speeches · June 7, 1935
Speech
M.S. Szymczak · Governor
"THE BANKING ACT OF 1935"
ADDRESS OF
HONORABLE M. S. SZYMCZAK
NEW YORK BANKERS' CONVENTION
LAKE GEORGE, NEW YORK
SATURDAY - JUNE 8, 1935.
Release for publication
June 8, 1935.
Afternoon papers
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It. is the policy of the Federal Reserve Board not to have its individual
Members speak publicly except when to speak publicly is a duty in the
interest of furthering the purposes for which the Federal Reserve System
was created. That policy is also my personal policy adopted firmly vthen
I became a BJember of the Federal Reserve Board two years ago. I take it,
therefore, that it is my duty to speak here publicly on the subject of the
Banking Act of 1935. It is, of course, a pleasure for me to see you and
be with you.
Let me state at the outset that I speak here not for Governor Eccles,
nor for the Federal Reserve Board - I speak only for myself. I did not
write, nor did I help write the Banking Act of 1955. I shall therefore
make no attempt to discuss the philosophy of the Act. However, I studied
the bill with its specific amendments, and after a complete study of these,
I expressed my opinion to the Senate Sub-committee of the Banking and
Currency Committee on last Monday - June 3rd, 1935•
I said that it is essential to preserve our regional Federal Reserve
System, which consists of twelve Federal Reserve banks with nine
directors in each Bank, together with a Federal Reserve Board in
Washington. In this particular rospect, our System is different
from that of most countries because of our extensive area, and
because of our political and economic structure of states and
districts - based upon industrial, agricultural, commercial and
financial conditions and needs which are widely different in the
various parts of the United States. The System is composed of
separate essential parts. These parts, however, must be cohesive
for the best functioning of the System.
To make for an efficient administration of the Act by the
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tem and to arrive at the for which the Act was J«fessa£
by Congress, it appear s necessary for the Federal Reserve Board
to have a more direct contact with the various sections of our ex-
tensive area.
^Fo be effective, the whole Federal Reserve System must be
one* This end is not difficult to attain: personal contact of
the members of the Board with the directors of the twelve Federal
Reserve Bonks seems one of the best direct avenues.
"Bank powers of the boards of directors of the twelve Federal
Reserve banks should be retained, and in some respects, increased
and extended, at least by regulation of the Federal Reserve Board.
While, of course, it is sound to have the Federal Reserve
Board end its principa l offices in Washington, and while it is
sound for the Board to hold its meetings in the capital because
of the national scope of its considerations, yet it would be
desirable from a practical standpoint for the Federal Reserve
Board to meet at least four times a year in at least four parts
of the country - the East, West, North and South - to meet with
and understand better the directors of the Federal Reserve banks
and their officersi as well as the conditions and needs of commerce,
industry, agriculture and finance in the respective Districts.
It would also seem wise to provide by law that each Member of the
Board should be assigned by the Federal Reserve Board to the task
of keeping himself especially familiar with conditions in at least
two of the Federal Reserve Districts each year, in order that
he might act as a liaison officer between the Federal Reserve banks,
their directors and officers, the representatives of commerce,
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industry, agriculture and finance, on the one hand, and the Federal
Reserve Board in Washington, on the other hand. Provision could
be made to have Members of the Board rotate in their District assign-
ments, so that eventually each Member of the Board would have covered
by direct contact all of the sections of the country and would know
their needs thoroughly. Without this, it is next to impossible for
the Board Members to appreciate fully the needs and requirements of
the Federal Reserve banks and of the country as a whole; without this,
the Federal Reserve Board inclines too much to theory and bureaucracy;
and without this there is bound to be misunderstanding between the
Federal Reserve banks and the Federal Reserve Board leading to dif-
ferences of opinion on authority; and without this a cry is heard on
the one hand that the private interests wish to control the System and
direct its operations for their own selfish purposes; and that on the
other hand, political interests wish to control the System and direct
its operation in accordance with their own political ambitions.
Members of the Board, when assigned by the Board to several
districts, would keep personally in touch with the boards of directors
and the officers of the Federal Reserve banks in those districts.
They would thus become familiar with the management of such Federal
Reserve banks, with their viewpoints, and with the problems of their
districts. They would also know men in the industrial, commercial,
agricultural and financial fields of the districts. They would not
be compelled to depend entirely on the Board's staff for informa-
tion having to do with the internal management of the banks, as
well as with the general agricultural, commercial, industrial and
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financial and banking conditions of the districts; thus there would
be a better opportunity for sound and practical rulings of the Board
on all questions when they are presented by the banks to the Federal
Reserve Board under the law. It is specifically stated in the Act
that the Federal Reserve Board has general supervisory responsibili-
ties, but in order to supervise, one must be in direct contact with
those supervised. Otherwise, one is compelled to act upon informa-
tion obtained from other sources.
Of coarse, in all cases, the Board, as a whole, would act
officially on all these matters, but the Board would have the benefit
of the information obtained by the individual Member assigned to the
specific district.
It would also seem desirable to have the boards of directors
of the Federal Reserve banks meet once every year with the Federal
Reserve Board in Washington, or if this could not be accomplished
?dth the directors who are farther removed from Washington, the
Federal Reserve Board could arrange to meet them at a point more
accessible at least once every two years to discuss frankly and
completely matters pertaining to the operation of their banks and
the conditions in their districts, as well as problems of a national
character.
The execution of many of the powers vested in the Federal
Reserve Board could, under the provisions of the Banking Act of
1955, be decentralized under regulations of the Federal Reserve
Board so that they could be carried into effect by the Federal
Reserve banks without the reference of many individual matters
to Washington, and thus obtain desirable and effective administra-
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tion. This will be facilitated by the provision in the bill
authorizing the Board to delegate its powers to individual Members
or other representatives. To make for a constancy and a permanency
of the work of the Board by its individual Board Members, I recommend
that there be a specific requirement in the law that the Board
assign its work to individual Board Members, each Board Member to
have a specific task assigned on which he is to specialize and
through which he is to keep in touch with the Federal Reserve banks
and the country, and on which he is to report to the Federal Reserve
Board with recommendations. This seems to me to be very important,
from the standpoint of good administration. This bill provides for
that.
On the other hand, it has been my experience that the Federal
Reserve Board does not wish to, nor should it, assume any more
powers than it ca n properly use for the effective administration
of the System, and whenever powers are granted to the Federal Reserve
Board having to do with matters that could be handled better by
the directors ana officers of the Federal Reserve banks, the Federal
Reserve Board should be able to give the twelve Federal Reserve
banks .the power of determination of many important matters.
It is good organization for the Federal Reserve Board to
recognize this fact and to avail itself of the commercial, agricultural,
industrial and financial experience of the directors of the twelve
Federal Reserve banks, as well as the technical and banking experience
of their officers, who are the vehicles through which the policies
of the system are executed.
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'There are many powers now in the Federal Reserve Board, however,
which in my opinion should be placed, now or later, in the regional
Federal Reserve banks. This would expand the authority and responsi-
bility of the directors of each Federal Reserve bank and mak^ for
more prompt and efficient administration of the Federal Reserve System.
The general supervision should bo retained, but the direct and ultimate
action in these matters should be taken by the directors and officers
of the Federal reserve bank3.
The detailed matters which might be delegated to the federal
Reserve banks (or the Federal Reserve Agents, if tnoir offices are
not abolished) include the following;
1. Admission cf rotate banks to membership in the Federal
Reserve System.
2. Expulsion of such banks from membership for violations of
the law or the Board!s regulations.
Z, Waiver of 6 monthsf notice of voluntary withdrawal of
.State banks from membership.
4. The granting of voting permits to holding company affiliates
of member banks.
5. The revocation of voting permit* for violations of the law
or the regulations.
The issuance and revocation of permits raithorizing officers,
directors and employees of mombjr banks to serve not more than two
other banks (if the provision for individual permits is not repealed
as proposed in the bill.)
7. The issuance and revocation of permits for officers, directors
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'atul managers of security companies to serve as officers and directors
of member banks (if the provision for individual permits is not re-
pealed as proposed in the bill..)
8. The granting of truct powers to national banks.
9. The cancellation of such powers at the request of national
banks.
10. Approval of reduction of capital stock by national banks (if
the requirement of the Board's approval is not repealed as proposed in
the bill.)
11. Tho granting of permission for member banks to invest
amounts exceeding their capital stock in bank premises or in the
stock of corporations holding their bank premises.
12. The approval of the establishment of branches by state
member banks (if this power is transferred from tho Comptroller
of the Currency as proposed in the bill.)
15. Authorizing national banks to establish foreign branches.
14. Authorizing national banks to invest in the stock of banks
or corporations principally engaged in international or foreign
banking.
15. Permitting interlocking diroctorateo between member banks
and foreign banking corporations in uhich they own stock.
16. Approval of compensation of officers and employees of
Federal. Reserve banks.
In addition to the above, where action by the Board is re-
quired under the law, numeroua matters arc presented to the Board for
consideration in connection with banking supervision and requiring
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action on individual casesj for example, reductions of capital stock
of State member banks, consolidations of State member banks with
other banks, and whether or not individual banks should increase the
amount of their capital and surplus in relation to their deposit
liabilities. In some cases of this character, the Board has
already authorized the Federal Reserve Agents to act on its behalf
in the individual cases within certain prescribed limitations•
Some, or perhaps all, of the powers enumerated above, and
perhaps others too, it seems to me, should be vested directly and
ultimately in the Federal Reserve banks. This would make for
efficiency and good relations between the Federal Reserve*Board and
the Federal Reserve banks. It is quite natural that the Federal
Reserve banks know more about that subject-matter because they are
directly and constantly in contact with it. It is also natural,
however, that the Federa l Reserve Board should supervise and co-
ordinate and bring to the attention of the Federal Reserve banks any
incorrect or improper administration of these powers. This would
make for -unity«
I also stated that;
I can understand that this Banking Act offers much opportunity
for extreme interpretation. However, with the amendments offered,
it seems to me to meet existing conditions and to serve a definite
purpose without being extreme in either direction• It deserves at
least having each section considered on its merits. It seems to
serve the definite purpos e of a better administration of the Federal
Reserve Act.
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Now to proceed, I have been taught that to know a thing one must know
the parts of which it is composed. Let us, therefore, take this bill apart and
look at the parts separately.
Section 202 of the Banking Act of 1935 is related to a section in
the Banking Act of 1933, which provides that all insured nonmember banks
shall become members of the Federal Reserve System by July, 1937. This
provision of the Act of 1933 was repealed in the House bill, but it should
be restored because it is of great importance that all banks which are
insured be subject to Federal*supervision. It is a step in the direction
of unification of ban k supervision which is an essential to the proper dis-
charge of the responsibilities of both the Federal Deposit Insurance Corpora-
tion and the Federal Reserve System.
It has been said that the provision for giving the Board authority to
waive requirements for admission under this bill would lower the standards
of the Federal Reserve System and that it might be better to retain those
standards and have the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation bring the
banks up to the standard before they are admitted. The weakness of this
argument is in the fact that the Federal Reserve banks and member banks are
affected by conditions that develop in nonmember banks. An unsound banking
situation affects the entire? community, and since the Federal Reserve
System has to stand the consequences of unsoundness in nonmember banks,
it should have authority to admit all insured banks and gradually to
bring them up to its standard.
The suggestion thevb has been made that banks with deposits of less
than §500,000 be permitted to remain outside of the System, even though
they are insured, may be a reasonable compromise because it would bring
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into the Federal Reserve System about 97 percent of all the deposits and
would leave outside only such small banks as may find it difficult to
earn expenses without charging for exchange, which the Federal Reserve
System does not permit. This compromise would also provide for keeping
within the System banks with |S500,000 or more of deposits that are now
members. It would no doubt be better to have all the banks come into the
System, but the compromise would be an important step in that direction and
would appear to be the minimum of what ought to be required at this time.
Section 203 of the proposed bill provides that members of the Federal
Reserve Board shall be persons well qualified by education or experience,
or both, to participate in the formulation of national economic and
monetary policies. This is a change from the existing requirement of law
which reads: "In selecting the six appointive members of the Federal Re-
serve Board . . . the President shall have due regard to a fair representa-
tion of the financial, agricultural, industrial and commercial interests
and geographic divisions of the country." This enumeration of interests
does not give the President any definite directions and does not appear
to be the proper principle on which Board members should be selected.
It would seem that they should be selected on the basis of their qualifi-
cations to perform the functions that the Board is required to perform rather
than on the basis of representing certain interests. The worst composition
of a Board would be in the nature of a group of representatives of special
interests who might be at odds with each other. It is vastly better to
say that Board members shall be qualified to do their work. While this is
not a guarantee of the appointment of efficient Board members, it may exert
an influence in that direction and make it difficult to appoint persons
without appropriate training or experience.
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It has been said that under the proposed bill the President will have
the power to appoint all the members of the Board from one district, but
there is nothing in the bill to justify this statement. The requirement
that not more than one member be from the same district is retained, with
only the exception that it need not apply to the Governor of the Board.
The reason for that is that the President ought not to be prevented from
appointing as Governor a man preeminently qualified for the position, merely
because some other member of the Board may be from the same district.
While it would seem that the proposed qualifications of Board members
are desirable, it might be wise in addition to provide that at least two
of them shall have had experience as executive officers in a Federal Re-
serve bank or a commercial bank. There was a provision requiring two
trained bankers in the original act, but it was repealed in 1923. In view
of the necessity of deciding many technical banking problems, and particu-
larly technical Federal Reserve banking problems, it might be a useful in-
dication to the President to say that at least two members shall have had
that background. It may also be desirable to say that the Board members
shall be qualified by education or experience to participate in the
formulation of national economic, monetary and banking policies. The
addition of the words "and banking" would be a recognition of the numerous
duties of the Federal Reserve Board that deal with technical banking
problems and of the general responsibility of the Board for doing what
it can to maintain sound banking conditions.
There has been a good deal of criticism of the^provisions relating
to the position of the Governor of the Federal Reserve Board. This criti-
cism has been directed at provisions that exist in the present law as much
as at those in the proposed bill. The President always has had the power
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to designate a member of the Board as Governor and to terminate this designa-
tion. In drafting the bill this power of terminating the designation has
been stated a little more clearly. In the bill as originally introduced
the President was given the power to remove the Governor not only from the
Governorship, but also fro m aember ship on the Board, This has been changed
in the b i ll as it passed the House, a change which would seem to be desirable.
In the form in which the bill passed the House there is no increase of the
power of the Presiden t over the Governor of the Board, and the only change
in the matter is that a Governor, who resigns, upon not being redesignated
as Governor, would not be obliged to stay out of the banking business for
two years, but wo\ild be permitted to resume it at once. This is desirable
in the interest of obtaining successful men from the banking field as
Governors of the Federal Reserve Board,
In view of all the outcry against the proposed increase of political
domination of the Federal Reserve System, it is worth repeating that the
provision about the Governor in the bill as originally introduced was the
only shadow of an excuse for this criticism, and that with the elimination
of this provision, which was not .intended to increase political power, but
could be so interpreted, there is nothing in the bill that in any way in-
creases tbe.power of the Administration over the Federal Reserve Board,
There is, on the other hand, a great deal that increases the Board's in-
dependence - increased salaries, retirement allowances, definition of
qualifications, with other amendments offered such as: removal only by
impeachment, appointment for a term longer than 12 years. All these and
others add to the possibilities of having an independent Board in law as
well as in fact. In addition to that the Board is given a definite objective,
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and this increases the Board1s power to resist political pressure because
this pressure is likely to be exercised in a direction that is not consistent
with the objective to be prescribed by law as a guide to Federal Reserve
policy* Other very goal amendments to make the Board independent in law
have been offered to the Senate Sub-committee.
All of the Federal Reserve Board Members have testified before the
Senate Sub-committee of the Banking and Currency Committee. Certainly no
one can say that they did not show independence.
Section 204a of the Banking Act of 1935 provides that the Federal
Reserve Board may assign to its members or its representatives the performance
of such of its duties as do not involve the formulation of national policies*
On the face of it this is a minor provision, but it has important conse-
quences, because it will enable the Board to be relieved of a large amount
of routine duties which do not permit it to give its entire time to the
study of economic conditions and the formulation of credit policies. It is
expected that this provision would help to make the Board more of a policy
making body and less of an administrative organization. It will also enable
the Board to delegate duties to the Reserve banks and thus to increase their
responsibility and independence in local matters.
Section 204b of the Banking Act of 1935 provides the .objective towards
which the powers of the Federal Reserve Board shall be used. This objective
reads as follows: MIt shall be the duty of the Federal Reserve Board to
exercise such powers as it possesses in such manner as to promote conditions
conducive to business stability and to mitigate by its influence unstabilizing
fluctuations in the general level of production, trade, prices, and employment,
so far as may be possible within the scope of monetary action and credit
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I recommended the striking out of the following:
"to promote conditions conducive to business stability and"
The wording of this objective is not necessarily the best that can be
devised. The general purpose of it, however, is clearly in line with what
every other central bonk does, what the more recent ones are being required
to do by their charters, and what the Federal Reserve System has tried to do
without specific legislative direction. The criticism that has been made
of this objective has been entirely unjustified. There is nothing in it that
will give the Board any power to limit the amount of credit to be extended to
any one industry or to expand it for another industry. The authority of the
Board over the loaning activities of the member banks will not be in any way
affected. Tho objective is merely a statement of a direction by Congress
that the Federal Reserve Board must do what can be done through its powers
towards bringing about a sounder and more stable condition of business. It
has also been suggested that the objective should be modified to read: "It
shall be the duty of the Federal Reserve Board to exercise such powers as
it possesses to r\d in the maintenance of sound banking conditions and
business stability and to mitigate by its influence injurious fluctuations
in the general level of production, trade, prices, and employment, so far
as may be possible within the scope of monetary action and credit administra-
tion." The purpose of this change is to introduce into the objective the
requirement that the Federal Reserve System shall work towards sound banking
conditions as well as towards business stability. This has always been one
of the functions of the System, and while it v/ould be understood to continue
to be one without being included in tho objective, it should be stated
explicitly.
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Section 205 of the Banking Act of 1955 provides for giving the Federal
Reserve Board full authority over open-market operations after consultation
with a committee of five governors of the Federal Reserve banks, elected
by the twelve governors. This provision has been subjected to severe
criticism on the ground that it increases the powers of the Board as against
the powers of the Reserve banks. It is true that this proposal adds open-
market operations to the instruments of monetary policy, which are now
possessed by the Federal Reserve Board. This is done on the theory that the
three principal instruments, namely, raising or lowering of the discount
rate, changes in reserve requirements, and open-market operations should
all be in one body that is clearly defined and that has inescapable responsi-
bility for the policies it adopts.
There has been criticism of this provision on the ground that the
Federal Reserve Board, which has no financial interest in the Reserve banks,
will by this provision acquire control over their funds. This would
seem to be a good argument for those who advocate having the Government
buy the stock in the Federal Reserve banks. It could be argued that, if an
investment of #146,000,000 with an assured 6 per cent return entitles the
member banks to have a dominant say in the formulation of national monetary
policies, then the only rational conclusion would be that they must not be
permitted to hold the stock.
While this is not my argument, nor am I using it, it is nevertheless an
argument that is used by those who advocate the Government purchasing the
stock in the Federal Reserve banks from the member banks.
At the time the Federal Reserve Act was enacted, the conception of
money was largely limited to currency, and over currency the Federal Reserve
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Board was given complete control. This conception has since had to he ex-
panded to include bank deposits as money, and the Boardfs power to regulate
the volume of deposits is in harmony with its power over currency issues. The
fact is that i t was intended in 1955 to give the Board this power, but in the
course of legislation the section dealing with this matter was distorted and
there was created what appears to be an impossible situation where the governors
on the Open Market Committee are the only ones who can initiate, an open-market
policy. The Board has the power to approve or disapprove of the policy, and
the policy after having been recommended by the governors and approved by the
Board may still be nullified by refusal of the directors of the Reserve banks
to participate in it s execution. At present the following are included in the
open-market operations of the Federal Reserve System:
1) The twelve Governors of the twelve Federal Reserve Banks
2) The eight Federal Reserve Board Members at Washington
5) The 108 directors in each of the twelve different Federal Reserve
banks of the country.
In a matter which is of vital national importance and in which timeliness and
speed may be decisive, it is obviously undesirable to have a complicated
machinery calculated to bring about delayj it is better to have a clear-cut
fixation of responsibility on a national body appointed for that purpose.
There has been criticism on the ground that this bill would give the
Board the right to authorise or even compel the Reserve banks to buy obligations
directly from the United States Government. That is another line of criticism
that is not in any way related to the bill. There is nothing in the bill that
changes the situation in this respect. The power to buy directly from the
Government now exists: it has been used regularly but never for extended periods.
There is nothing in the proposed bill that would change %he legal situation in
this respect. If the critics wish to prohibit direct borrowing, they should offer
an amendment to the Federal Reserve Act to that effect.
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It is generally assumed that federal Reserve Board is re-
sponsible for open-market policies. Few people, even today, are
aware of the fact that the present Open Market Committee consists of
twelve men who represent the twelve Federal Reserve banks, and that
the Federal Reserve Board merely approves or disapproves, but does not
initiate open-market policies. Few people also realize that each
Federal Reserve bank has the right to refuse to participate in an
open-market operation after it has been adopted by the twelve Governors
and approved by the Federal Reserve Board. It may be contended that
the Federal Reserve Board should not have this power because it is in
Washington - the Government's capital - and because its members are
appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate.
It may be said that political pressure might be used against the
Board and that the Board might be influenced by such pressure in its
monetary control. On the other hand, it is argued that the Governors
are appointed by the directors of the Federal Reserve banks, six of
whom are elected by member banks, private interests, and that such
Governors may be guided in determining open-market policies by the
private interests of the member banks, and not by national needs and
requirements of the country. Both views are most extreme. Authority
must be vested where responsibility rests. That is logical. Since
open-market policy is a national question, authority as well as
responsibility for this polic y should be located in one place, and in
the Federal Reserve Board, which is a national body. This seems to
be in the essence of the purposes of a Federal Reserve Board, This
seems to be the surest way of establishing the fact whether the
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the purposes for which it was created. It removes the opportunity
for excuses.
Of course, the Board would feel that its own research organiza-
tion should be extended and strengthened and given more active
functions to perform and the membership of the Board would feel the
need of keeping more closely in touch with current developments which
might affect open-market policy and the interpretation thereof, but
the Board would be in far better position to determine when and in
what circumstances to initiate an open-market policy on the basis of
a coordinated view of all the factors entering into the monetary situa-
tion - reserve requirements, discount rates, lendings of member banks,
the Government's fiscal policies, etc., - and could take action promptly
on its own responsibility in whatever direction seemed best to meet
the needs of the situation at the time.
However, to make the parts of the System more cohesive a pro-
vision might be made for a sufficient representation of the Regional
Banks on this committee for the sake of unity in the System so long
as the tendency is in the direction of making the System one and not
two.
In the interest of unity, the Open Market Committee might consist
of the six appointive Members of the Board and five Governors - and
five Governors are to be designated by the twelve Governcr s of the twelve
Federal Reserve banks and to be chosen from five sections of the
country - namely - the North, South, East, Middle West and the Far
West. While the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller of the
Currency might continue as Members of the Board they should have no
vote on Open Market Committee policies. Their membership on the Federal
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Reserve Board is valuable in many respects, especially at this time, but
the Act might provide that they have no power of a vote on open market
operations, but might be called by the Open Market Committee for informa-
tion that the Committee might wish to have in the consideration of adopting
open market policies. I so testified before the Senate Sub-committee last
Monday.
Section 206 of the Banking Act of 1935 relates to eligibility of paper for
discount at the Reserve banks. In place of elaborately defined and restrictive
rules prescribed by law about the character and maturity of paper available for
discount, the bill proposes to give power to the Reserve Board to prescribe by
regulation the kind of commercial, agricultural and industrial paper that will be
eligible for rediscount by a member bank with the Reserve banks and also author-
izes a member bank, subject to the Board's regulations, to make advances to any
member bank on a promissory note secured by any sound asset of such member bank.
This proposal in some respects' represents the greatest departure in the
bill from the conceptions that prevailed at the time that the Federal Reserve
Act was adopted in 1913. Even though there is considerable merit to this amend-
ment, yet because i t is so radical a departure from the Federal Reserve Act as
originally written, and because it affords an element that night tend toward an
extreme which perhaps would be undesirable, I made the following recommendation
?
to the Senate Sub-committeei
"Notwithstanding any other provision of law, when it
deems it in the public interest, a Federal Reserve bank may recommend,
and by an affirmative vote of not less than five of its appointive
Members, the Fedex%al Reserve Board may authorize any Federal Reserve
bank, for limited periods to be recommended by the Federal Reserve
bank and prescribed by the Board, but which may be extended by the
Board from time to time upon application of the Federal Reserve bank,
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nto make advances to member banks which have no further eligible and
acceptable assets available to enable them to obtain adequate credit
accommodations through rediscounting at the Federal Reserve bank or
by any other method provided by this Act. Such advances may be
made on the promissory notes of such member banks secured to the
satisfaction of the Federal Reserve bank, and shall be subject to
such regulations and shall bear such rates of interest as may be
prescribed from time to time by the Federal Reserve Board upon
recommendation of the Federal Reserve bank." My recommendation
places in the Federal Reserve banks the power of making the request•
Section 208 of the Banking Act of 1955 deals with the question of
collateral against Federal Reserve notes. It follows the example of
practically all central banks, except the Bank of England, in providing
that all the asset s of the Federal Reserve brinks shall be the collateral
hack of all of its liabilities. The segregation of collateral against notes
has not served a useful purpose and so far as one can predict never will,
because it becomes restrictive only at a time when restriction is harmful
and does not in any way restrict at a time when restriction may be desirable.
It has, therefore, a perverse restrictive effect. The reason for that is
that at a time when credit expansion is proceeding at a rapid rate there is
plenty of commercial paper available as collateral, because the banks are
borrowing heavily from the Reserve banks. Therefore, collateral requirements
do not restrict. At a time, however, when the Reserve bonks are pursuing
a liberal policy of purchases in the open market, in order to prevent de-
flation, as was the case in 1951, a point is soon reached where there is a
shortage of collateral and gold has to be impounded back of Federal Reserve
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notes, and then the deflationary process is aggravated by technical restrictions
on the Reserve banks. That is exactly what had happened prior to February
1952, when the Congress had to adopt the Glass-Steagall Act which permitted
temporarily the use of Government securities as collateral against Federal
Reserve notes. Collateral requirements against Federal Reserve notes should
be abolished. If it is the wish of Congress to restrict the amount of Govern-
ment securities that Federal Resei^ve banks may purchase, that should be done
directly, as is done in some of the foreign central banks. To aim at it
through .indirection by requiring commercial collateral or gold against Federal
Reserve notes works at the wrong time and in the wrong circumstances. It
does not protect th e Reserve bank against excessive holdings of Government
securities, and does prevent them from doing their share in fighting a
deflationary movement.
Section 209 of tho Banking Act of 1955 clarifies the power of the
Reserve Board to raise or lower reserve requirements of member banks. This
power was granted to the Reserve banks under the Thomas amendment to the
Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1935, but under tho provisions of that act
the Reserve banks can change reserve requirements only when the President
proclaims an emergency and gives his approval to the action. To proclaim
en emergency in banking, as Mr. Owen D. Young said the other day, is to
bring about an emergency. It should not be necessary to proclaim one.
It is, therefore, bes t to give the Board authority in the matter and to
make that authority as elastic as possible by permitting changes in
reserve requirements in financial centers alone when a speculative situa-
tion may develop there without having developed in the country districts.
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Fantastic interpretations of this reserve requirement provision
have been made by opponents. Some believe that this is a move to establish
a 100 percent reserve plan without direct authorization by Congress, A
100 percent reserve plan is an absolute impossibility without a very large
amount of readjustment in a great many lines of banking legislation and
the danger of it being introduced surreptitiously by this provision is
purely imaginary. Limitations o n the extent to which the Reserve Board
could raise or lower these requirements may be devised and have been pro-
posed, I feel that some ceiling should be established. It would be re-
assuring.
On March 4, 1935 the demand plus time deposits, calculated in accord-
ance with the provisions of Section 324 of House Bill 7617, v*ere approxi-
mately twenty-nine billion, five hundred million dollars. If the maximum
limitation were fixed at, say 25%, the required reserve would work out at
about seven billion, four hundred million dollars, which is about five and
one half billion dollars more than the existing reserve requirements.
Others feel it would be better to have no such limitations, however,
because in the face of the enormous possibilities of expansion on the basis
of existing excess reserve s and potential additions to them, the amount by
which reserve requirements may have to be raised to combat inflation is hard
to predict. It may be best to leave the matter flexible in the hands of the
Federal Reserve Board, My position is clear - I prefer a formula of some
kind, or at least a ceiling.
There has also been the theory expressed that through this method of
increasing reserves the Reserve Board may acquire the power to tell the
member banks how to invest their deposits. This statement is based on a
complete misunderstanding of our financial mechanism. Take, for example,
the present situation. The member banks have about $2,400,000,000 of
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requirements be increased by that amount, then these reserves instead of
beirjg excess reserves would become required reserves. This would in no
way change the Reserve banks1 ability to discount paper or purchase Govern-
ment securities.
The proposals about real estate loans are in the nature not only of
liberalization, but also of increased flexibility by permitting the Federal
Reserve Board to prescrib e rules and regulations under which real estate
loans may be made. This proposal is in line with the proper functioning
of our banking system.
The real estate provisions of this bill appear to be clearly in the
right direction and would serve the public good. More specifically they
might contribute to revival in the building industry, which at this time
is a fundamental requisite of recovery.
Because there are so many wrong impressions on this particular
amendment, let me read it as it now appears in the House Bill that has been
passed.
"Subject to such regulations as the Federal Reserve Board may
prescribe, any national banking association may make real estate loans
secured by first liens upon improved real estate, including improved farm
land and improved business and residential properties. The amount of any
such loan hereafter made shall not exceed 60 per centum of the appraised
value of the real estate; but this limitation shall not prevent the re-
newal or extension of loans heretofore made and shall not apply to real
estate loans which are insured under the provisions of Title II of the
National Housing Act* No bank shall make such loans in an aggregate sum
in excess of the amount of the capital shock of such association paid in
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and unimpaired plus its unimpaired surplus fund, or in excess of 60 per
centum of the amount of its time and savings deposits, whichever is the
greater. The Federal Reserve Board is authorized to prescribe from time to
time regulations defining the term 'real estate loans1 and other terms used
in this section and regulating and limiting the making of real estate loans
by member banks, with a view to preventing an unreasonably large proportion
of each bank's assets from being invested in real estate and real estate
loans, preventing such loans from exceeding a reasonable percentage of the
appraised value of the real estate in view of the circumstances existing at
the time and otherwise requiring the banks to conform to sound practices in
making real estate loans."
Because this particular amendment has received more attention from Gov-
ernor Eccles than from anybody else responsible for the writing of the Bill,
and because you were expecting to hear Governor Eccles here today, I should
like, with your permission, to quote Governor Eccles1 testimony on this amend-
ment before the Senate Sub-committee of the Banking and Currency Committee:
"As you know, real estate loans are not a new form of investment for
our commercial banks. They have been lending on real estate mortgage security
for decades. Liberalization of the real estate loan provisions, combined
with the broadened eligibility requirements for borrowing at the Federal Re-
serve banks, may encourage activity in the construction industry, which is
essential to recovery.
"Criticism of these provisions has come largely from those who be-
lieve in the separation of savings banking from commercial banking.
Whatever may be said in favor of such a separation as a desirable thing in
theory, it is not feasible so long as we have thousands of small banks that
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cannot make a living on the basis of their demand deposits alone. The
member banks have 10 billion dollars of time deposits which represent the
people's savings. So long as they have time deposits for which they must
pay interest, they o f necessity must participate in financing long-term
undertakings that will yield enough to pay for doing the business* The
law places no limits on what the banks may do in the purchase of bonds
or of other long-time paperj there is no reason for singling out real estate
loans for special restrictions.
"Our banks have been losing a large part of their business to the
Government, which has sold its bonds to the banks and has used the funds to
make mortgage and other loans, many of which the banks should be in a position
to make themselves. Unless the banks regain some of the business which has
been taken over by the Government credit agencies, there will not be
sufficient business to support the banking system. There will also be
great pressure for a constantly growing public debt incurred in part in
taking over business that could be done by the banks.
"I note that the Banking and Currency Committee of the house in re-
porting out the bill has made two changes in the recommendations on real
estate loans. In the first place a limitation has been inserted that
aggregate real estate loans shall not exceed 100 per cent of the capital
and surplus or 60 per cent of savings deposits, whichever is the greater.
I think this rigid limitation is undesirable. It would be much better to
leave this matter to the discretion of the Federal Reserve Board because
the aggregate amount that may be safely loaned on real estate vrries with
banks, localities and periods of time.
"The second change in the b i ll as reported by the House Committee is
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"the elimination of the provision applying the regulations on real estate
loans to State member banks, as well as to national banks. This is a
serious omission, because under it national banks would be at a competitive
disadvantage as against State member banks, many of which are under little
or no limitation in regard to their real estate loans. Furthermore, the
Federal Reserve System, which has a vital interest in the solvency of State
member banks, would be given no authority over real estate loans that the
State member banks may make. This is inconsistent with provisions in the
Banking Act of 1935 which in dealing with investment securities placed
State.member banks on the same basis with national banks. One of the
important advantages in having State banks members of the Federal Reserve
System would be lost if there were no uniformity in such matters."
When I undertook just two or three days ago the duty and the pleasure
of coming here I did so frankly, not only to do what appears to be my duty
but to have the pleasure of meeting you and hearing you. I have already
met and listened to a great many of you - I hope to listen to more of you
before I leave this convention this afternoon. I have been frank - I
have tried to speak dispassionately and, of course, objectively - as
dispassionately and objectively as one can speak when one is an interested
part of the System affected by the proposals discussed.
I repeat, therefore, that on the whole, there is nothing extreme in
this bill with these amendments. It is a bill that provides for a definite
allocation of responsibility and therefore a better administration of the
Federal Reserve Act of 1913. It deserves consideration. It is being
discussed almost everywhere, and that is as it should be. Discussion makes
for sound legislation.
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Cite this document
APA
M.S. Szymczak (1935, June 7). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19350608_szymczak
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19350608_szymczak,
author = {M.S. Szymczak},
title = {Speech},
year = {1935},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19350608_szymczak},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}