speeches · January 7, 1920
Speech
W. P. G. Harding · Governor
The Need for
the Conservation of Credit
W. P. G. HARDING, Qovernor
FEDERAL RESERVE BOARD
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An address delivered at Boston,
Thursday, January 8, 1920, before the
Massachusetts Bankers' Association
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Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis
The Need for
the Conservation of Credit
W. P. G. HARDING, Governor
Federal Reserve Board
THE HISTORIAN deals with the past, but the active
man of affairs lives in the present and directs his
vision toward the future. Yet it frequently happens
that in order to arrive at a thorough understanding
of present conditions and to interpret the significance
of the shadows which coming events are said to cast
before them, it is necessary for the business man to
review the past, or at least the recent past, in order
to draw logical conclusions from the sequence of
events.
We are living today in extraordinary times, when
lights and shadows present contrasts more marked
than we have ever seen before. In some localities
and to some individuals the scene is illuminated with
the radiant intensity of a July sun at noonday, while
in other places and to other peoples it is enveloped
in the murky darkness of an arctic midnight. We
realize that such conditions are unusual and tran
sitory, for extremes so violent cannot continue in
definitely. In our own country we question the per
manence of the lurid prosperity enjoyed by some
while so many others are struggling with adverse
conditions; and in our world relations there is no
basis for the hope that this country can prosper long
when other great nations are plunged into the depths
of depression, poverty and famine. More than sixty
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years ago Abraham Lincoln said that this nation
could not exist half slave and half free, that it must
be all one or the other. So also neither this country
nor the world can continue to live half in the glaring
sunlight and half in utter darkness. We cannot, of
course, look for universal sunshine, but we should
undertake to soften the contrast now existing, tak
ing pains to accomplish the result by diffusion of
light rather than by extension of the shadows.
To the superficial observer who considers only
large figures and volume of business, gross profits
and demand for services and goods, it appears that
the people of this country have never experienced
such exuberant prosperity. Prices and wages have
never been so high, opportunity to work so abundant,
demand for goods so great and bank deposits so large
as now; but with all the conditions present which
are usually regarded as concomitants of prosperity,
there is a wide-spread feeling of unrest, of dissat
isfaction with the present, and of apprehension for
the future. There is general complaint that while
there has been no approach to uniformity in rates
of increase of personal incomes there has been a
sweeping and universal advance in prices of neces
sities as well as luxuries affecting all, and resulting in
deprivations and hardships to a very numerous unor
ganized intermediate class whose earnings and in
comes have remained practically stationary.
The high cost of living therefore has become the
subject of universal interest and concern and various
methods have been proposed for its reduction. In
considering the problem it is well to review briefly
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The Need for the Conservation of Credit
the course of events during the past five years in
order that we may understand clearly the causes that
have led to present conditions and by analysis be
able better to reach conclusions as to the proper cor
rective.
There can be no doubt that the world war is directly
responsible for many of the successive advances which
have taken place. The withdrawal of millions of men
from productive operations and their conversion into
fighting units, and the expenditure of billions of dol
lars in processes of waste and destruction created an
abnormal and urgent demand for supplies of all kinds,
not only for the necessities which are required in times
of peace and war alike, but also for arms, munitions
and all sorts of military and naval equipment. Pro
duction could not keep pace with demand notwith
standing reduced consumption and rigid economies
on the part of civilian populations. The world was
drained of its tangible liquid wealth as represented by
raw materials and manufactured goods; in many
countries currencies were inflated, and everywhere
there was credit expansion on a vast scale. Industry
was diverted into the most essential channels, and
building operations and construction work generally
were suspended except where necessary for the pro
duction, storage and transportation of war material.
When hostilities terminated upon the signing of
the armistice nearly fourteen months ago, the world
had been deprived of the productive power repre
sented by perhaps fifteen million men who had lost
their lives or who had become permanently disabled.
It was deficient in supplies of foodstuffs, fuel and
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The Need for the Conservation of Credit
textiles, and its manufacturing capacity and transpor
tation facilities were greatly impaired. Millions of
people found themselves homeless, not only in the war
stricken areas but also in countries whose soil re
mained untouched by invading armies, for normal
building operations were four years in arrears. The
belligerent nations staggered under a stupendous
burden of debt, which had been increased during the
war by the equivalent of more than two hundred bil
lions of dollars, most of which had been expended in
destructive energy involving uneconomic consump
tion of goods. The largest country and great granary
of Europe was torn by revolution, anarchy and civil
war, and the populations of other European countries,
many of them crippled by loss of man power, by lack
of domestic animals and agricultural implements and
by the impairment of productive capacity generally
and the loss of their foreign markets, were unable to
supply their domestic requirements. They were
obliged, therefore, to turn appealing eyes to the Far
East, to Colonial possessions, and across the Atlantic
to North and South America.
By reason of its stronger financial position and
greater ability to produce foodstuffs, raw staples
and manufactured articles, these appeals have been
made in larger part to the United States. The as
surances given by our Government of its humani
tarian impulses in entering the war, and the financial
aid extended through loans from the Treasury
amounting to ten billions of dollars have also served
to focus the eyes of all Europeans upon the United
States as the most dependable source of supply for
Europe's wants.
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Unfortunately the trend of events in this country
during the year 1919 was not altogether satisfactory.
Following a period of waiting and hesitation during
the earlyjpart of the year, the policies of thrift and
economy, of self-denial and conservation which dur
ing the war proved so effective were soon discarded,
and the pent up energies of a people which had sub
rogated so finely all pleasures, ambitions and im
pulses to the task of winning the war were released
and found expression in activities of every kind. In
many instances these activities were commendable for
they were devoted to the constructive work of bring
ing the industries of the country back from a war to
a peace basis, but advantage was taken of the ease
with which credit could be obtained, to avail of specu
lative opportunities for profit. Speculation became
rampant in all sections of the country and individuals
everywhere gave free rein to extravagant tedencies
hitherto restrained.
Advancing prices served to stimulate rather than
to check demand, and the evident necessity for con
serving essential commodities known to be scarce
failed to curtail consumption. As the year pro
gressed bank loans and deposits increased, and re
serves declined. Frequent warnings issued by the
Federal Reserve Board had only a temporary effect;
dangerous tendencies developed into a dangerous sit
uation, and corrective measures were applied, now
conceded to have been necessary and salutary, but
which at the time were denounced by some who ought
to have known better as a conspiracy against the
prosperity of the country.
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Meanwhile it became evident that those who had
predicted that the year would witness a marked fall
ing off in our exports, because of the decline in the
cash purchasing power of European nations and their
inability to secure credits as indicated by the spectac
ular drop in the exchanges of most European coun
tries, had reached premature conclusions, for the total
value of exports from the United States during the
year 1919 has exceeded imports by at least four bil
lions of dollars. Notwithstanding this fact, the move
ment of gold for the year was heavily against us, the
net outgo having been $278,723,000, up to December
20th, or taking into consideration the balance of the
gold received from Germany for foodstuffs and held
in London for future shipment to this country or for
use abroad, the net loss has been $147,403,000. In
addition to this there have been, to December 20th,
net exports of silver amounting to $145,220,000.
While the value of raw materials and of manu
factured articles produced during the year was the
greatest in the history of the country, the physical
volume proved to be smaller than for any year since
1916. During the last few weeks it has become in
creasingly evident that active steps must be taken if
our exports are to be maintained, especially to Euro
pean countries, in anything like their present volume.
The fact that we have had a favorable trade balance
of four billions of dollars accompanied by a large net
loss of precious metals shows conclusively that ex
porters have either taken payment in foreign cur
rencies or that they have accumulated credits in for
eign banks. Just how these credits have been ar-
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ranged it is impossible to trace fully or even measur
ably, but it is very probable that a large part of the
financial burden has been thrown directly or indirectly
upon American banks. There is no reason, however,
to question the security of bank loans for there is an
abundance of prime collateral available including
more than twenty billions of dollars of United States
Government bonds.
It is highly important, however, that all long credits
granted in connection with exports be kept out of the
banks, whose policy should be to maintain themselves
in a liquid condition. Apart from the loans which
the War Finance Corporation is authorized to make,
there is no provision for Government aid in financing
exports. The fund of ten billions of dollars which
Congress authorized to be advanced to foreign gov
ernments associated with us in the war has been prac
tically exhausted, and barring a possibility that for
humanitarian reasons, in order to prevent actual star
vation a further advance of two or three hundred mil
lion dollars more may be permitted, there seems to be
no reason to expect that any mpre large loans by the
Government for financing exports will be authorized.
Such a policy would mean either more taxation or
more bonds; it would mean a return to wartime
methods of financing after we have turned our backs
upon such methods and are directing our steps to
wards the methods and policies of peace financing;
it would mean that funds belonging to all the people
would be applied in time of peace to the more direct
benefit of exporters and of those who produce goods
for export.
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The Need for the Conservation of Credit
Without discussing at this time the effect of credit
and currency expansion, it is evident that decreased
physical volume of production, higher prices of raw
materials, and higher operating costs, coupled with
increased domestic consumption and heavier move
ment of exports, have made higher costs of living
inevitable. As regards the responsibility of the com
mercial banks of the country, of the Federal Reserve
Banks, and of the Federal Reserve Board for present
conditions, and as to the policy that should be
adopted in the future, much can be said. But first
let it be understood that there is as wide a difference
between war financing and proper banking policies
in time of peace as there is between martial and civil
law.
The story of our war financing will constitute a
brilliant chapter in the country's history. While the
Federal Reserve Banks and the member and non-
member banks are entitled to the greatest praise for
their most effective co-operation, neither they nor the
Federal Reserve Board are responsible for the poli
cies and methods adopted in financing the war and
deserve neither praise nor blame for them. Respon
sibility for these methods and policies rests with the
President, the Congress, and the Secretary of the
Treasury, who authorized and adopted them, and to
them the results should be credited.
No great war has been financed entirely by taxa
tion, and invariably resort has been had to expedients
such as inflation of currency or abnormal expansion
of credits, and sometimes to both. Wars with us
have always caused higher taxation, and during the
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civil war recourse was had also both to credit expan
sion through bond issues and to currency inflation.
Irredeemable paper money was issued to defray cur
rent expenses, and as this currency was made a legal
tender for all debts and dues, it was in effect a forced
popular loan without interest. It proved to be a very
expensive currency, however, because of its effect
upon prices, and not until nearly fifteen years after
the end of the war did it circulate on a parity with
gold. The legal tender notes were a disturbing factor
again in 1894, 1895 and 1896, because of their re
peated redemptions in gold and immediate reissue,
and were described as an endless chain.
The policy adopted by the Secretary of the Treas
ury in financing the requirements of the Government
during the war with Germany excluded the issue of
uncovered paper money, and provided for sales of in
terest-bearing obligations, consisting of short time
certificates of indebtedness, and bonds of various ma
turities, which could not be used directly to secure
circulating notes, although indirectly through Fed
eral Reserve Banks they were used to some extent
as a basis for circulation.
In the clearly defined limitations prescribed in Sec
tion 13 of the Federal Reserve Act, in the description
of the kinds of paper eligible for rediscount by Fed
eral Reserve Banks, a special exception is made in
favor of bonds and notes of the Government of the
United States. During the period of actual war,
demands made upon the Treasury were greatly in
excess of current receipts from taxation, and the offer
ings of bonds within a comparatively short time
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amounted to far more than the investment capacity
of the country. In order to insure the success of the
respective bond issues it was necessary to anticipate
the investment capacity of the public as represented
by future incomes and savings. Banks, manufactur
ing concerns, business houses and individuals were
urged therefore to subscribe for bonds without re
gard to their immediate ability to pay for them, and
an effective appeal was mjade to the patriotic impulses
of the people to borrow heavily from banks upon the
security of bonds, and as a special inducement pref
erential rates were established for such loans and
easy terms of payment were promised.
The inevitable result was a great expansion of
credit, which was reflected not only in the statements
of individual banks, but also in the position of the
Federal Reserve Banks. At the same time, no op
portunity was lost to impress upon the public the
necessity for increased production and reduced con
sumption, for thrift and rigid economy. As long as
the war was in progress and its issue in doubt, appeals
of this kind were far more effective than could be
expected after the war had been brought to a success
ful conclusion, after the tension had been relieved and
a period of reaction and relaxation had set in.
The end of a world war in a military sense does not
synchronize with its termination from a financial point
of view, and abnormal expenditures incident to war
cannot be curtailed immediately upon the suspension
of hostilities. The armistice was signed shortly after
the flotation of the Fourth Liberty Loan, many
months in advance of popular expectation. The lia-
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bilities of our Government were greatly in excess of
the amounts which had been raised by taxation and by
the sale of bonds; there was a very large floating debt
in the form of Treasury certificates of indebtedness
besides heavy unascertained liabilities of various
kinds. It became necessary for the Treasury to float
another great popular loan, and notwithstanding the
fears expressed by many that an appeal to patriotic
motives in time of peace would not meet with an ade
quate response, the campaign for the Victory Loan,
the last appeal of the Treasury to the generous im
pulses of the American people, proved to be an un
qualified success and the loan was oversubscribed.
As a logical sequence the loan accounts of the
banks generally were greatly increased and more so
because commercial demands were not restricted as
they had been during the war period. Receipts from
the Victory Loan, however, were not sufficient to
liquidate entirely the liabilities of the Treasury, and
a large floating debt represented by nearly four bil
lions of dollars of Treasury certificates still remained
to be cared for. It was deemed necessary to continue
the wartime banking policies until such time as the
Treasury had completed its plans for the periodical
reduction of this indebtedness and its refunding from
time to time as quarterly tax payments were made.
A few weeks ago the Secretary of the Treasury ad
vised the Federal Reserve Board that the plans of the
Treasury had reached a stage where they would not
be imperiled by resumption on the part of the Board
of its statutory powers to regulate discount rates. Re
visions were made immediately. First consideration
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will be given to the industrial and commercial require
ments of the country, and everything possible will be
done to restore the proper balance between the vol
ume of credit and the volume of goods. The process
will necessarily be a gradual one, and can be com
pleted only when very considerable redemptions of
bonds have been made, and the remainder thoroughly
absorbed by the public.
Our banking system is therefore passing through
a transition period, intermediate between that of war
finance and a stage regarded as normal according to
pre-war standards. Owing to the necessity in the
meanwhile of aiding in the financing of Europe, it is
probable that several years will elapse before an ideal
relationship between goods and credit can be estab
lished and normal conditions restored. During this
transition period there should be an effective control
of credits, gradual liquidation, and such temporary
expansion only as may be necessary to meet seasonal
requirements or emergencies. There should be a less
lavish but more efficient use of capital and credit, ex
travagance should be discouraged in every way pos
sible, and the production of essential commodities in
creased. It is important that the world should get
back to work, but in order to provide steady employ
ment for the people of our own country even, it is
necessary that there should be a sustained demand
for the products of our fields and factories, mines and
forests, and in order to maintain this steady demand
It is necessary to provide markets abroad for our sur
plus production. In order for the populations of
European countries to get back to work and to pro-
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duce the things needed for their own support and for
exchange with other nations, thus restoring tranquil
lity to a war-torn world, it is necessary that we should
send them the raw materials, commodities and equip
ment which they need so urgently. In order to send
commodities to Europe we must have commodities
available, for we cannot send abroad what we consume
here. With every appeal to aid Europe attention
should be called to the necessity for voluntary restric
tion of domestic consumption in order that we may
have an adequate exportable surplus.
The domestic demand has been competing with ex
port demands, and the result has been that prices
have been bid up on both foreign and domestic con
sumers. By some means or other credits have thus
far been arranged which have enabled shipments of
goods to Europe to be made, but for more than a year
there has been no systematic or direct curtailment of
domestic consumption in order to provide a surplus
for export.
The result has been that to the extent that our
consumption has been restricted it has been accom
plished through competition and constant advances
of prices. Had shipments to Europe been accompa
nied by corresponding voluntary curtailment of con
sumption at home, prices would not have been forced
up and from the resulting savings there would have
been accumulated a capital fund available directly or
indirectly for the purchase of whatever Europe may
have had to sell in order to finance her imports.
During the war the popular response to appeals for
conservation and saving was magnificent. The re-
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action, however, has been correspondingly violent,
and a systematic campaign of education may be neces
sary to arouse our people to the consciousness that
we may after all be living in a fool's paradise and
that hard work, economy and liberal investment in
foreign securities are necessary if we wish to make
our present apparent prosperity real and permanent.
The bill introduced and sponsored several months
ago by Senator Edge, of New Jersey, is now a law
and will be known for all time as the "Edge Act."
It is a great piece of constructive legislation and pro
vides for the incorporation of associations under Fed
eral charter and under Government supervision to
engage either in international or foreign banking or
in such financial operations as may be necessary to
promote exports of goods from the United States.
The Edge law affords an opportunity to all exporters,
producers and manufacturers to co-operate, to extend
their connections abroad, to invest in foreign securities
of various kinds, and to offer their own obligations,
specifically secured by their foreign collateral, to
American investors. It opens a way for private
financing of exports on long time, not by the banks,
but through the investment market. The develop
ment of our foreign trade under the Edge Act may
be slow, and probably will be. At first, perhaps,
shipments of only the most essential articles will be
financed by corporations organized under the Act,
but this may be really desirable, for in view of the
present wave of extravagance which is sweeping all
over the world, throughout Europe as well as
America, it is best that the stimulus for production
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be concentrated upon essentials and that sales on
credit be confined to such articles.
The sale of foreign securities, either directly or in
directly, through corporations operating under the
new law will create, of course, additional demands
upon capital and credit. This demand is coming at
a time when there will be other urgent demands. The
great railroad systems of the country, soon to be re
turned to their owners, will require very large
amounts. The problems ahead of us are stupendous,
but the United States as a nation has reached the
years of maturity, and it has never failed even in its
infancy and during the period of its early youth to
meet successfully every issue and to overcome every
obstacle and danger. As a sturdy giant it turned the
scales to victory in the war in which we are still
technically engaged but which, let us hope, will soon
be a thing of the past. It is necessary only to have
the people of this country understand the nature of
the problems confronting them and the need for their
proper solution, for our national spirit when once
aroused is invincible.
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Cite this document
APA
W. P. G. Harding (1920, January 7). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19200108_harding
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19200108_harding,
author = {W. P. G. Harding},
title = {Speech},
year = {1920},
month = {Jan},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19200108_harding},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}