speeches · December 14, 1938
Speech
Chester C. Davis · Governor
AN ADVANCING SOUTH
Address by
Chester C. Davis, Member,
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
Before the Mid-South Farm Forum for 19S8,
In Connection With the Plant-To-Prosper Contest
Memphis, Tennessee,
Thursday, December 15, 1938.
FOR RELEASE IN AFTERNOON NEWSPAPERS
OF THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 1958.
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I appreciate more deeply than I can say the honor you have shown
me by asking me to meet with you today in this, the Mid-South Farm
Forum for 1938.
It is a profound relief to turn from the confusions, the calcu
lations and the frustrations of intangibles to solid substances in which
one can sink his teeth.
I believe in the reality and the value of what you are doing. I
wish the example written in the results of this great cooperative effort
might spread across the land; that the number of men and women reached
directly by the influence of this movement might be multiplied by tens
of thousands. I can scarcely imagine a greater good than that the lesson
taught by the accomplishments of this company of splendid men and women
might sink deep into the hearts of millions of farmers who need it.
Only a moment in history, a clock-tick in eternity, has elapsed
since the South threw its every power into a struggle which in a material
sense set it back for generations. From that point 75 years ago, truly
a miraculous recovery has been made. We can take comfort, from that
viewpoint, in what an advancing South has accomplished.
let viewed from another angle, we are running a race against time.
For none of us in America will be allowed to sit down and take his ease
as long as we have in this country vast numbers of unemployed men and
women and unused physical surpluses and resources on the one hand, with
unfilled wants and desperate needs on the other.
There are problems in the South which we might debate to Doomsday
without accord. The same thing might be said of many other regions. But
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one truth shines forth clear and bright about which there can be no dis
agreement. The volume of wealth produced in the South is too low in
comparison with the numbers of its concentrated population. We must
produce more wealth in the form of things people need and can consume
if we are to make any real advance toward the goal of a more satisfactory
standard of living.
The Plant-to-Prosper movement, the annual consummation of which
we are gathered here to celebrate, strikes right at the heart of that
problem. I congratulate its sponsors - the Commercial Appeal, the Cham
ber of Commerce, and the Extension Service of the cooperating State agri
cultural colleges - on its magnificent results. But honesty compels us
all to admit that the South as 0 whole is not living up to the examples
of those winners whom we honor today.
I wonder how many of you read the words which a friend of mine,
and a friend and neighbor of yours, wrote on this subject the other day.
The Staple Cotton Review carried them in a short article by that philos
opher and leader of Mississippi, Alfred H. Stone.
The writer first quoted these lines from Corper:
"Defend me, therefore, common sense, say I,
From reveries se> airy; from the toil
Of dropping buckets into empty wells,
And growing old in drawing nothing up."
These significant passages stand in the ensuing article:
"Our own people, as well as those beyond our borders, would
do well to accept the stubborn fact that we ourselves must
work out our own destiny, must solve our own problems, must
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heal our own wounds. And we should also realize that
for the health of our own bodies and the peace of our
own souls, it is well that this is so. We are not dif
ferent from the rest of the world. We are entitled to
no special and peculiar dispensation of providence.
"There is not a farm in the Southern states which is
not potentially a self-sustaining unit. This simply
means that our farming population, individually and
as a whole, can raise its own vegetables, produce its
own melons and fruit, cure its own meat, produce its
own milk, butter, syrup, chickens and eggs. These
things are too simple and crude for discussion in a
learned treatise on rural economics. But through all
the ages of civilized man, and in all the countries
of the civilized world, they have been the backbone,
the beginning and the end, of a sound agricultural
economy. It is only in the Soxith that we refuse to
produce for ourselves the necessities which we our
selves consume. It is only here that we blindly and
stupidly persist in our determination to buy the neces
sities of life, rather than produce them. And this is
the deepest of our own empty wells. Not in a thousand
efforts can we draw from it anything save the bitter
water of broken hopes."
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Up to this point I have spoken in terms of the southern farm
and its problems. But if the South falls short of doing as well as
it knows, the nation as a whole must plead guilty to a similar and
even broader charge. Before I develop that thought as the main theme
of my talk, please bear with me for a short look at cotton, the South's
number one crop.
Truth is too often trite. It is hard to find a fresh and attrac
tive dress to replace its commonplace garb. I shall not try to do so.
The future for the South is dismal if its agriculture clings to
one-crop cotton economy. I offer it merely ns one man's opinion that
we are not likely to see the day when the farm resources of the cotton
belt can be fully employed to produce cotton for a market return that
offers a margin above costs. Too many new factors are at work at home
and abroad.
We can and should fight for wider cotton markets and satisfactory
returns for the staple. I am wholly in favor of the Cotton Council which
is developing from this area, and its objective of new uses and increased
consumption of cotton. I am in favor of re-shaping our international
trade policies to give the cotton producers a living chance at foreign
markets. I am opposed to loan policies or any other course that will
interfere with the free movement of American cotton to every market that
may be .found. And I am wholeheartedly in favor of government assistance
to cotton producers to hold their acreage in line with what will abun
dantly feed all markets, and to speed their adjustment to more diversified
forms of farming.
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■-rreuter industrial activity and increased national income will
raise domestic consumption. But while every effort is justified along
<.lx these lines, we cannot shut our eyes to forces that are inexorably
working in other directions. The year 1958 has ushered in new develop
ments in synthetic fiber and in rubber that threaten to take another
cut out of the uses for cotton. And the development of controlled
trade, and blocked exchanges among the nations of the world is anything
but a hopeful sign.
I am afraid that to depend on cotton alone as the prop for rural
prosperity in the South is just "dropping buckets into empty wells."
You who are gathered here today believe that the rich resources of the
South can support its civilization on a higher standard, and you are
striving mightily to hasten the day.
You have thought much about how Southern farmers ought to be
using their farms to produce a richer living. But have you stopped to
iace the question whether the United States as a whole is doing a much
better job handling its resources than the Southern farmer is doing
with his farm?
lie have millions of men unemployed; we have the greatest endowment
of natural and mechanical resources known to the world; and ?;e have the
monetary basis for an expansion of productive activity far greater than
heretofore existed. Yet we line up against this in stark paradox an
almost unlimited parade of unfilled human wants and needs,
j- submit that the challenge presented by that specta.de is, after
all, the nation's economic problem number onel
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The reason I refer to it as a challenge is that other nations
seem temporarily at least to be making headway through forms of govern
ment and at a price ”rhieh we do not favor here. The price they pay is
the complete subordination of the individual to the State.
Tile tdSK ahead of us is to bring about such a rate of production
that all of our effective man-power may find useful employment. Most
of us favor accomplishing this expansion under private initiative nnd
direction if possible.
Ihc needs of the people are great enough to absorb production in
the aggregate at a much higher rate than we have ever attained. Expansion
to that point is safe as long as we produce what the people need and at
prices at which production will be absorbed.
I should say that from the point at which we stand in December 1958,
economic activity can rise and continue to expand provided (l) increasing
purchasing power can be generally distributed; (j?) industrial prices and
wages do not rise because of restricted production: and (Z) if speculation
and bad price dislocations can be avoided.
AH of us need oo address our attention to this central problem.
I do not offer to solve the equation - merely to point out the- "x" in it,
and to offer some suggestions.
I do not oelieve we are going to meet this challenge unless the
government, the employers of labor, and the leaders of organized labor
themselves, re-appraise their policies and true them up with the all-
important objective of getting the unemployed into useful work and main
taining conditions that will give them work to do.
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I submit two questions for your consideration:
Would not manufacturers and other non-agricultural producers be
better off if they held to lower prices and larger continuous produc
tion when demand starts to revive, looking to volume production in
stead of increased prices for their profits?
And would not labor get higher real wages if its leaders fixed
their eyes on the amount earned at the end of the year through steady
employment in producing things people need, rather than on the highest
attainable hourly wage for a minimum of production?
The principles suggested by these questions for industry and
l£ft>or are the principles agriculture has always followed. If they are
put to work, the farm problem will become far simpler to handle than
it is.
How do these principles, which I have suggested in partial answer
to the basic question, apply to the South?
I cannot agree with those who isolate the South in their thinking
as the nation's foremost economic problem. The South needs the chance
to put its man—power and its resources to work. The trend toward broad
ening and diversification in the industries of this section is unmistak
able. , I could supply plenty of figures to support that statement, but I
i
have promised myself that for a change I will forswear figures and per
centages in this talk.
I 'There are some adjustments which the South needs and must have.
But -above all it simply needs the chance to work. This it will have
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whenever a national program gets under way that really means for in
dustry, profits through production, and for labor, higher annual wages,
under fair conditions, earned through greater and not through less pro
duction.
Given that setting, I'll take my chances with the South. Given
its part in that picture, the South will become not the nation's number
one economic problem, but the nation's number one economic opportunitv.
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Cite this document
APA
Chester C. Davis (1938, December 14). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19381215_davis
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19381215_davis,
author = {Chester C. Davis},
title = {Speech},
year = {1938},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19381215_davis},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}