not necessary to take your time in traversing it again, Such aspects
of the subject as you may wish to have me discuss can be brought out in
your questions.
It is desirable from my standpoint, however, to outline brief
ly the framework as I see it, into which the pending bill fits as a part
of a broad, integrated Government program to deal with inflation, You
are all aware that price inflation threatens to develop with accelerat
ing rapidity because our vast defense expenditures are putting buying
power into the hands of the public at a faster rate than goods can be
turned out to satisfy both the increasing civilian demand as well as
our expanding defense requirements. We know that this condition is bound
to become increasingly acute as more and more of our productive capacity
is devoted, as it must be, to supplying defense rather than civilian re
quirements. There is no need to remind this Committee of the consequences
of an uncontrolled inflation. You are fully cognizant of its ruinous
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effects upon the entire economy and particularly upon labor, the farm
ers and the great mass of our working population. Nor is it necessary
to emphasize to you that the first line of attack upon the problem is
to increase production to the greatest possible extent.
That is why it is so urgent, in the national interest, that
we utilize all of our productive machinery, the smallest as well as the
largest units, and all of our available man power in producing continu
ously first for defense, because oar national safety depends upon it,
and secondarily for civilian needs. For this reason industrial strife,
and the attempt to settle disputes by the methods of lockouts and strikes,
are intolerable in times of national peril.
Yet we know that successful as we may be in using our produc
tive resources fully, acute shortages of civilian goods are inevitable
in more and more lines. We have already encountered scarcities of many
basic metals and other strategic materials, and we have not yet begun to
feel the pinch. Beyond a point we cannot produce more and more goods
both for defense and for civilian consumption. Our national security
requires that our civilian population forego at this time many goods
that, however desirable, are not essential. Fortunately our abundance
of the necessities of life is so great that our people are not obliged,
like our Allies and their enemies, to go on food and clothing rations.
Nevertheless we have got to get along with fewer durable consumers’ goods
that use materials essential for defense. We have got to realise, far
more than we do as yet, that we must be prepared to postpone buying of
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civilian goods which cannot be produced in sufficient quantity at this
time to meet the rising demand. When the emergency is over and produc
tion can again be turned to supplying civilian wants the deferred demand
will be an important factor in offsetting a post-defense slump.
For the present, however, the most important aim of public pol
icy on the economic front, next to procuring maximum production, is to
dampen civilian demand for goods which cannot be produced in sufficient
quantities. We cannot leave this to chance or to voluntary action on the
part of the buying public. The inescapable result of letting the situa
tion take care of itself would be a price inflation of staggering propor
tions and demoralizing effects upon our economic system. The situation
can only be dealt with effectively by a coordinated and comprehensive
series of Government measures of which the bill you are considering is
an essential, integral part.
The means available to the Government for dealing with the prob
lem fall into two broad categories—general over-all or broad functional
controls on the one hand and selective controls on the other. Taxation,
fiscal and monetary policy belong in the category of over-all, functional
controls. Price-fixing, priorities, regulation of consumer credit, are
necessary, supplemental controls that are selective in character.
It has been my view for a good many years that in formulating
and carrying out Government economic policy to deal with either infla
tion or deflation we should rely first of all upon the broad, over-all
functional controls. They operate on the economy as a whole, indirectly
rather than directly; they are in keeping with democratic processes and
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give private enterprise and initiative the fullest possible scope con
sistent with the general welfare; they serve to create a climate favor
able or unfavorable, as conditions may require, for expansion or con
traction. They are our main reliance now, and I believe properly so.
But they are not enough. They need to be supplemented by such direct
measures as are necessary to reach conditions arising from shortages.
The pending bill is the most important measure of direct control, and
should in my judgment be sufficiently broad and flexible to allow for
wide administrative discretion in dealing with future contingencies.
The point that I desire to emphasize, however, is that the
economic area to which we must apply direct controls depends in large
part upon how promptly and effectively we use the functional measures
to draw off buying power—and at the same time help pay for defense. If
Congress fails to enact adequate tax legislation, particularly corporate
and individual income taxes, as well as excise taxes on scarcity goods;
if we leave the credit doors wide open, so that bank credit and consumer
credit continue to expand, if our people indulge in buying sprees instead
of conserving their funds—and there is no better way than by subscrib
ing to defense bonds—then the only alternative is to widen continually
the area to which direct controls must be applied if we are to avoid a
ruinous inflation. Such controls as are proposed in the bill before you
are vitally necessary to reach scarcity conditions, if prices of civilian
goods and the costs of defense are to be held within reasonable bounds.
I am fully in accord with the objectives of taxation policy
which the Secretary of the Treasury declared when he presented his tax
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program to Congress; I believe that the Government program for dealing
with inflation approaches the problem from the right end—though we
have done too little too late so far. I do not believe that we should
approach the problem from the other end by blanketing the economy with
direct controls, first, and applying over-all, functional controls sec
ondarily. I see no good reason for attempting the impossible task of
repealing the law of supply and demand altogether, of undertaking to
police not merely those prices which have to be policed because of
scarcities but all prices, the bulk of which do not need to be policed.
I would leave the problem of how far price control should go in the
hands of one administrator, giving him ample jurisdiction and discre
tion.
Whether or not you include within the terms of this bill a
declaration of policy or discretion to deal with labor and farm prices,
the fact is that you cannot leave wages and salaries which are the main
factor in prices to rise indiscriminately and be realistic about pre
venting inflation. You cannot, in my judgment, realistically put a high-
level floor under farm prices and no ceiling.
The bill before you should be promptly enacted.
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1941, September 28). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410929_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19410929_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1941},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410929_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}