speeches · November 8, 1939
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
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ADDRESS AT THE
25th ANNIVERSARY OF THE OPENING
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF ST. LOUIS
NOVEMBER 9, 1939
BY
MARRINER S. ECCLES
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS
OF THE
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
FOR RELEASE IN MORNING PAPERS OF
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1939
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I am glad that I could be here this evening to join with you in
observing the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the Federal Reserve
Bank of St. Louis. The quarter of a century that has passed has put the
Federal Reserve System to the test of war and of peace, of the greatest boom
and the worst depression in our history. Throughout this period the System
has rendered an essential public service. Those who have played a part in
making this public contribution have reason to look back over the years with
a sense of pride in what has been achieved, notwithstanding the limitations
in our banking laws and those inherent in the powers of monetary authorities
to achieve by themselves that state of economic welfare to which we all
aspire. We may say in fairness, I think, that the record of the Federal Re
serve System is a creditable one; its shortcomings, as I see them, have been
largely reflections of the times in which we live.
The Reserve System is no longer an experiment. It has justified
the expectations of its creators. It is an established institution that is
vital to the functioning of our economy. If it were done away with, other
machinery would have to be created to furnish the services and perform the
functions of the present System. Throughout its history, the Reserve System
has been fortunate in attracting to its service many men of outstanding
ability and a desire to be of public service. This applies not alone to the
officers and staffs of the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their branches
and to the Board in Washington, but to the men who have served and have re
garded it as an honor to serve on the directorates of the banks and branches
and as members of the Federal Advisory Council.
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Inevitably the System has often been a target for political attack
because it is a convenient scapegoat when the economic machine gets into
trouble. This is in large part because of the persistent, but erroneous, be
lief that we can produce and maintain prosperity simply by pulling a few
monetary and credit levers. The System has successfully withstood recurrent
waves of political assault, largely, I think, because of the high character
of the men who have been associated with it in all parts of the country,
and because informed opinion was aware of the limitations on its powers and
did not expect the impossible.
As the world has changod, as new conditions have arisen, the Re
serve System inevitably has faced new problems and has been obliged to de
velop new means and to ask for broader powers in order to deal with changed
conditions. It has not remained static in a changing world and it cannot do
so and survive. I have found comfort in the reflection that those who resist
change so often not only become reconciled but approve once it has come about.
The effort to establish the Reserve System was stoutly opposed by influential
financial and business groups that later became its defenders. Senator Glass
recounts in his book, "An Adventure in Constructive Finance", that: "The
fight for better banking methods and for an effective currency system was no
holiday fray; it was actually a savage contest, in which entrenched power and
privilege resisted at every point of attack." The battle for better banking
methods and a sounder credit and currency system goes on. It can never be
permanently won in this changing world. But enlightened men can lead the
way to continuous improvement.
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This Bank in St. Louis, as a part of the System, came into being
on the eve of the outbreak of war in Europe in 1914. It is a somber fact
that this 25th anniversary is being observed as another European War casts
its shadows across the Atlantic. Those who constructed the Federal Reserve
System out of long experience and study could not foresee the changes that
were to be so quickly wrought after 1914. They were men whose experience had
been with the operations of a gold standard world and with the rise of in
dustrialism in the era of great expansion in this country.
While the Reserve System was conceived as a mechanism designed
primarily for a peaceful, gold standard world, it proved capable of rapid
adaptation to a world suddenly transformed from peace to war, and from a
gold basis to a managed currency basis. The System discharged with great
credit the heavy responsibilities that wore thrown upon it, particularly in
connection with financing our own participation in that struggle. But the
System has never had an opportunity to operate in the kind of universe for
which it was originally created. It is true that during the Twenties the
leading nations, ourselves included, undertook to reestablish the economic
premises and practices of pre-war conditions, without appreciating that the
conditions had been radically altered. We had emerged as a creditor nation,
but we continued to behave like a debtor nation. The gold standard was re
stored in name; it was in office but not in power, and it was not and could
not bo the pre-war standard. As we discovered too late in the Twenties, it
could neither save us from nor rescue us once we were plunged into economic
disaster.
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It appears to most of us now that since the armistice of 1918
we have had what is more a truce than a peace. We cannot foresee now, any
more than we could at the outbreak of war in 1914, what the future will
bring forth, but all of us are necessarily concerned with the effects of
foreign war upon our domestic economy. We can sec the broad line of defense
that we must take to minimize the disruptive consequences to our own people.
We are already experiencing the initial impact of war conditions
abroad. In the forward movement in economic activity that has taken place
recently, there is much that represents anticipatory buying and the accumu
lation of inventories without a corresponding rapid increase in consumption
or purchasing power. Fortunately, there appears to be a more widespread
recognition that as a matter of self-interest, restraint should be imposed
by business and labor leadership to prevent a recurrence of the price dis
tortions and inventory boom that led to the sharp relapse beginning in the
middle of 1937.
To that end, business men appear more ready to cooperate in price
restraints and in spreading out production. Even though there may be a glut
of orders in some lines, including the steel industry, production and de
liveries should be evened out over longer periods than has been the case
under past practice. There is also a more rational policy in regard to
liquidation of foreign holdings of American securities so that it may have
a minimum of disturbing effects upon our markets and to the timing and
spacing of foreign demand with a view both to more orderly production and
the avoidance so far as possible of conflict between foreign and domestic
needs for essential materials.
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All of this is to the good, but in the brief time I have this
evening, I want to call attention more particularly to some of the longer
range problems as I see them from the standpoint of the bankers and the
Federal Reserve System.
I doubt whether there are exact figures on the amount of cash re
sources that are available to belligerent governments for expenditure in the
United States. Such figures as I have seen are at best estimates. They
indicate that for the British Empire and France alone dollar balances in
this country amount to about $1-1/4 billions, and readily salable securities
have an estimated market value of about $1-1/2 billions. In addition, other
resources and investments which are not so readily marketable aggregate
another $1-1/2 billions. Beyond this, the British Empire and France have
gold resources of close to $6 billions and they have an annual gold pro
duction of about three-quarters of a billion dollars.
No one, of course, can foresee how long the war will last or how
much of these resources would be used for purchases in our markets. We
should not delude ourselves, however, into supposing that whatever the
volume of such expenditure may be in our markets, it would be just so much
velvet for us. The fact is that our favorable trade balance during the
last few years has been sustained through our willingness to accept large
quantities of foreign gold and silver at high prices in exchange for our
goods and services. We have been unwilling to exchange goods for goods.
Fortunately, we have not extended foreign credits, as we did throughout
the Twenties, which, while they sustained our foreign trade, were largely
uncollectible. Looking to the future, my personal view—speaking unofficially—
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is that our country would be far better off if, so far as possible, foreign
purchases were to be paid for out of the sale of their goods in this country
and out of the proceeds of the liquidation in this country of American
securities held by foreigners rather than through further acquisitions of
foreign gold and silver for which we have no present or prospective use,
because they would only increase the present unprecedented volume of unused
excess reserves and deposits of the banking system. Even the present volume
of excess reserves, if used as a basis for credit expansion, would create a
dangerous inflationary situation entirely beyond the present powers of the
Federal Reserve to control. We do not need a further increase of our supply
of bank deposits or currency. What we do need is a more effective use or
turnover of our existing money supply.
This has an immediate bearing upon our banking and economic
problems generally, and upon the question of interest rates which are of
so much concern to bankers and investors. But I find that not many of my
banker friends have analyzed the reasons why interest rates have been and
are likely to continue to be at unprecedented low levels. Some, I have dis
covered, had a vague, but mistaken, notion that the Federal Reserve System
was responsible and that I, in particular, am culpable because I have ad
vocated since the depths of the depression what, for want of a better name,
has been labeled as an easy money policy.
The facts of the case, however, are clear on the record. We have
today more than $5-1/2 billions of excess reserves among member banks. This
is a figure never before approached and the prospects arc that it will con
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tinue to grow. A credit expansion of fully $30 to $40 billions could, in
theory at least, be built upon this enormous base. Now, you cannot have
such vast stocks of potentially loanable funds pressing upon the market, and
such a volume of investment funds as has been and still is accumulating with
out having interest rates at extremely low levels.
I want to emphasize the fact that the rise in excess reserves in
the past few years has resulted almost entirely from the vast inflow of gold
and to a lesser degree from silver purchases. A strenuous, though unsuccess
ful, effort was made in the Banking Act of 1935 to obtain for the Federal
Reserve System authority to absorb excess reserves. Under the limited powers
actually granted, the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System ab
sorbed approximately $2-1/2 billions of excess reserves. In other words,
the present volume of excess reserves, large as it is, is $2-1/2 billions
less then it would have been if the Reserve Board had not increased reserve
requirements by using most of the authority granted in the Banking Act of 1935.
This action was not taken for the purpose of constricting credit
or reversing the policy of monetary ease pursued by the System. It was
taken for the purpose of putting the System in the position it had traditionally
occupied and the position still occupied by central banking organizations in
other leading countries, where, through open-market operations and discount
policy, it could ease credit conditions if the situation required or adopt a
reverse policy if necessary to restrain inflationary credit expansion through
the banks. Unfortunately, this position could not bo maintained because the
great volume of gold and silver that was subsequently permitted to flow into
the excess reserves again lifted them to levels beyond reach of the System’s
control.
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I do not wish to be understood as favoring high interest rates
at the stage of recovery so far reached or while we have a large volume of
unemployment and unused resources. I favor relatively low interest rates
as a continued encouragement to capital expenditures, including housing,
and as a means of keeping down costs and stimulating consumption. But I
am convinced that it is essential for the monetary authorities to be in a
position to influence the availability and cost of credit in order to dis
charge their proper responsibilities. What purpose do they serve if they
are powerless in their particular field of responsibility?
At the present time investment funds are accumulating in the
hands of individual and corporate savers much faster than outlets develop
for the profitable employment of these savings in new investment. The re
sult is an intensified competition for the existing supply of investments—
a supply so inadequate relative to the volume of funds seeking investment
that, notwithstanding the great increase in the public debt during the past
decade, the demand greatly exceeds the supply.
Foreign war will not correct this situation, but is likely to
make it worse. The remedy must be found at home. It would be most un
fortunate if the anticipation of profits from a so-called war boom were to
obscure this and other unbalanced relationships in the domestic picture.
There has been recently some increase in the demand for bank
loans for commercial purposes. This has given earnings to banks and some
what lessened their need to invest in long-term governments. However, it
is not reasonable to suppose that the demand from business and industry for
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increased bank credit accommodation will be sufficient to absorb any sub
stantial amount of excess reserves. For one thing, most of the larger and
many of the smaller corporations of the country have accumulated large cash
reserves which, in some cases, have been invested in Government obligations
since they could not be profitably used for increased production and plant
expansion. In many industrial lines which have been operating far below
capacity a great increase in production could take place without necessitating
going to the capital markets or to the banks for more funds for plant or for
operating purposes. Production can be stepped up greatly because of the
rapid technological advances which require less plant expansion and less man
power than was needed tinder old methods.
For another thing, under the terms of the neutrality legislation
advocated even by those who opposed the sale of arms, it is proposed that
only cash payments shall be made for such products as are purchased by
belligerent buyers. Extension of credit is specifically barred. There is
thus no present prospect of outlet for investment funds in foreign loans.
Accordingly, I am unable to see that through the prospective operations of
business and industry there will be a sufficient absorption of investment
funds or of excess reserves to alter materially the present disproportionately
large volume of such funds relative to the outlets for them. Therefore, I
would hot expect interest rates to rise and maintain levels that are higher
than has been the average over the period in which we have had the combined
effect of heavy excess reserves and slack demand for credit and for funds for
new investment. We have witnessed, since the outbreak of war abroad,
a readjustment from the low levels that prevailed earlier in the year, but
the trend is again in the opposite direction.
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All indications point to the continued piling up of excess re
serves, and the longer war is continued and foreign governments obtain
dollar exchange through the process of sending us gold, the greater the
excess will become. If the effects of this were merely to add to bank
deposits, which for a considerable period now have been greater than ever
before in our history, it would be serious enough, but gold and silver
acquisitions also add to excess reserves which are a basis for a multiple
expansion of bank credit and bank deposits.
The other principal factor in the growth of bank deposits has
been the Government’s borrowing from the commercial banks. To the extent
that this process restored our money supply after it had shrunk by about
one-third as a result of the deflation after 1929 it was, to my mind, de
sirable and, in fact, essential for recovery.
We may as well face the facts of this question of interest rates
and idle deposits frankly. I want to repeat that I do not favor re
strictive money conditions and high interest rates while we still have
millions of idle men and unused resources. Tightening of money rates is
an appropriate weapon against unsound expansion of bank credit that threatens
an inflation. It is wholly inappropriate at the present stage of recovery or
at any time as a remedy for unsound developments of non-monetary origin.
While bankers and investors generally want higher rates, it should
be evident that we cannot go on indefinitely having gold and silver purchases
piling up both excess reserves and bank deposits and expect interest rates to
rise. The effects of such additions to the money supply are bound to be just
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the opposite—the more so when at the same time billions of individual and
corporate savings are piling up annually, although outlets for the profitable
employment of these savings in new investment, or in foreign loans, are much
less than was the case during the Twenties.
Are we willing to deal with the factors that are adding to the al
ready unprecedented accumulations of excess reserves and bank deposits, and
if we are not willing to deal with these factors, are we willing to approach
the problem from the other side and take steps adequate to put these funds
to more productive, profitable use? My own experience, in being unable in
the Banking Act of 1935 to obtain adequate means of dealing with the excess
reserve problem, and three years ago when I ventured to point out the
effects of continued capital acquisitions from foreign sources, does not
encourage me to think that as a country we are yet prepared to deal with
the causes or effects of this growth in excess reserves and bank deposits.
Turning to the question of putting the supply to greater use, we
find a field of the greatest confusion and conflict of opinion. I shall under
take here only to outline again what I believe to be the sound way of getting
a wider, more profitable use of the accumulations of idle funds that are
weighing down the interest rate structure and preventing the balancing of the
Federal budget.
In my judgment, the time is here, if it is not overdue, to take
certain steps that will increase domestic consumption, diminish the pressure of
idle funds on the investment markets, and begin to close the gap between Govern
ment income and outgo. My longer objective would be to sustain existing invest
ment and pave the way for as much new investment as can be profitably under
taken. That is in the interest of the banking system, the insurance companies and
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all other fiduciary institutions—looking beyond them, it is to the interest
of all those whose savings are at stake.
We are hearing today proposals that the Government should reduce
some of the present expenditures, particularly for agricultural benefits and
for work relief, in order that funds for an expanded armament program may be
provided without an increased deficit or an increase in taxes. In my opinion,
it would be unfair, and unsound economically, to pass increased armament costs
on to those of the low income groups who would profit the least out of foreign
or domestic expenditures for armament, who are the least able to bear the
costs and whose increased purchasing power is essential to our economic wel
fare.
Instead, in my opinion, we should follow the unpopular, but
necessary, course of imposing additional taxation in order to meet the added
costs of our armament program and to reduce the deficit, without sacrificing
the low income groups whose sustained and increasing purchasing power is
needed to sustain and increase production. Accordingly, additional taxation
should be levied, not alone upon war profits, but upon those income groups
now relatively undertaxed among whom the greatest proportion of savings that
are unable to find profitable outlet today are now accumulating. At the
same time, I favor increasing domestic purchasing power by decreasing con
sumption taxes.
It is beyond dispute that the great majority of our people at the
bottom of the income scale would consume far more if they had the purchasing
power. One way to increase their purchasing power is by lowering consumption
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taxes, such as excise and sales taxes, which have been heavily increased
over the past few years. We need to understand more clearly just where
idle funds accumulate, where our tax burdens fall, and how they may be
better distributed with a view to increasing domestic consumption and hence
increasing a home market for American business and industry, so that they
will not have to rely upon the precarious circumstance of foreign wars and
armament programs in order to utilize our resources and man power and thus
to make profits.
I have been much interested in studies of the National Resources
Committee which show that in 1935-1936, 59 per cent of our families had in
comes of $1,250 or less. They had no savings, but incurred deficits of
$1-1/2 billions which wore partly made up by hundreds of millions of dollars
of contributions from other private groups and public sources. It is on
this majority group of our people, comprising nearly 60 per cent of our
population, that consumption taxes, including social security assessments
on those fortunate enough to have jobs in private industry, bear too heavily
and have been substantially increased in recent years.
The next higher income group, that is, those families with incomes
of from $1,250 to $5,000 a year and comprising 38 per cent of our population,
was able to save $2.8 billions. The next higher income group with incomes
of from $5,000 up, but representing less than 3 per cent of our families,
saved $4.8 billions.
Our income tax rates applying to these groups with incomes of from
$5,000 to $50,000 are much lower than the rates, even before the war, in
England, France and most other countries. Moreover, our income tax structure
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has a much narrower base than that in other nations. I am in favor of
spreading it out. The time has arrived, I think, when this should no longer
be delayed, when additional revenue should be derived from the intermediate
income groups that I have mentioned. The effect will be to offset continued
over-accumulation of idle funds, to add less to bank deposits through the
process of deficit financing, and to help close the gap between Government
receipts and expenditures.
As part of a national policy of encouraging consumption, I have,
over a long period, urged revision of our system of old-age and unemployment
insurance, which at the present time is increasing rather than diminishing
the volume of funds that must find investment outlets. If we are to accumu
late reserves for old-age pensions, they should be built up in good times
when their collection through taxes will tend to moderate unsound boom
tendencies and will not have an adverse effect upon consumption. We have
made the mistake, in my judgment, of accumulating a vast reserve in times
of large unemployment, taxing it not out of those best able to pay or those
whose savings are idle, but out of payrolls mainly of those who otherwise
doubtless would have kept the funds moving in the income stream. The more
we have taken out of consumption by this process at the time when we need
above all to increase consumption, the greater the need has been to un
balance the budget still further in order to increase consumption. Other
countries have built up social security programs and have adjusted their
taxing and financing methods to the countries' economic needs by paying out
in social security benefits sums much larger than they currently take in
from contributors.
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The volume of taxes on consumption, including social security taxes
as well as sales taxes, excise taxes and tariffs, is at present much higher
than at any previous time. We should undertake a far-reaching revision of
our Federal and State tax structures so as to cut down these consumption
taxes and to increase taxes on funds which would otherwise remain idle.
Also as a part of the general program, I would favor applying taxes
that will have the effect of discouraging over-accumulation of so-called
rainy day reserves which are being set aside in excessively large amounts,
particularly by the larger corporations. These sums come out of the income
stream and unless put back into the stream through being paid out in divi
dends to stockholders or spent for plant modernization or expansion are bound
to diminish consumption, then employment and finally production. It would be
preferable if these excessive accumulations were avoided in the first instance
by reducing prices to consumers or by increasing the wages of the lower in
come groups of workers. If this is not done, then it is not logical to oppose
taxation that will keep these funds that are unused for plant or for dividend
purposes moving in the income stream. They cannot be taken out of the income
stream v/ithout reducing it and thus reducing employment and production.
I opposed at the time and would continue to oppose application of
corporate surplus taxes to the small businesses which do not constitute the
heart of this problem of idle funds. But we should also consider increasing
the normal income tax of corporations and revision of the inheritance tax,
particularly a reduction of the present exemptions, to help pay for an in
creased armament program.
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The broad effect of the tax policies I have outlined would be
not only to reduce the deficit and ultimately balance the budget as national
income reaches the levels we should and can have in this country, but to
sustain and increase purchasing power and reduce the pressures of funds
that cannot find adequate profitable outlets in new investment at this
stage in our national development. Such a tax program would do much to
keep otherwise stagnant funds moving in the income stream in a way that
will augment consumption and thus not only sustain existing investment but
open the way for new investment.
If we are unwilling to deal with the underlying factors that make
for a continuing piling up of our money supply, now beyond the powers of
the Reserve System to control, we should at least deal with the problem of
idle funds and the stagnation in the turnover of existing deposits. In my
judgment, we should deal with the problems of money supply as well as its
use, but, in any event, we cannot ignore both sides of the picture. The
banking and investment community cannot expect to do nothing about the
piling up of idle funds on the one hand and, on the other hand, have the
interest rates and earnings which they so much desire. It is the old story—
you can’t have your cake and eat it too.
I have sought to indicate in a general way what I believe to be a
practical approach to some of these questions. I hope that none of us will
be deluded into imagining that the tragic accident of European War will in
the long run solve or even ameliorate our fundamental domestic problems.
War cannot cure, but may make worse, the unbalanced relationships between
tariff-protected industrial prices on the one side and, on the other, agri-
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cultural prices and incomes that are determined by foreign demand and
foreign markets. War cannot cure, but may make worse, the monetary and
credit problems arising from the continued swelling of bank deposits and
excess reserves which, in turn, are a vital factor in the level of
interest rates.
We cannot profit from disaster to other peoples. We can be alert,
however, to protect our economy to the extent of our abilities from the
dislocating effects of international chaos and destruction. We can, if we
have the perception and the courage, put our own house in better order and
keep it functioning so that it will produce and distribute a maximum of
goods and services, under our political and economic system, for the benefit
of all of our citizens.
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1939, November 8). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19391109_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19391109_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1939},
month = {Nov},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19391109_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}