speeches · May 13, 1941
Speech
Chester C. Davis · Governor
NATIONAL DEFENSE
Address Of
Chester C. Davis
President of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
Before the 50th annual convention of the
Missouri Bankers' Association
Elms, Hotel, Excelsior Springs, r*i>souri
Wednesday Morning, May ]•"«. ±941,
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NATIONAL DEFENSE
This convention closes under conditions vastly different
from those we conceived to exist even as late as one yea rago*
To an increasing extent during the last 12 months, the pattern
of our lives has been shaped by happenings abroad. You have
assembled here for your 50th annual gathering with the old world
falling into pieces about you* Even from our comparatively safe
vantage point 4,000 miles away from the actual scene where so-called
civilization is tearing itself to shreds, the outlook is unspeakably
grim.
The United States is not escaping and cannot hope to escape
the profound consequences in our way of life which must follow
chaos abroad, Not in our time will the old habits of thought and
action return to serve us.
Nothing will serve more vividly to stamp on our minds the
incredible world-shfeking events that have occurred since the last
meeting of the Missouri Bankers* Association here in Excelsior-
Springs, than to look back upon what was happening on those days
from May 6th to May 8th in 1940.
The big European stories in the papers as your 1940 convention
assembled were the disquieting progress of the German campaign in
Norway, and the debate in the House of Commons over England1s
conduct of her end of the war. On the last day of the convention
the vote of confidence in the Chamberlain government passed the
House by 281 to 200. You had all returned home before that morning
on May 10 when, without warning, the Nazis struck deep into Holland,
Belgium and Luxembourg. No one dreamed that in little over a month
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German troops could occupy Paris.
One year ago we were certain of many things. In fact, we
knew too many things that weren,Jo true. Since then the keystone
of our thinking on international affairs has dissolved. That was
our conviction that a nation which minded its own business and
respected the rights of its neighbors would be left free to develop
its way of life in its own sphere.
That rule hasn't worked in Europe and Asia. Few can be found
today who are certain that it will continue to work here. On the
contrary, another rule is proclaimed and is being demonstrated.
In it force and power are all that count — and the demonstration
hasn*t been ended yet. There is no limit to it except the limit
imposed by fear of another and a greater force.
Wealth and resources, mountains of gold and millions of acres
of factories, are not power in the equation that is knoxvn over
three-quarters of the world today. They can be organized into
power; until then they are just bait.
Vie can honestly disagree over the likelihood of serious
military war being launched against the United States at home from
either Europe or Asia; but we cannot disagree with the proposition
that the likelihood recedes as our armament advances.
This is a new concept for many of us. At home we common
everyday men and women are confused and baffled. Many of us are
gripped by a growing pessimism as to man!s ability to run the machine
he has created. Our individual troubles are coming to seem petty
to us, compared v/ith the collossal horror that is astride the world.
Its swift growth did more than blot out the peaceful Scandinavian
democracies and the well-ordered life of the Low Countries. It
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inevitably has changed the pattern of our own life now and for the
future.
As a nation we are an important part of a world at war and
it isn't the old kind of war which the world has always known,
either. Modern war as dictators have shaped it is incredible in
its speed, range, destructivity, malignancy and totality. That
last v/ord is the one I want to fix in your minds. In this country
we haven't yet even glimpsed what total organization for war
means. But we will be compelled to understand it and to match it
if democracies are to compete at 7/ar with dictatorships, and if
we are to perform successfully the role of arsenal for democracies
we are assuming.
Total war as dictators wage it subordinates or eliminates
every other aim, interest, and consideration than the one goal of
complete victory over present and potential eneraj.es of their regime.
There is much in that concept which democracy unconditionally
rejects. But it grows increasingly apparent that we cannot now
fashion to our heart's desire the world we live in. Ytfe face a grim
challenge, not of our own choosing. Can we mobilize our vast
potential industrial strength promptly and on sufficient scale,
and at the same time preserve the essentials of a democratic way
of life?
Obviously we cannot do it while preserving unimpaired all the
privileges and immunities we as groups, classes, corporations and
individuals have prized so highly. ™he best we can hope to do while
joining forces in the task at hand is hold fast the democratic
idea of individual freedom, and in yielding from its form that
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which is necessary to single-minded action, do so in the determin
ation to regain it all when the crisis passes *
Production for the purposes and on the scale to which we are
committed can be had only from three sources: from the slack of
unused capacity and unemployed men and materials which has existed
in our economy; from new factories and expanded facilities and
newly-trained labor recruits which have been or will be provided;
and by diverting from peacetime production to the arms program a
portion of the plants, materials and men that normally supply our
consumer needs.
One simple statement will illustrate the enormity of the job
we have undertaken. Scarcely one year ago the sum total of our
government's appropriated commitments for armaments was two and
one-half billion dollars. Today the total for our armed services
and to supply the opponents of aggression abroad has reached the
staggering figure of forty-four billions. And this expenditure is
to be forced into the economy at the swiftest practicable rate and
in the shortest possible time.
Only an incurable and unrealistic optimism can imagine that
this will be done without profoundly changing our mode of life,
our ways of business, and the inter-relationships between the
government and both.
If events of the past year have been swift and far-reaching,
I am sure those of the year ahead of us will be no less so
e
Before many of you reach your homes from this convention, other and
important chapters may have been written. Under these circumstances
the subject "National Defense" on which you ksked me to speak
becomes big enough to touch vitally every fiber of individual and
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national being. It is a tough assignment to handle.
One year ago this month the President set up the first of a
series of emergency agencies to deal with problems of national
armament and national defense ~ the National Defense Advisory
Commission. My connection with it ceased with the acceptance of
my resignation on May 5. I felt free to resign because the
Commission had practically ceased to function as a Commission,
and because the Agricultural Division had been superceded in its
original field of work by the Department of Agriculture. My
departure from Washington has been recent enough, however, to
leave me a clear current picture of the Capitol as the nerve
center of a nation that is gearing itself for war.
vVhether war on our part will continue to be merely economic
and financial; whether our Navy will become engaged and if so,
when and where; and whether our participation will go beyond those
fields, are questions I can no more answer dogmaincal ly than you
can. I merely set forth as my opinion that the world, and we
with it, are engaged in a conflict which will go forward for a
long time and on many fronts -- economic as well as naval and
military. We had better get over the idea that some bright
morning we are going to wake up and find that something has clicked
to throw us back again in the old comfortable grooves of the
twenties.
Since this- subject is so vast, I would like your permission
to treat with some of its relatively limited segments in my talk
today — decentralization of the defense effort to make better use
of the manpower and material resources than we are doing today; the
Defense Contract Service which has been established to aid in a
better distribution of the actual job of production than is
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possible without extensive sub-contracting; and finally, and nearer
home, the contribution which this section, the central and lower
Mississippi Valley, can make toward the national effort.
When the National Defense Advisory Commission was organized
last summer, I expressed the view that new industries required
under the defense program should not be located in areas where
existing industries essential to defense are now concentrated when
there was any possibility of placing them elsewhere without undue
sacrifice of speed and efficiency. It was clear that this was the
only way in which new reservoirs of unemployed labor and resources
would be tapped without uprooting families and shifting them
thousands of miles into communities where ebbing of the armament
effort would leave them stranded.
The plans for war production which had been made prior to
the emergency were not based on such a principle. In carrying out
the program up to date some progress toward decentralization has
been made, but I am afraid that on the whole we have followed the
same pattern of regional concentration that was followed in 1917
and 1918. Then we handicapped our effort by shortages of labor
and transport and left an aftermath of over-concentrated industry•
I am afraid that we will again reap some of the same harvest of
economic and social consequences.
New facilities and new production are now being authorized
for the United States and for aid to England. I am hopeful that
the armed services and the defense authorities will do a better
job with these than has been done heretofore. I do not mean that
the plants and facilities that have already been located will not
produce efficiently the materials and the implements they are
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units yet to come will be located where they can tap resources of
materials, facilities and men heretofore untouched. The importance
of such an effort to the Midwest area will be apparent to all of
you. It is of equal importance, I believe, to the agricultural
regions of the South and Southwest. In these areas are the great
reserves of manpower and materials which are not now bein£ tapped
for the defense program and which must be brought into use.
On the human side and to minimize the aftermath, it is
important that we avoid so far as possible drawing men from
the mountains and the prairie, from farms and interior cities
and towns to crowd them into industrial centers hundreds of
miles away. It is far better to leave as many as possible on
farms and in the villages but give those with low incomes
opportunities for employment in industry. This would lessen
the immediate need for housing and provide a measure of security
when the emergency has passed.
A moment ago I spoke of the Defense Contract Service. This
is a decentralized branch of the Office of Production Management
which maintains field offices in each Federal Reserve Bank and
Branch throughout the country* When the first re-armament orders
were placed, most of them of necessity went to large firms that
had the managerial, engineering, and factory personnel to trans
late orders of such type and magnitude into terms of plant
facilities, manpower and materials* It is now imperative that
every suitable factory in the country, large and small, be
enlisted. The Defense Contract Service was established to this
end. It provides a clearing house of information close to home
for prospective contractors and sub««<>Qntractors, for Army and
Navy procurement officers in the field, and for firms that now
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hold defense contracts and need sub-contractors to help them
speed up deliveries• These are its objects2
1* To establish a chain of conveniently located
offices throughout the Nation where a contractor or potential
contractor can receive all the information he could get from
a trip to Washington*
2* To advise manufacturers how to get contracts for
defense work they are equipped to do.
3. To encourage prime contractors to subcontract the
greatest possible amount of their work*
4. To help small shop owners pool their facilities so
they can jointly participate in defense work which none of them
is equipped to handle individually*
5. To see that any manufacturer who has suitable
facilities and is otherwise qualified for defense work obtains
the necessary financing•
With only one exception, there is an office of this Ser
vice within 250 miles of every industrialist in the United States*
These regional offices are headed by production-minded
business men* Their staffs include technical men competent to
advise on the use and adaptability of plant facilities for de
fense work. Senior officers of the Federal Reserve Banks and
branch banks are available to advise on financial problems.
Staff members are there to explain the provisions of Government
contracts.
These offices do not take the place of Army and Navy
procurement officers who have been maintained in the field for
many years, nor are they intended to be super sales organiza
tions set up for benefit of any industry or group of industries.
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Their object is to coordinate the activities of the Government
purchasing officers, civic defense groups, and manufacturers, to
the end that production may be speeded up as quickly as possible.
The Defense Contract Service should be of particular interest
to you bankers since it provides a source of information to which
you may and should refer your customers and from which you,
yourselves, can get assistance with respect to any problems which
may confront you in financing your customers who are engaged in
defense work.
How, finally, it is time to bring these matters home to
the great agricultural empire of which Missouri is the center.
I realize that I haven1t been talking to you today as bankers.
I could have talked about the part you are playing and will
play in defense financing. All of us who are cooperating in
that phase of the nation1s efforts have been gratified by the
spirit and promptness with which the banks of Missouri, and
of the other states in this Federal Reserve District, have
taken hold of the distribution of the new series of Savings
Bonds. The banks and the citizens of this area will do their
part in the days ahead as they always have done in the past.
But in other ways the contribution which this section will
make to the future of our country is great almost without limit.
The great waterways of the nation meet in this state or on its
boundaries. I am proud to have been asked to become a part of
this Eighth Federal Reserve District.
Within its boundaries almost any product can be grown. Its
climate ranges from the northern temperate to the sub-tropical.
Its soil types encompass everything from the richest alluvial
soil in the world in the Mississippi Delta and the blue-grass
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region of Kentucky to the red clay hills of Tennessee and
Mississippi and the rocky ridges of the Ozarks. Almost every
agricultural problem facing the nation today can be found within
its bounds.
Despite the many economic difficulties now confronting this
District* some of which will continue during the next decade, I
firmly believe it has the most promising future of any section of
our nation. Its fertile soil, its growing climate, vast mineral
resources and splendid people combine to make its future bright
and its prospects unlimited.
If, for a moment, I may be permitted to assume the role of a
prophet, I would prophesy that this area is destined to become the
hub of the wheel of progress of the richest and greatest industrial
nation in the world. Since the days of our pioneer ancestors, the
trails of our covered wagon have crossed and criss-crossed this
region bound for the West and Southwest. Today the highways and
railroads form a similar pattern. Tomorrow as our hemispheric
relationships become closer and distances become meaningless before
the progress of our great aviation industry, our airports will
become the hub and center of air transportation.
The Mississippi and its tributaries form virtually a private
waterway for this area. The cities on its banks should logically
be the fabrication centers for domestic products going to the
Americas and by the same token this area is ideally situated bo
use its mineral, agricultural and industrial resources for the
conversion of the hemisphere's raw materials into manufactured
articles. Geographically, this territory possesses unsurpassed
opportunities for industrial development. What is most needed is
the spirit of exploration of the early settlers and the hardihood
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of our pioneering forebears..
Although I can visualize the development of a promised land
in this area, I must emphasize that it will not come to us of its
own accord. It will require the wisdom, foresight, energy, ambition
and leadership of all of us to so strengthen the economic fabric of
our nation that no set of circumstances can disturb it, save
temporarily, and that we may go forward into an era of prosperity,
the like of which the world has never before witnessed.
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Cite this document
APA
Chester C. Davis (1941, May 13). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410514_davis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19410514_davis,
author = {Chester C. Davis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1941},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410514_davis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}