speeches · April 30, 1941
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
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ADDRESS AT THE
29th ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES
AT
WASHINGTON, D. C., MAY 1, 1941
BY
MARRINER S. ECCLES
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
FOR RELEASE IN AFTERNOON NEWSPAPERS OF
MAY I, 1941.
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FINANCIAL PROBLEMS OF DEFENSE
The problem of financing defense is not solely the responsibility
of Government. The business interests of the country have a very important
role to play. For this reason I appreciate the opportunity, as a public
official having some responsibility for the conduct of public affairs, to
speak on this subject at this meeting of leading business executives from all
parts of the country.
The financial problems of defense arise from the unprecedented size
of public expenditures, concentrated mainly in the field of heavy industry,
and the necessity for calling forth in the shortest possible time the maximum
amount of defense production both for ourselves and for those we wish to aid.
The financial problem is not how to provide an adequate supply of money but
how to direct the use to which money and credit are put in such a way as to
further the success of the enterprise and to avoid inflationary consequences.
The avoidance of inflation is as essential for the preservation of our
political and economic system as the defense effort itself. I am using the
word inflation in the popular sense of disruptive price rises, whether con
fined to some segments of the economy and due to non-monetary causes or of a
general nature and due to excessive monetary and credit expansion.
We can meet defense needs and supply our civilian population only
to the extent that we utilize our man power, materials and productive facili
ties. Defense must come first. What is left over will determine the extent to
which we can meet civilian requirements. We have no problem insofar as an
ample supply of money is concerned. The volume of demand deposits and currency
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now in existence approximates $45 billions, or 50 per cent in excess of the
peak amount of the twenties. The present volume could be increased almost
indefinitely by further expansion of bank credit in loans to corporations,
to individuals and to the Government. Merely to increase the supply of money
would not in itself bring about needed production, but might result in in
flationary developments.
Rather, a primary concern of defense financing is to avoid an in
crease of the means of payment, that is, of money in the hands of those who
would spend it faster than our economy could produce goods. This would result
in a rapid bidding up of prices. The problem in general terms is simple, but
in detailed application it becomes difficult and complex. In general terms, it
means that we should aim to finance defense entirely out of taxation and
savings, preferably taxation as full employment and production are attained.
It means priorities in certain fields where both civilian and defense require
ments cannot be immediately supplied out of available raw materials, existing
capacity, or available skilled labor supply. It means price controls in cases
where demand for essential basic materials exceeds present supply. It means a
program of taxation that will transfer back to the Government in the aggregate
a substantial portion of the funds spent by Government, thus reducing the funds
available to the public for private expenditure. It means encouraging a
maximum amount of savings by all groups and classes of the population. It means
avoidance of unneeded expansion of bank credit which adds to the supply of
money and thus of purchasing power.
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It is evident that the general problems of defense financing, which
I have enumerated, are interrelated and must be dealt with by a coordinated
series of measures. For instance, inflation cannot be dealt with solely by
monetary and credit measures. As a matter of fact, at this stage of our
defense effort such measures are of secondary importance. Fiscal policy, in
volving both the type of Government financing and taxation, and direct controls
are far more important at present.
Let us consider briefly some of the more important aspects of this
general summary.
In order to limit the need for price controls and priorities every
means possible should be used to increase the output. This can be done by
expanding the faculties of production, by increasing the available labor supply
where there is a shortage of certain skills, by the working of longer hours, by
preventing strikes and unjustified wage and salary increases, and by utilizing
to the fullest possible extent existing plant and facilities wherever they may
be. To be sure, this is a difficult and a complicated task, requiring full
information and full cooperation on the part of Government, industry and labor.
In my opinion, taxation is the most important single means of main
taining stability in the economy and of preventing either general inflationary
or deflationary developments. We must abandon the idea that taxation is merely
a means of securing revenue. The effects of taxation on the economy should be
the primary consideration. For a tax system to be equitable, ability to pay
should be the guiding principle. For this reason, a general sales tax, which
has been strongly advocated by business groups, would be a great mistake because
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it would fall heaviest on those least able to pay. Selective sales taxes
which would have the effect of reducing demands for certain products, such as
automobiles, mechanical refrigerators and other articles that use resources
greatly needed for defense, are justifiable and necessary at this time. Sales
taxes on foodstuffs, clothing and other necessaries are wholly unwarranted,
particularly when surpluses exist. Taxes on such items would tend to diminish
consumption, thus reducing effective demand. This, in turn, may create
localized unemployment as well as idle capacity that could not be used for
defense.
The first source of defense revenue should be the corporation tax
and the excess profits tax because, in general, corporations are the greatest
beneficiaries, directly and indirectly, from defense expenditures. In other
words, the surplus accruing from the expanding national income tends to be
come concentrated in the first instance in the possession of business
corporations. The most certain way to insure against inflation is for the
Government to levy on these earnings and divert the proceeds directly into the
defense program before they are distributed into the general income stream
through higher wages and higher dividend payments.
Thus, the most direct way to attack the inflation problem is through
heavy corporate income and excess profits taxation. If these surplus funds
aro not thus collected in the first instance at the source, but are later
distributed through large wage increases and large dividend payments to the
community, it becomes necessary subsequently for the Government to abstract
excess incomes through the personal income tax, excise taxes, and other forms
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of mass taxation. The problem is not avoided but only delayed and made more
difficult by failure to tap the profits at the source.
High taxation of personal incomes and excise taxation will be
necessary in any event, but the amount needed from these sources will be re
duced by a prior collection at the points where the profits originate, namely,
in the business units. If excess profits are not tapped, they will lead to
demands for higher wages. Apart from the question of equity and the problem
of allaying industrial unrest, is the question of going directly to the source
of the increased flow of income and diverting it into the defense program be
fore it spreads out into the community end adds private mass purchasing power
on top of the Government’s demands springing from the defense program.
With greatly increased surtax rates, especially in the middle income
brackets, and in the absence of an undistributed profits tax, there will be a
tendency on the part of some corporations to hold back disbursements of divi
dends. This is a further reason for heavy normal and excess profits taxes on
corporations.
In addition, the tax program, to be effective and equitable, should
close important loopholes in the gift and inheritance tax laws. Similarly, the
setting up by corporations of annuity and pension plans which are charged to
expense and provide large benefits to individuals in lieu of increasing salaries
and paying bonuses, should not be permitted to become an avenue of tax avoidance.
With reference to the individual income tax, the normal tax and sur
taxes on individual incomes have been moderate, compared with other countries,
except in the very highest income groups. They can and must be substantially
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increased. With expanding employment and payrolls resulting from defense ex
penditures, it is equitable and necessary that some of the benefits be recovered
by the Treasury. Exemptions should be reduced, thereby spreading the base and
increasing the number of income taxpayers. This is a more direct and equitable
way of raising revenue from the lower income groups than by imposition of
certain indirect excise and sales taxes.
To the extent that wages are increased and prices are controlled,
corporation profits are less than they would be otherwise, and Federal revenue
from this source is accordingly diminished. Under these circumstances, it is
only fair that this loss of revenue be made up by taxing directly the bene-
ficiaries of the increased wages.
The tax system should be so designed as to prevent any group from
profiting out of this great national emergency at the expense of others.
Neither industry nor labor should be permitted to take advantage of the
emergency. Men drawn into the Army and Navy are called upon to make great
personal sacrifices. Neither unity nor morale can be built upon inequality
of treatment of our citizens.
It is a perhaps natural but none the less false notion that either
capital or labor can make up now for lean years. If they were to reap great
profits and higher wages, they would be inviting inflated prices and in the
end the added profits and wages would buy fewer goods. I think it is of great
importance that we grasp fully the fact that we as a nation cannot profit out
of world calamity. We cannot turn our industrial machine largely to making the
things of war rather than the things of peace and have a higher standard of
living.
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We have to start from the first principle — and I believe that
most of us accept it - that the burdens to be borne and the sacrifices to
be made should be equalized so far as possible. And that principle applies
particularly to taxation. Therefore, those corporations and individuals who
profit most should be the first to be taxed. They must be the primary ones
from whom the Government recaptures the proceeds of its expenditures.
I am wholeheartedly in accord with the objectives of taxation policy
recently announced by the Secretary of the Treasury when he appeared before
the Ways and Means Committee in advocacy of measures to raise an additional
$3-1/2 billions of revenue. As he stated then, the purpose is to design our
tax program, first, so that we may pay as we go for a reasonable proportion
of our expenditures; secondly, so that all sections of the people shall bear
their fair share of the burden; third, so that our resources may be mobilized
for defense while reducing the amount of money that the public can spend for
comparatively less important things; and finally, so that a general rise in
prices may be avoided by keeping the total volume of monetary purchasing power
from outrunning production.
The Secretary of the Treasury has proposed that we raise at least
two-thirds of the sums necessary for defense out of taxation, and with that
purpose I am likewise heartily in accord. The rest should, so far as possible,
be raised by the sale of Government securities to the public, thus utilizing
existing funds, instead of by the sale of securities to the commercial banks
since the latter method creates additional bank deposits, As I have indi
cated, we need to use existing funds, which are abundant. Expansion of bank
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credit which creates new funds would only tend towards inflation.
The Treasury's three new types of savings bonds, together with
savings stamps, are being offered to the public beginning today. They are
excellently designed to give all of our people an opportunity to participate
in the financing of the defense program. They are designed to attract the
smallest savings of the people as well as those up to $50,000 a year. Apart
from that patriotic purpose, however, they are important in helping to protect
the country against inflation and they are a store of buying power for the
future when supply can again be matched to demand.
Another very large store of savings which should also be tapped
consists of idle balances in banks held by corporations, by wealthy individuals
and by trustees as well as by various public and private bodies. These funds
are frequently not of the type that can or will go into long-term Government
securities, nor can they be attracted into short-term Government securities now
available because practically no return can be obtained upon them. I believe
many of them would be invested in registered short-term issues (not available
to banks) of two years' maturity, if such issues were made available at interest
payable semi-annually, of from one-half to one per cent, depending upon the
length of time they are held, and were redeemable on any interest payment date
on 30 days notice. So far as long-term rates are concerned, I think they are
fair and that the Government would not be justified in paying more than two and
one-half per cent for long-term money on fully taxable securities.
To the extent that we pay for defense out of taxes and through
borrowing from savers rather than from the commercial banks, thus using ex
isting funds and not creating new funds, we help protect the country against
the hazards of monetary and credit inflation. To the extent that people pay
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taxes or invest in Government bonds, such as the new savings bonds, these
funds will not be available for the public to bid up prices in the market
place and they will aid in financing defense, thus avoiding inflationary
effects.
This is the time for the public to build up a backlog of future
requirements, especially of consumers' durable goods, such as automobiles,
housing, etc., that now are using some of the materials needed in defense.
Instead of spending existing funds and mortgaging future income for these
goods, it would be far better to defer these expenditures until the time when
the Government’s defense outlays can be reduced. At such a time the backlog
of buying power coming into the market will be an offset to the reduced
Government expenditures and help to sustain employment and national income.
We should consider the advisability of providing a method of con
trolling the volume of forward buying on installment credit. Further expansion
of installment credit at this time would be an inflationary factor. Install
ment credit has tended to expand as employment end payrolls expanded and to
contract when both were declining. It has thus tended to be an unstabilizing
influence on the economy when it might have been made a stabilizing influence.
I have said that monetary and credit factors are at this time less
important than other factors in the situation. Nevertheless, with the exist
ing large volume of deposits and the vast reservoir of excess reserves which
could serve as a basis for doubling the existing volume of deposits, it will
probably become necessary at some future time to absorb into required reserves
a portion of the idle funds held by the banks. This would diminish the
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pressure on the banks to find outlets for their funds in Government securities
and would facilitate the placing of a larger part of the new issues with non
banking investors. It would also make the banks more careful about avoiding
unsound or speculative extensions of credit and would restrain further growth
in the already abundant volume of bank deposits. Consequently it would diminish
inflationary dangers.
There is one additional matter of importance in connection with
defense financing that should be given consideration. It is the subject of
public expenditures for purposes other than defense. I do not believe that
agricultural benefits should be curtailed, particularly in those fields where
agriculture does not profit as other groups do from defense expenditures or is
adversely affected as the result of the present international situation; nor
do I believe that we should abandon social efforts on the part of the Govern-
ment in those cases where the problem is not adequately met by the improved
employment situation resulting directly or indirectly from defense expenditures.
We are hardly justified in spending billions to aid other countries
and billions more in our own defense effort if at the same time we shut our
eyes to urgent social needs at home that must depend upon government assistance.
However, reductions should be made wherever this cen be brought about through
increased efficiency as well as in those fields of Government activity which
utilize men or materials needed in private enterprise or in defense.
I have attempted to outline briefly the general public policies
which I feel should be pursued to facilitate the financing of defense
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effectively with a minimum of economic dislocation now and after the defense
effort has been completed. The successful carrying cut of such a program as
I have discussed -- and it is a program designed to preserve all of the
essentials of our democratic system — depends primarily upon the under
standing of and acceptance by the people of this country, particularly the
leaders in business and industry.
We have every reason to succeed. We are in a much stronger position
than any nation in the world today. We have a vast endowment of natural re
sources. We have abundant and high-calibre man power. We have existing and
potentially great productive facilities. We can provide, without inflation,
all of the monetary and credit resources we require.
We will fail only if we are ignorant of the social and economic
problems confronting us or if through blind self-interest we imagine that
we can make others bear the sacrifices and burdens which all must share in
the greatest undertaking upon which our nation has ever embarked.
00O00
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1941, April 30). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410501_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19410501_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1941},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19410501_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}