speeches · January 3, 1938
Speech
Marriner S. Eccles · Chair
Z-69
TRANSCRIPT OF TESTIMONY
OF
CHAIRMAN ECCLES
BEFORE THE
SENATE SPECIAL COMMITTEE
TO INVESTIGATE UNEMPLOYMENT AND RELIEF
ON
TUESDAY, JANUARY 4, 1938
(Charts referred to appear at the end of the text.)
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MARRINER S. ECCLES
was called as a witness and testified as follows:
The Chairman: I want to say to the members of the Committee that
I had asked Governor Eccles of the Federal Reserve Board to appear on
Friday of this week, and only yesterday afternoon requested him to ap
pear today. Mr. Eccles did not want to come at any time. I did not
have to resort to sending a subpoena to bring him here, but at one
time I thought I would have to do it. He is not only reluctant, but
is a very reluctant witness. Nevertheless, he is here.
Governor Eccles, how long have you been Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board?
Mr. Eccles: Since February 1, 1936, which was the effective date
of the Banking Act of 1935 so far as the reorganization of the Board
was concerned. Previously, I was appointed as a member and as Gover
nor of the Board beginning November 15, 1934.
The Chairman: This Committee is acting under a resolution with
which you may or may not be familiar. The purpose of our inquiry is
simply to ascertain the extent of unemployment, the cost of that un
employment, the revenues therefor; and then to endeavor to procure
opinion from Government officials, business leaders and labor leaders,
as to what, if anything, can be done by Government to encourage pri
vate industry to provide jobs and where such jobs can not be provided
by private industries, to recommend the methods to be pursued by Gov
ernment to render assistance.
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I wish you would state to the Committee, first, the picture of
1937, as you get it from the information furnished to the Federal
Reserve Board. I would like to know in what month industrial pro
duction reached its recovery peak; how that peak compared with 1929;
what recession there has been to date; and, in that connection, we
will be glad to have any information that you have, and which you
can furnish to the Committee.
Mr. Eccles: Mr. Chairman, I have had very little time to give
this the preparation it deserves, but I will undertake to outline,
briefly, what I understand the situation to be.
I would like to say in appearing hero that I am expressing my
own views, and not necessarily those of the Board or the Reserve Sys
tem or the Administration. I am not here representing anyone except
myself.
The Federal Reserve Index of Production got up to 121 (that is,
of the average 1923-1925 index figure of 100), in December, 1936. In
August of 1937, it was 117, The recession, up to that time, was minor.
In November the index was down to 89, The best estimate we can give
at this time, for December, is that it would be around 83.
The index of production seemed to be levelling off in December
for the first time since the decline started.
This is the sharpest rate of decline in production on record.
In this period the weekly wholesale commodity price index figure,
which was 100 in 1926, averaged 87 in September, and on December 25th,
81.2.
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The price index of farm products at the end of September, was
87.3. It fell to 72.9 per cent as of December 25th. Prices of com
modities, other than farm products and foods, fell from 85.9 to 83.6,
or a decline of 2.3, as against a drop of very close to 15 points in
the farm products price index.
The Department store sales, which are an important figure, through
October were 93; in November, 91, and the estimate for December is 90.
Rents had been going steadily up until about October. Then they
levelled off, and are now tending downward.
Residential building continued to decline. It started to decline
last spring, and has continued through December.
That is just a very brief outline of the present picture of pro
duction, prices and construction.
I might add that freight car loadings, which were at a high of 84
in April, were down in December to an estimate of 67.
Factory payrolls were at a high of 105 in April and May. We have
no estimate or preliminary figure for December. However, the preliminary
figure for November is 89. Of course, it will be lower than that in De
cember.
Every one of the figures indicates that a severe decline has been
under way in employment and in production. Some prices have declined
considerably and others very little or not at all.
With reference to the security markets, high grade bonds, including
Governments, have shown considerable strength, particularly Governments,
during the last three months, whereas stocks, have undergone a severe
decline.
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Second grade securities, that is, bonds of certain types of busi
ness such as rails, have shown considerable weakness during the last
three or four months. That is a typical development for a deflationary
period, where high-grade securities tend to reflect the absence of op
portunity for profitable investment and the prospects of increased buy
ing power for money, whereas equity securities and real estate tend to
go down in price, reflecting the deflationary trend, just as they go up
much more rapidly in an inflationary trend.
The Chairman: Mr. Eccles, what, in your opinion, were the most po
tent factors influencing the recession?
Mr. Eccles: From the upturn in the latter part of 1933 until the
latter part of 1936, non-agricultural prices had been pretty stable. Un
employment had gradually lessened. The national income had increased by
more than $20,000,000,000, and the recovery had been orderly. It had
been marked by a great degree of stability. It was hoped by many of us
that the transition from Government spending to private activity, or
from an unbalanced budget to a balanced budget, could be effected. When
we look back, it becomes apparent that in 1936 private expansion was well
under way. That is, there was a very substantial increase in private ex
penditures and in bank credit. An expansion of bank credit normally in
creases the supply of money, or the means of payment. The banks were,
therefore, increasing the supply of money, based upon the requirements
of private activities. Even in those situations where credit was not
needed the deposits of many companies were put into greater activity than
had previously been the case.
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The volume of money which is created by the banks, either through
private lending or Government lending, is only one factor.
Another factor is the velocity of the existing supply of money.
That is, putting the money on deposit in banks to use.
During 1936 the Government was borrowing very heavily, while at the
same time private business was borrowing. The Government was borrowing
to take care of its relief, and also public works, and other programs.
Also, at this time the payment of the bonus came in. Thus, in 1936 there
was a large increase in the volume of bank credit, and in the velocity of
existing bank funds toward the latter part of the year. Personally, I
think that it was unfortunate that the bonus was paid in 1936, at a time
when other large expenditures were being made by Government in other
fields, and when expenditures were also being made on an increasing scale
by private business. I think that had the bonus boon paid possibly in
1934, it would have tended to compensate for the lack of activity at that
time in private business. But it seems that we were all going in the
same direction at the same time in the fall of 1936, and that this ac
centuated the inflationary development. A price distortion took place
from the fall of 1936 to the spring of 1937, bringing about a very rapid
increase in the price of stocks, in anticipation of great business activi
ty, and profits; and bringing about a very large increase in building
costs, and costs in the heavy goods industries, generally. An inflation
psychology developed, and was followed up by the desire to convert money
into things, because people were of the opinion that things were going
higher. Nearly every business undertook to place future orders. There
was an effort to buy, not only for current needs, but for future needs.
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This accentuated further the strength of prices in many fields.
Senator Clark: Was not that precisely what the Government itself
had tried to force under the N. R. A. scheme; this purchasing for future
needs, as well as present needs, on the theory that the whole business
was going higher? That was the whole theory of the N. R. A., was it not?
Mr. Eccles: I am not familiar with the history of the N. R. A. I
was trying to answer the question of the Chairman with reference to —
Senator Clark: I did not mean to interrupt your trend of thought.
Mr. Eccles: I was not trying to answer the question as to what were
the contributing factors to this present situation.
The increased construction costs discouraged the building of homes.
Costs went up faster than rents, it made building for rental an unprof
itable venture. The income of the great masses of the country did not
rise as fast as construction costs. Because of abundant crops of the
farmers, the prices of agricultural products, as I have indicated, did
not go up as did the prices or costs of some labor and some materials,
particularly in the heavy goods industry, so that the recovery got out
of bounds. A distortion developed in prices.
Senator Lodge: Did I understand you to say that wages are too high;
that they are getting too large a percentage?
Mr. Eccles: No, I did not say that, Senator. I think a question of
that sort can not be answered by yes or no.
Senator Lodge: You think there is a maladjustment?
Mr. Eccles: What I am saying is that prices of construction and
prices of many other things went up, while the buying power of a great
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part, of the population, particularly agriculture, did not go up corre
spondingly. They were unable to buy at the increased prices. If their
prices had gone up in the same degree, it would have made no particular
difference in so far as their ability to buy was concerned. In other
words, if agricultural prices, wages and incomes, generally, had gone up
in relationship to certain wages and certain prices, possibly, we could
have continued to do business on an inflated or higher scale. At least,
theoretically, that would be true.
The Chairman: Along that line, would it be due to the fact that
agricultural prices are governed, to some extent, by world prices?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. World prices determine the prices of some of the
basic agricultural products, whereas the prices of certain manufactured
products are determined by the world price plus the tariff. The tariff
enters into that picture as as factor; whereas this is not true with many
basic agricultural products.
The Chairman: Would there be more rigidity in the prices of mater
ial and labor than in agricultural commodities when the basic commodities
are priced at home?
Mr. Eccles: There is, of course, a great deal of rigidity in cer
tain prices and wages, whereas in the case of certain wages and certain
other prices there is more flexibility, and they adjust themselves very
rapidly to changes in supply and demand. At the same time that the price
increases took place there were demands by labor for an increased share
of the increased profits from the increased activity of business. Such
demands were perfectly justified, but, as a result of that, strikes de
veloped. There was a feeling on the part of many business interests that
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they would have difficulty in getting deliveries, and a great backlog of
orders was built up. There was a seller’s market. That is one reason
why, even though prices failed to go up after April, there was no diminu
tion in production or employment until about August. Business, generally,
was living on a large backlog of orders. While this development was going
on in the field of private activity, Government commenced to reduce its
expenditures, or, at least, its contribution to community buying power
was very greatly lessened. The failure of production to continue to ex
pand, and construction to continue to grow, brought about, shortly, a con
traction in the volume of credits as inventories began to decline and were
converted into funds, and these funds were used to pay off loans, to some
extent.
As values went down pressure for paying off loans developed because
the margin of commodities or securities back of the credit decreased,
The Chairman: When did that occur?
Mr. Eccles: I am not speaking of any specific instance, excepting
that as the value of collateral diminishes to a point where a bank may
feel unsafe in continuing to carry it, whether it be on commodities or
other assets, there is pressure by the lender, whether it be a bank or
any other lender, for payment of the loan. That tends to bring about a
certain liquidation. That has not been extensive. I think it has been
very mild, because of the small amount of speculative credit that was ex
pended.
The Chairman: That was a development of the fall, was it not?
Mr. Eccles: Yes, that is right.
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The Chairman: When do you say there was a reduction in Government
expenditure?
Mr. Eccles: I can take the picture for the 11 months of this year
as compared with last year. It is estivated that the excess of cash ex
penditures over cash receipts for the first 11 months of 1936, as compared
with the first 11 months of 1937, showed a difference of over $3,000,000,000.
Senator Clark: How much of that is represented by the payment of the
tonus?
Mr. Eccles: I could not give the exact figure on that. Total bonus
payments in 1936, of course, aggregated about $2,000,000,000.
Senator Clark: What I was trying to get at was how much reduction,
if any, there had been between the two periods in the normal expenditures
by the Government, or what you might call the normal end extraordinary
expenses of the Government, outside of the bonus.
Mr. Eccles: I am not talking about Government expenditures. I am
talking about, the excess of cash expenditures over cash receipts. That
would take into account, particularly in 1937, collection of social secur
ity taxes, which in 1936 were small, whereas in 1937 they have been large.
The Chairman: You are not talking about the expenditures of 1937 as
compared with 1936, but you are speaking of the deficit in 1937 as com
pared with the deficit in 1936. Is that correct?
Mr. Eccles: That is right. I am talking about the difference be
tween what the Government contributed to the community ability to buy in
1936 as compared with 1937. In other words, the payment of social secur
ity taxes is like the payment of any other taxes, in. so far as the com
munity does not have these funds available to expend after they have boon
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paid in taxes. The difference between the total collections and the total
disbursements is the thing I am talking about. In 1936 the Government
collected about three and one-half billion dollars less than it spent.
The Chairman: And had to borrow -
Mr. Eccles: That is right.
The Chairman: — to meet the expenditures.
Mr. Eccles: That included the bonus payment. In the first 11
months of 1937 it is estimated that the Government expended more them it
collected, including collection of social security taxes, by about
$450,000,000, so that the Government added to the ability of the commun
ity, as a whole, to buy, $450,000,000 in the first 11 months of 1937, as
against about $3-1/2 billion in the first 11 months of 1936. Of course,
that was a very important factor. That was a very drastic decrease from
the high point that the bonus and other expenditures had put us up to in
1936. As I look back, it certainly would seem that it would have been
better if less had been expended in 1936 and more in 1937; in other words,
if, in 1936, while credit was expanding and private activity was under
way, there had been some lessening in Government expenditures, then if in
1937 the Government had been prepared to increase the contribution to the
community to offset the decrease in private spending. In other words,
the action of the Government, the fiscal policy, to my mind has got to be
compensatory, in that it can diminish only when private credit is expand
ing, and should expand only as private activity diminishes.
That is a general statement.
The Chairman: I know it is a general statement, but isn't this a
fact, that one reason why the deficit was less in 1937 was because,
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through the Social Security taxes the revenues were higher?
Mr, Eccles: That is right.
Senator Clark: We were borrowing from the Social Security funds
instead of borrowing on the money market for Government expenditures?
Mr. Eccles: That is correct.
The Chairman: It does not mean that the expenditures by the Gov
ernment were less, but it means that the deficit was loss because the
revenue was greater, due to the Social Security tax.
Mr. Eccles: Well, what it means is that the Government contributed
more to the ability of the community to buy in 1936 — three and one-
half billion dollars in the first eleven months -- than it did in 1937.
The Chairman: That means only that the contribution by Government
to the community for expenditures is the amount of its deficit.
Mr. Eccles: You have a cash deficit and a bookkeeping deficit.
Social Security is figured, of course, as a liability to a fund. In the
case of the cash deficit, it would be the total difference between what
the Government takes in and what it expends. After all, that is the
thing that affects community activity. It is not the bookkeeping defi
cit, It is the difference between the cash receipts and the cash dis
bursements, and if the cash receipts, for whatever purposes, are greater
than the cash expenditures, by three and one-half billion dollars, be
tween one year and the next year, it means that private activity has got
to supply the three and one-half billion dollars to offset it, in order
to maintain the status quo.
The Chairman: I see what you mean. Whenever you have completed
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your statement of factors I want to revert to another question. Have
you completed your statement of factors, or are there other factors en
ter into the recession to which you wish to call attention?
Mr. Eccles: I will just briefly outline them. They are the costs
and the price advances. Then there are the increases in inventories,
which, according to the studies we have made, were about 35 per cent
more in September of 1937 than they were in September, 1936. That is
in the case of about 60 of the large corporations.
There was the downturn in construction, particularly in residential
construction, due to the increased costs, and the failure of rents to
rise sufficiently to make it profitable to build at the higher costs.
There was the change in the budget picture, which I have just out
lined.
I might add to that the railroad situation which, due to the in
creased wage bill, and the increased costs of materials, tended to dim
inish the fund or the income of the railroads available for buying of
equipment and doing needed maintenance work.
Of course, there are the utilities, which did not expand to the full
extent which they, possibly, would have done had they felt that condi
tions were more favorable to their expansion.
All of these factors tend to feed upon the others.
As the stock market began to go down it tended to diminish buying
power. At least, it tended to depress the holder of securities, and
would tend to cause him to curtail expenditures, to some extent.
The Chairman: Now, reverting to an earlier month; when did the
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Federal Reserve Board first increase the bank requirements?
Mr. Eccles: They acted the first time in July, 1936, when they in
creased reserve requirements by 50 per cent. At that time there were
something over three billion dollars of excess reserves, and, on the
basis of then existing reserve requirements, a sufficient amount to ex
pand credit and increase deposits by something over thirty billion dol
lars, which would more than double the amount of total bank deposits that
we had in member banks at that time, or that we had in 1929. It was per
fectly evident that the huge volume of reserves was not necessary and,
if used, could only create a very injurious credit expansion.
The Chairman: What effect, if any, did it have upon prices and con
ditions, generally?
Mr. Eccles: That first increase had no effect whatever. The in
creased prices and the increased activity occurred after this action to
increase reserve requirements.
From the time these reserves were increased until December, when the
Treasury adopted a policy of sterilizing gold, reserves had continued to
increase rapidly, due to the foreign capital that was coming into this
country, reflecting itself in an increase in deposits, and an increase in
the excess reserves of the banking system.
When the Treasury acted on December 21, 1936, to keep gold imports,
or the effect of foreign capital imports from adding to excess reserves,
which was accomplished by the sale of Government securities or bills, and
using the money from that sale to buy and sterilize the gold, that, of
course, stopped a further increase in reserves, so far as they were
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influenced by gold imports, or so far as they were influenced by foreign
capital coming into this country. The gold imported in this period was
just a reflection of the foreign capital that was coming in. The de
sterilization, in itself, was not deflationary. It was only anti-infla
tionary. It merely stopped a further inflationary development resulting
from further increased idle reserves.
In January the Federal Reserve Board decided to increase the reserve
requirements to the full extent permitted under the law, which was another
billion and a half. The excess reserves at that time were over two bil
lion dollars.
We figured that the further increase in reserve requirements would
diminish the excess reserves to between a half a billion dollars and one
billion dollars. At this particular time the volume of deposits was in
excess of anything that we had ever had before. The excess reserves still
available after the final increase would have made possible a further ex
pansion of credit, taking members banks as a whole, without resorting to
borrowing from the reserve system, of from two and one-half to three
billion dollars.
This chart will give the Committee a picture of the deposits of mem
ber banks.
The Chairman: When was the peak?
Mr. Eccles: It has remained approximately the same since that period.
The Chairman: What year?
Mr. Eccles: 1937, It is up to the middle of 1937.
The Chairman: How does this compare with 1929?
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Senator Clark: When does that chart start?
Mr. Eccles: It goes buck to 1921. Here are the deposits in 1929
and here they are now (indicating).
The Chairman: What is the comparison between 1929 and 1937, Janu
ary 1?
Mr. Eccles: The net demand deposits of the banks, including cur
rency in circulation, by comparison with 1929 is not here. I do not
have the figures. I have merely the chart. This is over $30,000,000,000
here. Here, in 1929, it is slightly less than thirty billion (indicating).
This, in 1937, is about thirty-two or thirty-three billion. There is
approximately three billion more deposits at member banks.
The Chairman: Have deposits ever been greater than the figure you
indicate for January, 1937?
Mr. Eccles: They have never been that great by three or four bil
lion dollars at member banks.
Senator Davis: They are greater in 1937 than they were in 1929?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. They are still greater — substantially greater.
I merely wanted to give you that picture.
The Chairman: Let us go back to January, 1937, when the Board deter
mined to issue the order. What motive actuated the Board in issuing that
order as to reserve requirements at that time, raising them to the maxi
mum? Were they seeking a restriction?
Mr. Eccles: It was not done as a restraining or deflationary action.
It was done for the purpose of putting the Reserve Board in a position
where its action in the future could be effective.
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The way that the reserve system would influence the use of credit
on the part of the public, through the banks, would be to put the banks
in a position where they had to borrow from the Reserve System in order
to extend credit, and then the Reserve System could raise the discount
rates, so that, in effect, the restraining action would have to be brought
about largely by extinguishing any excess reserves, putting the banks then
in a position where, if they extended credit, they would have to go to the
Reserve System to get it, the Reserve System, in turn, raising the dis
count rate, so as to discourage the banks from borrowing from the Reserve
System and, hence, discouraging them from making loans.
All during the period of the 20’s the banking system operated with
out excess reserves. There was general borrowing from the Reserve System
of substantial amounts by the member banks all during the 20*s.
There has been practically no borrowing whatever from the Reserve
System since 1933.
Last spring a great deal of pressure was being brought for the Re
serve System to exercise a restraining influence upon advancing prices.
There were many people who felt that the inflationary development that
seemed to be under way last spring should be stopped by a restrictive
monetary policy. I disagreed with them and, briefly quoting what was
said at the time, because it is better to give what was said at the time
than to look back and think what you might have said, I said on March
15th —
The Chairman: Of this year?
Mr. Eccles: Of 1937:
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”I have been and still am an advocate of an easy money policy and
expect to continue to be an advocate of such a policy so long as there
are large numbers of people who are unable to find employment in private
industry, which means that the full productive capacity of the nation is
not being utilized. Under such conditions, to restrict the available
supply of capital and thus to make it difficult, if not impossible, to
employ these people would not only be anti-social but uneconomic."
I will not read all of it.
The Chairman: What steps were being urged upon the Board at that
time, or what action did the Board take?
Mr. Eccles: The steps that were being urged were not only to in
crease the reserve requirements, but also to carry out an open market
operation by decreasing holdings of securities in the portfolio. In
other words, reduce or eliminate the excess reserves entirely, and raise
the discount rates.
The Chairman: You did not use the reserve for open market purchases?
Mr. Eccles: We did not sell but we did purchase. We purchased about
$96,000,000 of government securities in April.
The Chairman: In April?
Mr. Eccles: That is right.
The Chairman: When did the order as to the bank reserves go into
effect?
Mr. Eccles: It went into effect, one half on March 1st, and one
half on May 1st. It is not a flexible instrument. You can apply it only
to two classes of banks. One class is termed the country banks which
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does not necessarily signify banks in the country district, but means
banks which are not reserve city or central reserve city banks. New York
and Chicago are the Central Reserve cities. Then there are about 60 of
what we call reserve cities. Any increase or decrease in reserve require
ments at city banks has to be made to apply to all of them, just as any
increase or decrease at country banks had to be made to apply to all of
them.
The Chairman: What effect did it have upon the bank reserves?
Mr. Eccles: It decreased the excess reserves.
The Chairman: It decreased the excess reserves?
Mr. Eccles: That is right.
The Chairman: What are the bank reserves as of today, or as of the
last date about which you can tell us?
Mr. Eccles: The member bank excess reserves at the present date are
about one billion two hundred million. It is expected that they will in
crease to one billion four hundred million or one billion five hundred
million as the currency in circulation diminishes. It is diminishing
seasonally now.
The Chairman: That compares with what figure as of the date that
the orders were issued by the Board?
Mr. Eccles: I would say that is possibly six hundred or seven hun
dred million less than the excess reserves at the beginning of 1937, but
the present excess reserves are of sufficient amount for member banks, as
a whole, to expand credit by from six billion to eight billion dollars,
so it would appear that when credit is contracting, as it has been for
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the last few months, it is not because of the inability of the banks to
carry the credit, or extend more credit —
The Chairman: To what is it due?
Mr. Eccles: It is due to the desire of people to apply funds against
loans as inventories are reduced, or as accounts are reduced, or as liqui
dation goes on. There is less opportunity to use funds profitably. Cred
it only expands, generally, when there is an opportunity to use funds thus
borrowed or created profitably.
The Chairman: Due to the fact that prospective borrowers do not see
how they can use those funds so as to make a profit?
Mr. Eccles: That is right, end as inventories are reduced and ac
counts are reduced, which always goes on in a period of business contrac
tion, idle funds are created, and those funds are used to apply against
debts if a concern has debts.
In connection with that, and in reply to those people who say there
has been a restrictive policy, I would like to show you the trend of the
interest rate structure here from 1920. This figure here on the bottom is
bankers' acceptances (referring to chart). You see that they are less
than one-half of one per cent.
The Chairman: Has it ever been lower than that?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. It was lower from 1934 to 1936. It is a small
item, however. The volume of bankers' acceptances amounts to very, very
little.
The Chairman: How about the customers’ rates?
Mr. Eccles: This is the average customers' rates, in 27 leading
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southern and western cities (indicating). It is at the lowest average
that it has ever been.
The Chairman: What is the average at this time?
Mr. Eccles: The average at this time is about four and a quarter per
cent.
The Chairman: You mean that is the average interest rate applied to
customers by the banks in the southern and western districts?
Mr. Eccles: That is right, for banks in principal cities in these
sections. That would include all types of loans.
The Chairman: How about other sections of the country?
Mr. Eccles: In 8 leading northern and eastern cities, excluding New
York, the average customers' rate is a little less than three and one-half
per cent.
The Chairman: Does the chart show any lower customers’ rates than
that?
Mr. Eccles: You notice that it fluctuates slightly. It is never a
straight line. For a period of a few months they were possibly a frac
tion of a per cent lower.
The Chairman: In previous years —
Mr. Eccles: It has never been lower in previous years than at the
present time. In 1936, 1935, 1934, 1933, 1932, 1931, 1930, 1929, all dur
ing the 20’s —
The Chairman: In 1929 what was the average customers' rate?
Mr. Eccles: Around 6-1/4 per cent. All during the period of the mid
dle 20*s they averaged around 5 per cent in principal cities in the southern
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and eastern sections. It is now less than 3-1/2. We get down to the New
York City average customers' rate. It is less than 2-1/2 per cent.
The yield on long term Government bonds went down to about 2.3 per
cent in December 1936. Then it went up to around 2-3/4 per cent in April
1937. It is now down to a basis of 2-1/2 per cent. 2-1/2 per cent, out
side of this period in here, from August 1936 to March 1937, (indicating),
is the lowest average yield that long term Governments has ever enjoyed.
The commercial paper rate is 1 per cent. It was three-quarters of 1
per cent from 1934 to the time the reserve requirements were increased
finally. Call loans have continued at 1 per cent for several years.
I see no indication there —
The Chairman: Of a restriction of credit?
Mr. Eccles: Of a. restriction of credit, and the lack of availability
of funds, so far as the banks’ willingness and ability to lend is concerned,
that is, where they consider credit good. There could be a good many situ
ations where banks could have double or quadruple the excess reserves they
now have and would, still, refuse to make loans which they felt were not
satisfactory. It is not a question of the amount of excess reserves that
always assures credit to everybody, and which also assures that those hav
ing loans that are unsatisfactory or undesirable will not have them called.
Excess reserves, existing today, in and of themselves, are adequate for a
very substantial expansion of bank credit. The difficulty today is the
absence of borrowers; not the inability of the banks to loan, but the un
willingness on the part of the public to borrow, because they, do not feel
that they can do so profitably. I do not mean to say that a situation
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could not develop where the excess reserves, if deflation continued in
the country banking area, might not go down while they are going up in
the reserve bank areas, which might call for action in dealing with one
class of banks.
We are constantly studying where the reserve funds are. According
to the last study we made, they are widely distributed throughout the country.
It is only when excess reserves are widely distributed that you can put
such a blanket increase into effect and cause the least difficulty.
Senator Davis: Did I understand you to say that you were opposed to
increasing the reserve requirements?
Mr. Eccles: No; I was not.
Senator Murray: Isn't it true that those very large bank deposits
which you speak of were due to the fact that during the period that the
Government was spending so heavily we had a very low income tax rate, which
permitted a large amount of that Government spending to drift into the
hand of private capital? That is to say, while the Government was spend
ing so heavily, there was a low income tax rate, which permitted a large
portion of the Government spending to get into private ownership and it was
not kept in circulation?
Mr. Eccles: I think the problem is not just that simple, Senator. I
think that might be a contributing factor. Certainly, as the Government
created money by borrowing, which it spent, that, in turn, increased the
deposits of others in the banks. As business institutions took in more
money than they paid out, and held that money idle, somebody had to pay
out more than was taken in. That is why I was for the undistributed prof
its tax, and still am, with modifications. As a monetary factor it is a
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very important element in our economy.
When business institutions take in more money than they disburse,
either in dividends, in plant and improvements, or in the purchase of ma
terials and labor, thus leaving their funds idle, that is deflationary in
character; or, when they use those funds at a time like the present to
pay off bank debts, it is deflationary in character.
This whole principle of a "rainy day” reserve is a fine principle to
apply to the individual corporation or the individual person, but when you
apply it to the economy, as a whole, it won't work. What we mean by a
"rainy day" reserve is that each person and business will get out of debt,
and if it is good for one it must be good for all. If it is good for the
big company it certainly must be good for the little individual.
The process of everyone getting out of debt, of course, means defla
tion. We have never had an expansion of business activity except with an
expansion of debt. Our whole capitalistic system is built upon a system
of debtor-creditor relationship, and if everyone proceeded on the theory
of getting out of debt and having a rainy day reserve to meet a depression
our insurance companies would certainly have no place to loan the insur
ance premiums that are paid in to them. Our savings banks would have no
place whatever to loan the funds that they have.
We are trying, through a housing bill, to encourage people, individ
uals, to go into debt to build houses. Now, we come along with a tax
proposal encouraging corporations to get out of debt and to build up idle
funds. That is, they take in more funds than they pay out, which means
that the Government must pay out more than it takes in so that the public
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will have these funds to spend during a business recession. In a business
recession debt is extinguished. That is what tends to create the reces
sion. Business expansion comes about through the use of credit, either
Government credit or private credit.
Senator Lodge: Isn’t it true that the advantages of incurring debts
can be carried too far? You can go too far in that direction, too, can
you not?
Mr. Eccles: Oh, yes. There is no question about that. I am not ad
vocating that everyone can and should go into debt at any time, under any
condition.
Senator Lodge: I wanted to get that straight.
The Chairman: May I say this, that as Chairman of this Committee I
wrote a letter throughout the country to every daily newpaper, and to
many business executives and labor leaders and economists with reference
to the provisions of the resolution under which this committee is acting,
and, with marked unanimity, certainly the newpaper editors and the busi
ness executives, were of the opinion that one factor that contributed to
the business recession was the fear on the part of Capital or investment
and, in turn, that fear was due, in great measure, to this tax. Inasmuch
as you have mentioned the subject, I would like to ask you whether during
the last years of the depression, say 1932, 1933 and 1934, when there was
a real depression, the reserves of the corporations were used or not.
Have you any figure?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. I want to speak of that. In answer to the replies
which you received to your inquiry, that this tax was deterring business,
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I would like to point out that we had this tax in effect Last fall and
this spring, when the activity of business, as I have indicated here,
in forward buying and in the general expansion would, in no sense, indi
cate that the tax which was in effect deterred in any way the expansion
which appears to have been too rapid in certain directions.
The Chairman: You state you are in favor of the principle. You
do not mean that you are in favor of the tax as it is now being imposed?
Mr. Eccles: That is correct. I am not in favor of it in its pres
ent form. I would Like to say something about the principle of the tax,
but I am speaking here now from the monetary aspects of the tax, as I
see it.
The question of taxes was raised as a. factor in connection with this
whole subject, as I understand it, and it is difficult to treat the sub
ject without referring to this question of taxes and their influence.
Some of the studies that have been made indicate that from 1929
when the cash and equivalent of large companies was at its highest point,
they have not used or diminished substantially their rainy day reserves.
As a matter of fact, for a group of large industrial corporations the
cash and equivalent as of January 1st, from 1922 to 1937, would indicate
that they have had all the way from 2-1/2 to 3 billion dollars of idle
funds, or their equivalent, which I suppose would be Government bills or
short term securities.
The Chairman: 2-1/2 to 3 billion?
Mr. Eccles: Yes.
The Chairman: How does that compare with the previous figure?
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Mr. Eccles: From 1-1/2 to not exceeding 2-1/2 billions up to and
including 1928; that in every year from 1929 to 1937 they have had more
rainy day reserves than they had in any year prior to 1929.
The Chairman: Of course, I do not want to go into the tax because
there are many phases of it.
Senator Murray: You think that there is no justification for this
campaign for the repeal of those taxes?
Mr. Eccles: I think the most deflationary thing that could be done
would be to repeal completely the undistributed profits tax; that it
would encourage the discontinuance of dividends; and the encouragement
would be to pay debts and to keep funds idle on the theory of rainy day
reserves. We do not want a reduction of debt because if we get a further
reduction of private debt we are going to have to get an expansion of
public debt. Neither do we want the funds to remain idle. We want them
to be disbursed, if only to stockholders.
There is this factor that I would like to mention, so as not to be
misunderstood in connection with this tax; if business could be exempted
from the undistributed profits tax to the extent that earnings were in
vested in plant and equipment, and for expansion of any kind, that would
put the money in circulation, and give employment. This would be justi
fied from a monetary point of view. It seems to me that in a period
when we want expansion, we could well say to business that any funds in
vested in new plant and equipment facilities in excess of depreciation
charges, during a certain period, could be deducted from earnings, so
far as the undistributed profits tax is concerned, at such time as such
earnings develop.
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The present prospect of lower earnings, or small earnings and the
uncertainty of earnings, looking to 1938, might not be much of an en
couragement for business to go ahead and expand. But if expanded earnings
in 1938, 1939 or 1940, we will say, could be offset against expenditures
for plant in 1938, that, in itself, would seem to me to act as some stimu
lant to the expenditure now of some of the idle deposits, and it might
also tend to induce corporations to borrow, because they would have the
prospect of being able to pay back that borrowing out of earnings, look
ing to the future.
The Chairman: Let me call your attention to an illustration. I
have in mind a small corporation, whose bonds were put upon the market,
and it has a mechanical device. In the first year the marketing of this
product is successful, and the earnings amount to more than 20 per cent.
Ordinarily, they would have been ploughed back into the business. It was
the desire of the few stockholders to do that, but, faced with the tax,
instead of the money being put back into the business for expansion, it
is distributed in dividends. As long as that continues there is no way
of providing competition for the established business of the country.
It stamps out competition and prevents expansion in the purchase of equip
ment. Your idea is that some exemption should be provided to enable a
corporation of that kind to use that profit of 20 per cent for expansion,
or for investment in business. Is that right?
Mr. Eccles: I have advocated that.
The Chairman: You say you did advocate that?
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Mr. Eccles: Yes. At the time this tax came out I privately ex
pressed some views with reference to it, calling for an exemption of a
fixed amount of $15,000 or $20,000 to all corporations. That $15,000
or $20,000, based upon, I think, the 1929 returns, would exempt about
90 per cent of all companies, and it would amount to less than 10 per
cent of the total corporate income of the country. It seemed to me
that an exemption of that sort is necessary for the smaller companies,
which do not have access to a capital market and are not using the corpo
rate structure for means of tax evasion. When I say "means of tax eva
sion", I refer to means of lessening the surtaxes of individual stock
holders. The normal corporation tax which the small companies pay is
already as great, in most instances, and possibly greater in a good many,
than the stockholders of those companies would pay if they were a part
nership. In other words, from the standpoint of equity, then, there
is some justification in exempting the great bulk of the corporations
of the country, and such an exemption, we will say of $15,000 or $20,000,
would permit those companies with twice that earning to hold half of it,
and pay out half of it, and so on, and, at the same time, the very large
companies, which have access to the capital market, would find that it
would be a very small proportion of their earnings.
The Chairman: One other reason given by the correspondence in the
communications to the Committee for the unwillingness of capital to in
vest was the capital gains tax. Do you care to express an opinion on
the effect that tax has had upon investment?
Mr. Eccles: Yes, I would. I would like to say another word in
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connection with the other matter.
The Chairman: Yes.
Mr. Eccles: So that I shall not be misunderstood.
In a period of deflation inventories are reduced and are converted
into cash. The cash may then be used to pay debts. Accounts are reduced.
It takes less money to carry inventories, because of their decreased cost.
The depreciation taken is not put back in, and it just adds to the cash
of the corporation, and the average corporation, in a period of deflation,
even though it shows no earnings and may even show losses, will increase
its cash. It will get its rainy day reserve in the form of cash through
the natural process of requiring less working capital; and debts are
liquidated through that process. That is the way it operates; whereas,
at the height of business activity, if corporations have no debts, and
have idle funds, then, as the recession proceeds, they will very likely
add to those funds, even though they may show bookkeeping losses. That
is a factor.
I would like to say this, that in situations where companies have
statutory or contractual obligations that, naturally, should be taken
into account in connection with the undistributed profits tax, so as to
avoid unnecessary hardships, and so as to make the tax more equitable.
You asked the question with respect to the capital gains tax. It
has been difficult for me to see why a person purchasing securities at
the bottom of a depression, as many did in 1932, and carrying them until
they appreciate anywhere from 100 to 1,000 per cent, should be privileged
to sell those securities and take that earning, which is money or buying
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power, in exactly the same manner as do those people who earn money for
personal services I do not see why they should be permitted to take
that fund without paying their proper share of the taxes.
Now, money made in that way is often made by those people who render
the least service; not always, but often. Certainly, the professional
speculator or operator in securities, who tries to buy at the low point,
by having funds or credit, and to sell at the high point, is not contrib
uting a great deal to the general wealth and well-being of the nation,
and is producing no real wealth.
It has been said that if the capital gains tax were greatly modified,
or eliminated, it would tend to restrain the stock market from going as
high as it otherwise might go, and that, likewise, it would put a cushion
under it on the down-side. We did not have the present capital gains tax
in 1929, but this did not restrain the market from going pretty high,
and neither did this restrain it from going very low in 1932. It seems
to me when the market was going up there might have been considerable sell
ing on the part of some people if the tax had been very much less, but,
likewise, there would have been considerable buying on the part of a lot
of other people who would have been encouraged to buy because of the op
portunity of making a profit, thinking that the stocks would go still
higher. It is my opinion that there would, possibly, be more buying on
the upside than there would be selling.
Foreigners, who owned a substantial amount of our American stocks,
were not heavy sellers of stocks at the high point of the market, and
there was no capital gains tax applicable to them. It would seem that
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if the shrewd foreign investor did not sell on the upside of ths market
when there was no capital gains tax, clearly, the American investor would
not be more likely to sell.
The Chairman: The statement made by the Committee is net directed
so much to the effect of that tax upon the capital gains, but the failure
to permit the deduction of losses. If you want to include gain in esti
mating net income, should not you, likewise, permit the deduction of
losses?
Mr. Eccles: Of course, you permit the deduction within the year.
The Chairman: Let us not consider it from the point of a speculator.
Here is a man who is not a speculator. He makes $10,000 from the sale of
one stock, and he loses $5,000 on another in the year. He has held that
stock. He has had the certificate for five or six years. The argument
is that he should be permitted to deduct that $5,000 Loss, just as he
should be taxed on the $10,000 gain.
Mr. EccLes: We try to draw a distinction between the speculator and
the investor based upon the time his security is held. I think some of
our most successful speculators are the people who never borrow money at
all, who buy in the depression, and always hold during the business
cycle. Those fellows are the real speculators. The pikers in the picture
are the fellows that buy within the year and maybe sell within the year,
or sell the following year, and who buy on credit. The real speculators
today only pay on a basis of 40 per cent of the profit if they hold for
five years or longer. Today the holder over a long period has got some
real benefit. In answer to your question about being able to offset
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capital loss against capital gain by carrying it over, I would say that
I would be, personally, in favor of that. I think that that would make
the tax much more equitable. Certainly if a person within a period of
five years has capital losses equal to capital gains he should not be
expected to pay a heavy tax on the capital gains and have no opportunity
of offsetting that at some time against the capital losses. There should
be an opportunity, over some period of time, at Least, to do that.
The Chairman: I did not want to get you into the tax field.
Mr. Eccles: Apparently I have gotten into it very deeply.
The Chairman: I wish you would tell me what you have to say about
the credit of the United States Government at this time.
Mr. Eccles: The chart on excess reserves which I showed you a moment
ago shows that the reserve system has locked up three billions of dollars
of excess reserves, so that it cannot be said that those funds are in the
hands of the banks so as to force Government bonds to a lower yield basis.
The Treasury has been sterilizing gold, so it cannot be said that
their action is one of trying to make an easy Government bond market for
themselves, and, yet, in the face of the action which the Board took, and
in the face of the action which the Treasury took, you have Government
bonds today, long-term Government bonds, selling on a yield basis of
around 2-1/2 per cent. It seems to me that that speaks pretty well for
the Government credit.
The amount of funds available for investment, and the scarcity of
desirable fields to invest them in is certainly, in part, responsible
for the strength of the Government bond market.
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The Chairman: What percentage of bonds is held by banks?
Mr. Eccles: These are the member banks, which hold almost 85 per
cent of the total commercial banking resources. According to this chart
here, along in the middle of the summer they held over 12 billion of Gov
ernment bonds. I am not giving it exactly because what I have here is a
chart.
The Chairman: That accounts for 85 per cent of the banks?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. That would account for approximately 85 per cent
of the total banking resources, member banks. The non-member state banks
are not in this.
The Chairman: By that I do not mean bonds issued which are guaranteed,
as in the case of some of the corporations established, but those are the
direct obligations of the Government. Is that right?
Mr. Eccles: That would include both.
The Chairman: Both?
Mr. Eccles: Yes. The direct obligations are slightly under 11 bil
lion, and the guaranteed obligations are slightly under 2 billion.
The Chairman: There is one other subject to which I wish to direct
your attention. You have referred to our gold owned by the Treasury. What
is the amount, or what is the value of the gold?
Mr. Eccles: The gold which the Treasury has sterilized is something
over $1,200,000,000.
The Chairman: What is the amount of the stabilization fund?
Mr. Eccles: Two billion.
The Chairman: What would be the effect of using that gold?
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Mr. Eccles: There are several ways by which you can increase member
bank excess reserves. One way would be for the Board to act to decrease
the reserve requirements.
The Chairman: Yes.
Mr. Eccles: Another way would be to increase the purchases of Gov
ernment securities in the open market, which we call open market opera
tions. A third way would be to desterilize gold.
The Government borrowed money to buy the gold, and if the gold is
desterilized, and the funds used to retire debt, what that would do would
be to decrease the Government debt, on the one hand, and increase the ex
cess reserves of the banking system on the other. It would not increase
bank deposits, and it would not increase consumer buying power. On the
other hand, if the gold were desterilized, and by "desterilized", I mean
deposited with the reserve system, and the Government given credit, and
the Government then spent those funds, not using the funds to reduce the
debt, those funds would then go out throughout the country and would
become increased deposits in the banks, and they would also increase the
excess reserves. That action would, of course, be reflationary on two
fronts; first, the increase in the reserves; secondly, the increase in
the total volume of funds, and the increase in buying power at such time
as the funds might be expended. That is merely the mechanism of it.
The Chairman: Let me get the mechanics. Say, for instance, we as
sume we are spending one billion of dollars for relief purposes and, of
course, the expenditures are in excess of the revenues during the next
year; instead of borrowing that billion dollars we desterilize this gold.
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Mr. Eccles: The gold is an asset--
The Chairman: It would be using an asset of the Government, instead
of the Government borrowing the one billion dollars?
Mr. Eccles: It would be converting an existing asset into a deposit
that the Treasury could spend, and as the Treasury spent it, it would be
come deposits throughout the country, on one side of the bank ledger, and
on the asset Side it would be idle reserves of member banks.
The Chairman: From the Government standpoint, first, it would mean
that, assuming revenues were decreasing and credits were in excess, the
Government would either have to increase the public debt by one billion
dollars or use an asset of the Government, amounting to a billion dollars.
Is that right?
Mr. Eccles: That is right.
The Chairman: If deposited in the banks in the way you suggest it
would be inflationary, would it not?
Mr. Eccles: Yes, it would. It would be inflationary. At least, it
would be anti-deflationary.
The Chairman: You can call it either way.
Mr. Eccles: I do not know how inflationary it would be. One billion
dollars of spending would, of course,--
The Chairman: It would be an increase in the amount of debt.
Mr. Eccles: A. billion dollars of increased spending, if it worked
quickly enough, and went into consumer-buying power, would act as a very
great stimulus, in my opinion, and would tend, I think, to stop the reces
sion.
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The Chairman: You think it would act as a great stimulus, and would
tend to stop the recession at this time?
Mr. Eccles: I think, whether that was done with gold or by other
means-- the point is that the prospect of private capital undertaking an
expansion unless there is an increase in orders does not seem to me to
be very promising. In other words, what we need to do at this time is to
sustain buying power, so that it would become profitable for private busi
ness to employ people. Private business is motivated in its action by
profits, and Government is not motivated by the same reason at all. Gov
ernment is forced to act for social reasons, and it seems to me that, as
inventories are reduced, the cash proceeds are either going towards pay
ing off further debt, which is deflationary, or are going to lie idle.
The question is, are they going to take that money and put it right back
into inventories again? They are not likely to. If they would take that
money and get it into plant and equipment that would put it into circula
tion. If buying power should substantially increase, so that it became
necessary to put those funds into inventories, in order to meet orders
that, of course, would put it into circulation.
The Chairman: But your contention is that that spending, if the funds
are derived from taxation, by additional taxes, would not have that refla
tionary effect?
Mr. Eccles: It would not, it seems to me, at this stage of the busi
ness cycle. An increase in taxes, and especially in your lower groups,
or sales taxes of any kind, would be deflationary. Taxes in the very high
brackets are, of course, pretty high. I don't know how much more might
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be put on in taxes in the group from $5,000 to $50,000. But an increase
in taxes in a period of recession, in and of itself, is not likely to be
reflationary, and may be deflationary.
The Chairman: Boiled down, debts should be reduced in times of good
business, and when a recession comes we cannot hope to raise sufficient
revenue to reduce debts.
Mr. Eccles: You can only balance the budget out of increased national
income. I am as favorable as anybody could be to the objective of a bal
anced budget, and over a year ago I was advocating the need of approaching
a balanced budget. However, I think that at this time to try to balance
the budget either by substantial reduction in expenditures, or by increas
ing taxes, would be deflationary; and that it is not so much what the total
debt of the Government is as it is the timing of the increase of the debt.
In other words, assume that in 1936 there had been no debt at all, and,
therefore, it would have been said that the Government could well afford
to spend five or ten billion dollars. Nevertheless the spending at that
time would have been very bad. It now proves to be the case that because
they spent as much as they did spend, including the bonus, in that year,
when private business was also expanding, it contributed to an unbalanced
situation.
At the present time, when private credit is contracting, it seems to
me necessary and desirable, if we expect to sustain buying power, that
either private business must act to do it, and they must find a profit be
fore they act to do it, or Government will be required, sooner or later,
to do it. It has always been my view that the longer we let a deflationary
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situation develop the greater the amount that is likely to be required.
The Chairman: How would you put it on the basis of the stock mar
ket, and without stopping deflation?
Mr. Eccles: Do you mean generally speaking?
The Chairman: Is there any way?
Mr. Eccles: I think when we look to a monetary policy as the sole
factor for stabilizing economy we are going to be terribly disappointed,
because it is not possible, through monetary action alone, to create com
plete stability in the economy or maintain a stable condition. It would
not be difficult, of course, to put on the brakes tight enough to stop
an inflationary development, but it is very difficult through monetary
action to stop a recession. Your question was, how could that be done
without bringing about a recession. Is that the question?
The Chairman: Yes.
Mr. Eccles: Until we have reasonably full employment it seems to
me that we will have idle men and idle facilities. It means that we can
produce more. It means, it seems to me, that we should make available
sufficient credit to enable us to utilise the man power and the productive
facilities that we have, and that a restrictive monetary policy should
not be followed merely to correct these distortions that have developed
due to monopolistic and restrictive practices. If you have a condition
of reasonably full employment, and then prices begin going up, certainly
a restrictive monetary policy should be adopted, because a further ex
pansion of credit, when it was not resulting in further production of
goods, would be bad, and if you were utilizing your man power and your
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facilities close to capacity, certainly a further increase in the supply
of money would only lead to increased prices. In other words, the avail
able supply of credit should be restricted when such a condition develops,
in order to keep the increased money supply from merely adding to increased
prices.
The Chairman: Are there any questions, Senator Davis?
Senator Davis: If the Federal Reserve Board can put on the brakes,
as the Chairman called attention to a few moments ago, surely you have some
sort of accelerator there that you can start things off with, haven't you?
What would you suggest?
Mr. Eccles: I only wish we did have an accelerator. What do you have
in mind, Senator, that we have as an accelerator?
Senator Davis: Is there any way at all that the Federal Reserve Board
can be helpful in a situation such as we are now in?
Mr. Eccles: I do not know that the Reserve Board can do any more than
it is doing, keeping rates at the lowest they have ever been in the history
of this country. We cannot induce corporations or individuals to go into
the banks and borrow. We can only create a condition as favorable as it
is possible to create for borrowing. We believe that that condition, gen
erally, exists. If our surveys and our consideration, from time to time,
show that banks need more funds in order to be able to make loans, then
it seems to me it might call for action. At the present time, however,
as I indicated awhile ago, there are close to a billion and a quarter of
excess reserves. We expect those to reach close to a billion and a half
during the month of January; at least, from one billion four hundred million
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to a billion and a half. Now, if those excess funds are not being used,
but are only being added to by credit contraction, how can we, by merely
adding to those funds, substantially induce their use?
The Chairman: Following that question, have you any suggestions
as to what Congress can do at this time which would be helpful toward
facilitating recovery?
Mr. Eccles: The most important thing at the moment is to sustain
consumer-buying power. So long as the public believes that prices are going
lower it wants money instead of things. When it thinks that prices are
not likely to go lower, but may go higher, then it wants to use its money.
The present psychology is one that has created in the minds of the public
the expectation of substantially lower prices.
Now, it seems to me that we are badly unbalanced in that we have
what we term, on the one hand, sticky or rigid prices and wages, and we
have, on the other hand, a continuation of the decrease in the prices of
many raw materials, and in the wages of unorganized workers.
The longer the recession seems to go the farther out of balance we
become. It seems to me that there is more of a disequilibrium today than
there was last spring. It seems that what we ought to do is to put a
bottom under or lift up the buying power of the farmers and the unorgan
ized workers, through some means of sustaining that buying power, on the
one hand, and then, if there is some way to get business, as well as or
ganized labor, especially in the building field, but possibly in other
fields, where the advances were spectacular, and were possibly too rapid,
and where prices have gone too high--
Senator Davis: Are labor costs too high?
Mr. Eccles: In many fields they are too high, because the services
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of labor are not being employed, I would like to refer to what I said
about wages on March 15th, 1937:
"Increased wages and shorter hours when they limit or actually re
duce production are not at this time in the interest of the public in
general or in the real interest of the workers themselves. When wage
increases are passed along to the public, and particularly when indus
tries take advantage of any existing situation to increase prices far
beyond increased labor costs, such action is short-sighted and indefensi
ble policy from every standpoint.
"Wage increases and shorter hours are justified and wholly desirable
when they result from increasing production per capita .and represent a
better distribution of the profits of industry. When they retard and
restrict production and cause price inflation, they result in throwing
the buying power of the various groups in the entire economy out of
balance-- "
Senator Davis: Do I understand what you are saying here is that
labor receives too large a share of the total national income?
Mr. Eccles: Let me finish this. Senator.
Senator Davis: Yes.
Mr. Eccles (Continuing): ---"working a particular hardship upon
agriculture, the unorganised workers, the recipients of fixed incomes and
all consumers. The upward spiral of wages and prices into inflationary
price levels can be as disastrous as the downward spiral of deflation."
That is the statement I made then, and that fits the situation now
with respect to my views of what is in the interest of labor.
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The Chairman: Your statement is that if it reaches a point where
it causes labor to lose its job entirely, and to lose its purchasing
power, it is too high?
Mr. Eccles: When it results in increasing prices and throwing prices
out of line with consumer-buying power, it not only works against the in
terests of industry, as we have seen, but it works against labor, because
the laborers lose their jobs.
The Chairman: That is true of prices of materials, too?
Mr. Eccles: Yes, that is right. In the building field it is typical.
We found that, due to the rapid increase in building costs, due to both in
crease in building labor, reduction of hours, and of work, and an increase
in prices, industry lost its market, and labor lost its job.
Senator Davis: Are you of the opinion that the wages of labor in the
building industry should be reduced?
Mr. Eccles: I am of the opinion that labor, as well as industry,
would be better off if they voluntarily took a. reduction to an amount that
would put back the costs and wages to where they were before most of the
advances at the end of 1936. If we could go back to that level and bring
up the buying power of the other groups to where it was at that time we
would be in a. position, certainly, to go forward.
Senator Davis: To what other groups do you refer?
Mr. Eccles: I am referring to the agricultural workers and, generally,
the unorganized worker groups. As to farm labor, I think that possibly it
has taken some reduction from what it was getting.
Senator Murray: Isn't it a fact that the corporations increased their
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prices away beyond what was justified by increases in wages, and was not
that the real cause of the cessation in the building industry?
Mr. Eccles: Not altogether. That was part of the cause. Of course,
unless corporations are permitted to make a profit--
Senator Murray: Do not the corporations demand a. larger profit than
they should be satisfied with in this country and are they not getting too
large a profit?
Mr. Eccles: Averaged over a period of years, of course, that is not
true. I think that is the difficulty. If we could in some way stabilize
profits, that would be well, but what we seem to do is to have a very large
profit for short periods, and then great losses for other periods. If the
corporations did assume a. policy of keeping prices down and stimulating pro
duction, and thus getting a greater volume, they would, I think, in the long
run, make more profit, and be better off.
Senator Murray: Do not they pay enormous bonuses to their head offi
cials for the purpose of encouraging them to increase these prices, and make
such enormous profits?
Mr. Eccles: I think, in the aggregate, that all that they pay to the
officials is a very small factor, and that, in itself, it would not be, in
dollars, an important factor in the picture.
Senator Lodge: I understood you to say that rising prices created a
condition in which people wanted to exchange their money for goods and that
it was, therefore, a good thing from the standpoint of employment. Is that
right?
Mr. Eccles: That is right. I would not say rising prices.
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Senator Lodges The expectation of prices rising.
Mr. Eccles: That stimulates speculative buying. If people gener
ally, even though they did not expect costs to go up, were sure that
they would not go down, it would lead a lot of people to buy. Prices
do not necessarily need to go up to stimulate buying. When they start
going up people buy beyond current needs.
Senator Lodge: At the present time prices are so low that they are
deflationary.
Mr. Eccles: At the present time the general psychology is that price
and things may go lower, and to the extent that people feel that prices
are going lower, there is a hesitancy to use the funds available, which
are in abundance, to buy.
Senator Lodge: How do you reconcile that with the attack on high
prices and monopoly?
Mr. Eccles: For the very reason that prices are so high that a lot
of people in the lower income groups, and agriculture, are unable and un
willing to buy.
Senator Lodge: I have also been thinking that they were too high,
and I have been saying so. I understood you to say that the thing that is
deflationary is low prices and the anticipation of lower prices.
Mr. Eccles: The expectation of lower prices. I hope one would not
conclude from that statement that the only way we can keep activity is to
keep raising prices indefinitely, because if we proceed on that theory we
will have to make an adjustment from a higher level.
Senator Lodge: That is the point I make.
Mr. Eccles: We got out of balance last year, and have been getting
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farther out of balance all year, because there are some very flexible
prices that go down rapidly, on the one hand, and some very sticky prices
and wages on the other hand. You are either going to have to bring up
the buying power of the one group through some means or other, or you
are going to have to bring down the wages and the prices of the upper
group, or you have to do some of both. My view is that you have got to
sustain consumer buying power, generally, which would tend to stop a fur
ther recession in these prices that have already gone, possibly many of
them, too low.
Senator Lodge: You think that sweat shop labor and that kind of
thing ought to be raised?
Mr. Eccles: I certainly do. Gn the other hand, if industry, the
big industries, and Labor organizations, would make an adjustment down
ward, it would prove to be in the interest of both.
Senator Davis: How do you determine that the building labor is ask
ing too high hourly rates and pay?
Mr. Eccles: Because no one will buy their services. That is the
best evidence of that.
The Chairman: In discussing wages in the building industry I under
stand you are discussing the hourly pay and not the annual wage of the
worker.
Mr. Eccles: Yes. I am glad. Senator, you brought that out because
I, possibly, have not made myself clear. A high hourly wage has brought
about a low annual wage. The cost of construction and the cost of many
materials is determined, in port, by the hourly wage, and if the hourly
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wage were less, the annual wage, in my opinion, would be far greater.
Senator Davis: Of course, labor's position, I assume, is that
when they voluntarily consent to a reduction of the hourly wage, they
have no guarantee that any reduction would result in an increase in the
annual wage, but they fear that it may just increase the profits of the
builder or contractor, and, instead of benefiting, they would lose. Do
you know of any plan by which labor can be assured of an increased an
nual wage if there is a decrease in the hourly wage?
Mr. Eccles: No, I know of no plan unless the Government, itself,
would become the guarantor, and that would involve a very complicated
mechanism, and, I suppose, a good many difficulties.
Senator Davis; You agree that labor is afraid that a voluntary re
duction of the hourly wage would not result in an increase of the annual
income, and that there could be no guarantee offered?
Mr. Eccles: I think justly so. There certainly would be no bene
fit merely for the bricklayers, for instance, to agree to take a 20 or
25 per cent less hourly wage in order to get more employment. That, in
itself, would not reduce the cost of building enough to be a factor. It
would be of no great importance, even if labor itself, the carpenters
and plumbers, and all, would take some cut unless, on the other hand, some
of the materials were, likewise, brought down. And, likewise, with in
dustry. I can not blame industry for holding up prices and restricting
production when merely by reducing their particular prices that in itself
is not going to give them a capacity volume of business. They are only-
part of a total picture. Naturally, they have inventories that cost them
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a certain amount, and they do not want to take a loss, and they naturally,
restrict production and hold prices. They do exactly the same as labor
does. Labor holds wage rates and works less days. It is a parallel case.
If there were some way whereby we could get all the big building indus
tries, including steel, and got the principal people in the labor organi
zations, all to take an adjustment, I think we would go forward with very
little stimulation on the part of the Government.
Of course, there are many in the labor field in the lower paid groups
that, possibly, should take no adjustment. I am speaking of those get
ting the higher hourly wages, which have been substantially advanced dur
ing the past 12 or 15 months.
Senator Murray: That would have to be the result of mutual arrange
ment between labor and the employers.
Mr. Eccles: That is right, and merely for one group of labor or
one industry to do it would, in itself, serve no purpose. That is why
the thing does not come about quickly. We have seen that from 1929 to
1933, all during that period, there was very little adjustment in certain
prices, whereas in the case of other prices there was practically no bottom,
as in the case of agricultural prices, for instance. That is the problem
we have here; one part of our economy, where there is no control over
prices, or wages or hours, and there is no bottom; and, on the ether side,
there is organized control, where wages and prices go up, and then they
stay there, and it is very difficult to get them down. That seems to me
to be the root of the problem, and merely letting nature take its course
is not going to improve the situation.
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It seems to me what we need, and what we have got to have, is at
least to stop, through some governmental action, a further diminution
of consumer-buying power. We are not going to get a balanced budget
by restriction, because the budget, as I have said before, can only be
balanced out of increased national income. We have to turn the cycle
by people having greater buying power, and by those who do have that
buying power being willing to use that buying power because they have
more confidence in a stable price structure.
Senator Lodge: Do I understand correctly that you favor putting
one billion dollars of this sterilized gold into circulation for public
works?
Mr. Eccles: I did not express that opinion. I was merely asked
as to the mechanics of the operation. I prefer to express no opinion
on that. That seems to be a responsibility of others.
Senator Lodge: I thought you said that.
Mr. Eccles: No, I did not say that.
The Chairman: What you stated was what would be the effect of doing it.
Mr. Eccles: That is right. I made no recommendation. I am not rec
ommending. I am merely attempting here to outline these things.
The Chairman: You did say that you believed it would be a great
stimulus, and would be an important factor in ending the recession.
Mr. Eccles: That is right.
The Chairman: If there are no further questions, the Committee stands
adjourned until 10:00 o’clock tomorrow morning.
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Mr. Eccles: Do you wish me to come back tomorrow?
The Chairman: No. We do not want you to come back. You have been
very kind. Thank you.
(Whereupon, at 5:10 o’clock p.m., the hearing was adjourned until
tomorrow, January 5, 1938, at 10:00 o'clock, a.m.)
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INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTION
1934 1935 1936 1937 1938
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MEMBER BANKS
Nott — Oepotiti exclude If, S. Government and interbank deports and art adjusted for float.
U. S. Government securities include direct and fully guaranteed obligations.
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1932 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937
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MONEY RATES
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1920 1922 1924 1926 1928 1930 1932 1934 1936 1938
NOTE; ALL ODES F0« WHICH CUSTOMERS RATES ARE SHOWN
ARE RESERVE BANK OR BRANCH CITIES
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Cite this document
APA
Marriner S. Eccles (1938, January 3). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19380104_eccles
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19380104_eccles,
author = {Marriner S. Eccles},
title = {Speech},
year = {1938},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19380104_eccles},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}