speeches · September 11, 1919
Speech
W. P. G. Harding · Governor
Should exports be restricted
as a means of reducing
the present high cost of living?
HONORABLE W. P. G. HARDING
Governor, Federal Reserve Board
PUBLISHED BY
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK
PHILADELPHIA
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An address delivered before the Convention
of the West Virginia Bankers' Association at
White Sulphur Springs, September 12, 1919
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Should exports be restricted as a means of
reducing the present high cost of living ?
HONORABLE W. P. G. HARDING
Governor, Federal Reserve Board
T HE high cost of living, which is the most serious problem
confronting the American people at the present time, is not
merely a local question nor a national one, but is a world-
wide condition. While various factors have contributed to
the existing situation, its fundamental cause is being better
understood every day, and the principles which must govern
the application of the only effective remedy are becoming
more clearly defined. While the gratification of a general
desire to possess more of the comforts and luxuries of life
and the demand for more hours of leisure and recreation
has undoubtedly contributed to higher costs, it is recog-
nized that the primary cause of the great advance in prices
and wages during the past four and a half years is the
terrible destruction of life and property and the consump-
tion of liquid wealth occasioned by the world war.
There has been a vast expansion of credits not only
in this country but throughout the civilized world, and
workers have manifested since the suspension of hostilities
a desire to relax from the rigors of the war-time regime,
from drastic economies and deprivation, and they are at
the same time demanding shorter working hours and more
pay. Because of this and of the impairment of productive
capacity, there has been a curtailment of production and
higher costs in the processes of distribution, which have
driven prices up to a higher level than was reached during
the closing months of the war.
Much has been said about the reduced purchasing power
of the dollar, and according to the index figures frequently
referred to by economists, it is clear that when expressed
in terms of staple articles of commerce the value of the
dollar is only about half what it was five years ago. But
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it is true, nevertheless, that in terms of the currency of
many foreign countries, including all of the recent belliger-
ents, the value of the dollar has increased, and while a
drastic contraction of currency and credit would no doubt
be followed by a reduction in the price level, as expressed
in terms of dollars, it is certain that a lower price level
brought about in this manner would be accompanied by
decreased production. A drastic change would, moreover,
undoubtedly result in much financial distress and in a grave
economic situation, and in seeking a remedy for present
high prices we should bear in mind that before and after the
entrance of this country into the war there was an urgent
need on the part of the governments of the allied world
for goods of all kinds for quick delivery and in large volume
and that price was a minor consideration. There was also
competition between this buying by governments and pur-
chases by private individuals, who failed to contract their
expenditures at a rate commensurate with the growing
expenditures of the various governments.
We are now passing through a period of general relax-
ation from the war-time regime of personal economy, which
has resulted in an increased demand for commodities by
individuals who restricted their purchases during the
war but who are now buying in competition with export
demand. Accrued incomes and wages have led to a heavy
demand for articles not of prime necessity, with the result
that labor and material have been diverted from essentials
to non-essentials. The increased volume of credits in this
country is the inevitable result of the financial operations
of our Government, which was called upon to make vast
expenditures for the maintenance of its own military and
naval establishments and to extend assistance to the govern-
ments associated with it in the war. From the first of April,
1917, to the first of August, 1919 the interest-bearing indebt-
edness of the United States increased by about twenty-
four and one-half billion dollars, an amount greatly in
excess of the normal savings of the people, and the success
of the financial operations of the Treasury was due to the
patriotic support given by all classes of citizens who were
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willing to anticipate their future savings by borrowing
from the banks, and also by the ability and willingness of
the banks to make the loans. These expanded credits,
however, should be reduced as rapidly as possible out of
current savings, and the most effective remedy for present
conditions, whether viewed from an economic or financial
standpoint, is to work and save. Reasonable economies
should be exercised in order that money, goods and serv-
ices may be devoted to the liquidation of debt and the satis-
faction of demand for necessities rather than to indulgence
in extravagances and luxuries. Increased production of
essential articles is necessary, and it is most important that
there be no interruption in the process of production and
distribution.
Our exports increased enormously during the war
period, and because of the continual rise in prices their
value, as expressed in dollars, increased in greater propor-
tion than the volume of goods sent abroad. In May, 1917,
the Government of the United States began to make loans
to its co-belligerents. The total amount of these loans will
soon reach ten billion dollars, which, unless the laws are
amended, will be the ultimate and final limit. Because of
the financial aid given by the public treasury, our export
problems during the war period were limited to the produc-
tion and transportation of the goods, and the burden of
financing was borne by the nation as a whole. With the
exhaustion of Government credits, the question of financing
exports has become one of prime importance, and in con-
sidering the problem we should first of all reconcile our-
selves to the idea that it is neither practicable nor desirable
to export to European countries, at least, on as large a
scale as we have done for the past three or four years. It
is not practicable for the reason that these countries are
unable to settle in cash for so large an adverse trade bal-
ance, nor can we continue to extend them credits for so
large an amount. It is not desirable, because with the
limitations upon our production we could not continue
indefinitely to send so large a volume of goods to Europe
without causing a scarcity at home, which would result in
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even higher prices and more unsettled labor conditions
than those which are now giving us so much concern.
The war has levied an enormous tax upon the resources
of all European countries, and there is nothing to show
for the vast sums, expended by the belligerents, which have
gone up in smoke. It is necessary that these countries
should henceforth conserve their resources in order that
they may rehabilitate themselves as rapidly as possible,
give employment to their idle populations, and work them-
selves back to a self-sustaining basis. The governments
of these countries are doing all in their power to discourage
a demand for luxuries and to prevent extravagant expendi-
tures, and it is evident that they do not regard a severe
decline in their exchanges as an unmixed evil. Low ex-
change rates in the belligerent countries increase auto-
matically the cost of all goods imported into these countries
and operate to reduce consumption.
The pound sterling, which has been for centuries the
commercial unit of value throughout the world, was pegged
during the war and up to a few months ago at a discount
of about two per cent; that is to say, the British Govern-
ment, out of loans made to it by the United States Govern-
ment, bought sterling bills at a fixed rate of $4.76-7/16 per
pound. But the British Government is no longer making
any attempt to stabilize sterling exchange, and since its sup-
port has been withdrawn sterling bills have fallen rapidly.
They have been quoted as low as $4.12, and on a recent
date the cable rate in New York was $4.15^. The rate for
sight and time bills is, of course, lower than the rate for
cable transfers. As the par value of the pound sterling is
$4,866, the present rate means that there is a depreciation
of 71c on every pound sterling. Consequently, if an Amer-
ican exporter ships goods to Liverpool and draws sterling
bills against the shipment in the customary way for, say,
£10,000 sterling and wishes to convert his bills into dollars,
he would receive, not $48,666, as he would under normal
conditions with the pound sterling on a parity with the
dollar, but he would receive only $41,550. This difference
of $7,116 represents a loss in exchange without reference
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to ocean freight rates and insurance, and this loss must be
borne either by the producer of the goods, the exporter, or
by the consumer on the other side. If borne by the con-
sumer it will tend to bring about economies and reduce
the amount of goods consumed. If borne by the exporter,
the loss will be immediately transferred to the producer
in the shape of a lower price paid for his goods.
The same observations apply to shipments made to
France and Italy, and will apply to the Germanic countries
as soon as trade relations with those countries shall have
been reestablished. Exchange rates are far more demoral-
ized in all these countries than they are in England. For
instance, French francs, of which normally 5.18 make a
dollar, have declined to a point where there are required
about 8.32 francs to be the equivalent of a dollar. This
means that on every purchase made by a Frenchman in
terms of dollars he must pay 3.14 francs, or about 60c,
additional, or, stated in another way, the American dollar
is at a premium of 60 per cent in France.
The Italian lire is normally worth the same as a franc,
but instead of 5.18 lire being equivalent to a dollar, 9.72
lire are required, so that the Italian purchaser of American
goods has to pay 4.54 lire additional on each dollar's worth
of goods he buys. This is equivalent to a premium of nearly
90 per cent on each dollar.
The German mark, normally worth about 24c, was
recently quoted at 4.35 cents. Consequently, the German
who buys goods in terms of dollars will pay in exchange
nearly six times what he would have had to pay before the
war.
I do not wish to be understood as minimizing the im-
portance of maintaining and extending our legitimate export
trade, but I wish to point out that in dealing with Europe
other considerations must govern than mere profit and
volume of business. Europe must have the equipment and
the goods which are necessary to restore its productive
capacity and to bring it back to a self-sustaining basis, and
as the adverse exchange rates reflect its inability to pay
in gold or to offset its imports by exports it follows that
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temporary credits on a very large scale must be provided.
Ordinary banking credits will not avail, for these credits
cannot well be extended beyond six months, a period mani-
festly too short for the restoration of more normal rates of
exchange. Longer credits are required, running from one
to three years, which cannot properly be extended by the
commercial banks, which have large deposit liabilities pay-
able on demand.
These credits must be extended with a definite object
in view—the rehabilitation of the countries to which they
are extended—and the American people should cooperate
with the governments of these countries in preventing large
purchases of luxuries on credit. The credits granted should
be used for the purchase of essential articles necessary
for the preservation of life and the restoration of a normal
capacity for production.
Suppose a large farmer or manufacturer, a good moral
risk, has become involved in financial difficulties and that
he has applied to a group of bankers to whom he is already
indebted for an extension and for some further advances
in order to enable him to work back to solid ground. Any
banker participating in this additional credit would expect
the borrower to apply the amount to the necessities of his
business, and if he should divert the proceeds to the pur-
chase of expensive jewelry, automobiles and pianolas, he
would become the object of just indignation and could
expect no leniency at the hands of his creditors.
It happens that the necessary material and supplies
of which Europe stands in need at the present time come
within the class of commodities of which we normally pro-
duce a surplus available for export. We should endeavor
to increase our production of these articles and to send
them over without stint up to the limit of the credits pro-
vided, but we should neither encourage nor permit, as far
as our power lies, these people already so heavily in our
debt to become further indebted to us for the purchase of
non-essentials and luxuries.
The field is broad, and we should not neglect our oppor-
tunity to extend our trade to those more fortunate countries
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which have relied hitherto mainly upon Europe for their
finer goods. Some of the European neutrals, such as Spain,
the Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries, are able
to pay in cash for the goods they buy, and in the Orient,
Japan is prepared to pay cash. The South American coun-
tries are about to enter upon an era of great prosperity,
and their markets offer a most attractive outlet for our more
expensive articles of manufacture. We should, therefore,
be prepared to sell to any nation any goods for which that
nation may be able to pay in cash, but the point I wish to
emphasize is this: Where we sell on credit we should exer-
cise a wise discretion as to the character of the articles sold.
I am aware that many exporters believe that the
Government of the United States should continue for a
while longer its war-time policy of extending credits to the
nations lately associated with us in the war in order that
we may have a ready market in those countries for our
goods. I think, however, that the sooner this idea is aban-
doned the better, for I see no indication of a willingness
on the part of the Congress of the United States to grant
further credits, nor do I believe that it is for the best interest
of our country that war policies be continued in times of
peace. Our Government is the people's government, and
its revenues are derived entirely from the people. It can
raise money only by taxes levied upon the people or by
the sale of interest-bearing obligations, which must be sub-
scribed for by the people, and eventually paid by the people.
While it is true that the maintenance and development of
our export trade affects the prosperity of the people as a
whole, it is also true, nevertheless, that a comparatively
small portion of the people are more directly concerned
and benefited than are the masses of the people.
There is an abundance of wealth in this country, there
is plenty of organizing ability and no lack of business acu-
men, and I think that we should reach the conclusion as
speedily as possible that the development of our foreign
trade, apart from such incidental assistance as the Govern-
ment may properly give, is a matter for private initiative
and individual enterprise.
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While the liquid wealth of Europe has been greatly
reduced because of the drains made upon it by the war, the
fixed wealth and material resources are not vitally affected.
I have no doubt that even in those countries which suffered
most there are abundant resources to secure any credits
which may be needed for the purchase of necessary articles,
and our Government is offering ample facilities to those
desiring to arrange to send to Europe the things most
needed. While the direct credits which this Government
may grant to foreign governments are limited to an aggre-
gate of ten billion dollars, of which only a few hundred
millions remain unused, the War Finance Corporation, the
stock of which is owned by the United States Treasury, is
empowered to make advances up to one billion dollars to
assist export transactions. National banks having a capi-
tal and surplus of not less than one million dollars are
authorized, under regulations prescribed by the Federal
Reserve Board, to subscribe to the extent of ten per cent
of their capital and surplus to the capital stock of banks or
corporations organized under the laws of the United States,
or of any State thereof, and principally engaged in foreign
banking, and a bill has recently passed both Houses of
Congress and is now in the hands of the President which
will permit any national bank, regardless of its size, to
subscribe to the extent of five per cent of its capital and
surplus to the capital stock of corporations principally
engaged in such financial operations as may be necessary
to promote the export of goods, wares and merchandise
from the United States or any of its dependencies. Another
measure, known as the "Edge Bill," which has already
passed the Senate and has gone to the House, authorizes
the Federal incorporation, under the supervision of the
Federal Reserve Board, of banks and corporations engaged
principally in foreign banking or in financing exports. Our
shipping facilities have been greatly increased; an Ameri-
can merchant marine has been established, and our goods
can be sent to the four corners of the earth, throughout
all the seven seas, in American bottoms under the protect-
ing aegis of the American flag.
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The opportunity is ours—an opportunity greater than
we ever dreamed of—to become a powerful factor in world
financing and world trade. Surely we will grasp this oppor-
tunity. We must take advantage of the world-wide demand
for the products of our fields, our mines, and our factories,
sending whatever may be desired to those countries which
are able to pay cash, and sending the articles most needed
to those requiring credit.
The controversy between capital and labor will receive
serious consideration at the conference which has been
called to meet in Washington in October, and let us hope
that the whole question will be approached in a broad
American spirit, that wise counsels will prevail, and that
the difference will be ironed out and adjusted fairly and
impartially. In the language of the Litany—From all false
doctrine, heresy and schism, Good Lord, deliver us.
Let us realize that crops cannot be grown, coal cannot
be brought above the ground, metals cannot be fabricated
nor textiles woven without capital and without work, that
capital is entitled to a just return and that the laborer is
worthy of his hire, that increased production and greater
economies are the only correctives for the present high cost
of living and are essential if we wish to have a surplus of
goods to send abroad, that shorter hours with higher pay
tend inevitably to reduce production and increase costs, and
that the American Union, which is represented by the flag
which waved triumphant on the battlefields of France, is
the supreme union and is the one to which we owe a para-
mount allegiance.
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Cite this document
APA
W. P. G. Harding (1919, September 11). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19190912_harding
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19190912_harding,
author = {W. P. G. Harding},
title = {Speech},
year = {1919},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19190912_harding},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}