speeches · December 5, 1918
Speech
Paul M. Warburg · Governor
Some Phases of
Financial
Reconstruction
BY
PAUL M. WARBURG
Address delivered at Atlantic City, N. J.,
on December 6, 1918, before the War
Emergency and Reconstruction Congress
of War Service Committees of American
Industries, under auspices of the Chamber
of Commerce of the United States of
America
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SOME PHASES OF FINANCIAL RECONSTRUCTION
BY
PAUL M. WARBURG
"TTIINANCIAL RECONSTRUCTION" is a subject that appeals so
JF strongly to our hearts and minds—and to our imagination
and ambition—that an invitation to deliver an address
upon the topic was bound to meet with a most willing response
on my part. The undertaking appeared all the more enticing for
the reason that there is not likely to be found in the United
States a group of men more deeply interested in the problem and
more capable of approaching and furthering it on broad national
and international lines than the one assembled here today.
But it is the impressive competence of this conference and
the immensity of the problem that make me realize very keenly
my own inability to deal successfully with the allotted task. As
destruction once begun on the battlefield spread its waves until
its effects had reached all parts of the world, so the work of
reconstruction will involve the whole globe far beyond the centers
originally affected; and as the character and extent of the disturb
ance differ in each country affected, so the word "reconstruction"
will have a very different meaning in the various parts of the
world. In some it will indicate the physical restoration of the
tangible things actually destroyed, in others financial or commer
cial rehabilitation, in others it will mean the re-establishment of
normal levels of living and working—a return, more or less, to
pre-war conditions. The last named group includes the United
States. Considering the question merely from the domestic point
of view, "the movement back to normal" would appear as the
main aim and characteristic of our own problem of reconstruction.
Several thoughts, however, will at once occur to us at this
point and emphasize the complexity of our task.
First. That the normal of the past is not likely to be the normal
of the future, which raises the further question of what that normal
ultimately will be.
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Second. That between our present level and that of the future
there will of necessity be a period of transition—which raises the
question of how long or how short it should be.
Third. That both on account of the moral obligation involved
and on account of the effect that reconstruction in other countries
must needs exercise upon our own future economic and financial
development, we cannot possibly consider the problem as a purely
domestic one—which raises the question of purchases on credit by
foreign countries and the influence of foreign purchases upon the
course of prices.
And finally, that the return to the new normal level must not be
construed simply to refer to the level of prices and wages, but that it
includes the new norm of government influence in business—which
raises the question of the restoration of the freedom of individual
action and operation, willingly surrendered in the face of war, but held
sacred and inviolable in times of peace.
To sketch the problem in its vast outlines is to acknowledge
our inability to treat it adequately even within the limitation of
some of its phases. For it is evident that the plan to be applied in
grappling with the side issues must depend upon the general
policy ultimately to be adopted by the Government in dealing
with the whole problem. That is the reason why in discussing the
topic of financial reconstruction only the obvious can be stated
with confidence at this time, while wide room is left open for
assumptions and speculations, whenever we try to go further afield.
If in spite of these difficulties, I had the courage to accept the
invitation to speak to you today upon some features of the financial
side of the question, my justification is that I believe that by
carefully analyzing the problem we may assist in clarifying it,
and succeed in disposing of some of the fallacies befogging the issue.
In looking into the future we have as yet no definite landmarks
upon which we can fix our range-finders in order to ascertain just
where the line of demarkation will lie between the transition
period and the era following it. We know, however, whence we
came, we know our present conditions as our actual starting point,
and it must be our first aim to try to gain as clear a conception as
possible of our ultimate position, so that in dealing with the
interval and the co-related problems, we may map out a course
that will lead us towards that final goal. Let us begin then with
the obvious things that we may be able to discern distinctly.
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As I look through the telescope into the period following that
of transition, I see a United States to which the world at large will
be heavily indebted, and to which annually hundreds of millions
of dollars will be due as interest on loans extended, in addition
to the hundreds of millions due in payment of the raw materials
we shall be able to spare for other countries. I see an industrially
highly developed country which, with the exception of a limited
number of articles, will be capable of producing most of the
necessaries of life for the consumption of its own people.
I perceive, therefore, a country amply protected by a vast
annual international credit balance, a country which by keeping
some portion of its foreign security holdings in the form of reason
ably short obligations, should be able to protect itself against any
serious encroachment upon this creditor position; a country
owning a huge gold stock—a country, in short, which need not
give itself any great concern with regard to the task of maintaining
the parity of the dollar exchange all over the world.
I do not wish to pose as what the British wittily have termed a
"war prophet-eer," but I much misread the future if it does not
have in store for New York the position of a world exchange center,
vying with London as a free gold and discount market. As I see
it, our future economic position will be of such strength that it
will be difficult for many countries to keep their exchanges at par
with us. They are not likely to have sufficient quantities of the
goods required by us, nor will they have large amounts of gold
to spare, and therefore, in payment of the things we sell them
and of the interest they will have to pay us, they will have to try
to find something else than goods that we may purchase from
them; that is, they will offer us the individual or collective
obligations of their nationals, or their industrial enterprises, or
such securities or assets of other countries as they control. If we
want these countries to continue to be able to buy our goods, it is
therefore incumbent upon us to prepare ourselves to grant these
foreign credits and to buy and assimilate these foreign assets.
In order to carry out this program several things are necessary.
First, our banks and bankers must be able and willing freely to
extend their acceptances for the financing of the world's trade.
It is inevitable, if our banks and bankers continue to show the
same spirit of enterprise and patriotism they have demonstrated
during the war, that in the financing of the world's current trade
we shall have a very large share. As a matter of fact, we owe it to
the world to bear a substantial portion of this burden. To that
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end the discount rates of the Federal Reserve banks and the policy
of the Federal Reserve Board with respect to acceptance trans
actions must continue to be liberal. I can well foresee the time
when American dollar acceptances will be outstanding to the
extent of more than one billion dollars in credits granted all
over the globe.
Three years ago, when it was my privilege as a member of the
International High Commission, to visit South America, I found
that the banks in that hemisphere hardly realized that there
existed such a thing as dollar exchange or an American bankers'
acceptance, and our own banks and merchants had to be coaxed
into using them. Now these acceptances are well known and
eagerly sought all over the world.
And as our banking power and machinery develop, there
unfold new opportunities for foreign branches of American banks.
There are today about fifty branches of American banks in
foreign countries, besides a considerable number of affiliated
banks and sub-agencies largely in Latin American countries, and
more are being opened every month of the year. You are familiar
with the names of the banking institutions engaging in these
foreign enterprises, the Federal Reserve Bulletin in its recent
numbers has given the fullest data concerning their operations.
They are covering at present almost every country in South and
Central America, they have penetrated the Philippines, Japan,
China and India, and we find them established in England,
France, Italy, Spain, Belgium and Russia.
But while much has been accomplished as a beginning, while
the marvelous strides that our banking system has made during
the war are as unparalleled as the rapid creation, equipment,
training and transporation of our armies, more remains to be
done. While it is most satisfactory to note that several discount
companies and acceptance corporations have been organized, it is
my belief that the future will show a very distinct need for a
larger number of acceptance corporations.
As the Liberty Loan Bonds are absorbed by the public and as
the paper secured by these bonds and rediscounted with the
Federal Reserve banks is liquidated, the enormous resources of the
Federal Reserve System will become available for regular invest
ment in bankers' acceptances to a larger extent even than in the
past, and will prove a tower of strength, protecting our discount
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market at rates which will compare favorably with those of the
strongest amongst the old established countries.
These conditions are likely to bring about a constantly growing
demand for American acceptances, and I hope that not only
banks and acceptance corporations, but also private banking
firms will energetically cultivate this new field of enterprise.
As is well known, private bankers were pioneers in England in
developing the foreign acceptance in business.
The war being over, it is now the privilege of our bankers and
financiers to make themselves generals in the arts of peace, and to
call out as volunteers the best talent, now happily again available,
for the constructive pursuits of commerce and trade in all parts
of the world.
There is in this call no challenge to England; she will, I am
certain, retain her logical and traditional position of a world
center of commerce and,finance. Moreover, once we return to the
time when trade between nations is no longer financed by the
issue of Government bonds, the old machinery of bankers' accept
ances and investment banking will be so heavily taxed in both
countries that England and the United States, soon to be joined,
we all hope, by France, will be only too glad to find partners with
whom to divide the burden and, rather than envious competition
in securing the load, there will be a tendency of wishing to place a
fair share of it on " the other fellow." No doubt some of the neutral
countries, whose financial strength and independence have
greatly increased during the war, will play an important role;
while Germany's place as an international banker will have to be
considered as vacated for some time to come.
Bankers' acceptances, however, while important factors as
temporary equalizers of international balances, and invaluable,
furthermore, in their incidental effect in creating centers into
which other commercial and financial transactions will naturally
flow, cannot be expected to offer the proper medium for settling
the vast permanent indebtedness to us which we expect to see
accumulating from year to year. These large balances must be
offset not by temporary credits, but by an outright transfer to us
of foreign assets. This may be brought about essentially in four
ways:
1. The debtor country may sell to our Government its own
Government obligations (our Government in turn financing itself by
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the sale of United States Government bonds substantially in the
same manner as adopted in financing our Allies during the war.) Or
2. The debtor country may sell to our investors (instead of to
our Government):
(a) Its own Government obligations, or
(6) Industrial stocks or bonds originating within its own
boundaries, or
(c) Stocks or bonds owned by it but issued in other foreign
countries.
The first method is not likely to be employed extensively
beyond the beginning of the transition period. The other three
methods are the ones that in the long run we may expect to see
develop as the most practicable forms for which we must prepare
ourselves.
In order to bring about in the United States the successful
absorption on a large scale of foreign securities, it is necessary that
our investing public be educated properly to appreciate these foreign
investments. That will only be possible as our banks and our busi
ness men going into foreign countries bring back to the "folks at
home" frank and reliable information concerning the risks and
chances of the proposed investment, concerning the resources of
such countries, the character of their people and their political
and economic conditions.
Intimate commercial relations with foreign countries create
the atmosphere of understanding, interest and sympathy which
alone renders possible comprehensive international financing;
and inversely it is such financing that encourages the growth of
trade relations. There is a relationship of close mutuality
between business man and banker in this respect. For the fullest
success one is dependent upon the other, and the country at this
juncture depends upon both.
To go out into the world, to study foreign conditions, to open
new avenues of commerce and finance and to develop in this coun
try a group of men whose word and judgment with regard to
foreign enterprises we shall willingly trust, is a national enterprise
that should appeal to the ambition and public spirit of the ablest
of our coming bankers and business men.
In times of temporary adverse trade conditions or unexpected
emergencies, the ownership of foreign securities is moreover of the
greatest value to a country. We need only to think of the invalu
able source of strength they proved to England during her hours of
trial. I believe we may safely say that it was the use of these
foreign holdings (North American and others) that enabled
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England to finance her own foreign purchases and those of some
of her allies without breaking the rate of exchange of the Pound
Sterling during the first period of the war. But from this episode
we should draw the lesson that the advantage of holding foreign
securities consists of no small degree in the ability of selling them in
several markets, and in creating a market here for foreign securities
we ought to remain mindful of that fact.
Before 1914, the large holdings of American securities in Europe
and their wide market on both sides of the ocean furnished an im
portant instrument for equalizing temporary debit balances by
the so-called "arbitrage" of securities. The back flow of our own
securities must have destroyed very largely these economically
important pre-war conditions. We can well imagine that Govern
ment bonds with international markets will play an important
role in restoring the basis for an easy exchange of securities, that
is, a healthy trans-Atlantic bond arbitrage.
In going into these new fields of foreign investment and trade,
let us start out with a generous, sympathetic and receptive
mind; with open purses—but also with open eyes and conscious of
our serious responsibilities in the matter.
It is unfortunately true that wherever the faithful pioneer
goes, there also migrates the crook. In opening the markets to
foreign financing, almost every country fell victim to the occa
sional robberies perpetrated by reckless promoters. The local
knowledge of American business men and bankers living in these
foreign countries may prove an invaluable protection in scru
tinizing these propositions. But, if I may be permitted to express
my thoughts in the premises, I believe that for the better protec
tion of both the public and the careful and self-respecting banker,
it would be advisable to establish some generally accepted rules
governing the information to be contained in a prospectus offering
for sale foreign securities. Every great international market
enjoys such rules, established either voluntarily by the stock
exchanges or by the Government.
If we are to be a world center of finance, as I am profoundly
convinced we shall be, I believe we ought to take steps that will
give to the American prospectus the same standing and prestige
as is enjoyed by those of the leading European markets. I can
well imagine that by common and voluntary agreement some sort
of a future capital issues committee might be organized in each
Federal Reserve district to give its stamp of approval to every
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such prospectus before the quotation on the stock exchange be
granted or the offer be made.
Such approval would not signify the passing upon the intrinsic
merit of the security involved, but it would give assurance that
all essential facts, and nothing but authentic information, be
contained in the prospectus and that they be stated over the
signature of the borrowing government or corporation and the
issuing house. This is, as a matter of fact, no more than a
responsible issuing house would observe. It would be a burden,
therefore, only upon less conservative firms, upon which a check
ought to be exercised. While, no doubt, some red tape and delay
would be involved in such a proceeding, it would in the long run
prove well worth while to submit to it. The Chairman and
Governor of the Federal Reserve bank of the district might be
invited to head the committee, as at present. They and others
would, no doubt, be found willing in the general interest to
shoulder the burden.
When the present Capital Issues Committee in due course, by
the expiration of the Act, discontinues its operations, it is possible
that such new local Capital Issues Committees might exercise a
very important function in protecting the country in this further
respect: Issuing houses in Europe do not generally enter into con
tracts for the purchase of foreign securities without first inquiring
at their headquarters whether or not such issue is in the public
interest. It must be borne in mind that when concluding these
loans not only the relationship with the borrowing country must be
considered, but also the condition of the purchasing country as a
whole. Excessive foreign loans may at times adversely affect the
entire network of trade balances, exchanges and interest rates,
even though the transaction may be of great advantage to particu
lar industries, and even though the contracting country itself
may be heavily in our debt. The situation as a whole, therefore,
should be carefully weighed in such cases by the Federal Reserve
Board which, when approached through the local Capital Issues
Committee, would give its advice.
It may be timely to point out in this connection that foreign
bonds payable in several currencies would prove of great value in
times when gold exportations might become imminent in conse
quence of unexpected temporary financial dislocations. In such
circumstances interchangeable international bonds could well be
sold abroad in order to replenish our foreign balances, warding off
to that extent exportations of gold.
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In sketching this program for the future we cannot be unmind
ful that, in certain important respects it will not meet our imme
diate needs, because it will take time to develop in the United
States as wide a market for foreign securities as is here con
templated, while most urgent demands by foreign nations are
near at hand. We know that almost all European countries for
a prolonged period will require food, or steel, or copper, or cotton,
or machinery with which to rebuild their life and industries.
Many of them at present have neither gold nor goods with which
to pay us. Individual and banking credit in some cases has been
seriously affected, and in others has not yet had sufficient time to
establish or re-establish itself. Without doubt we shall consider it
our proud privilege to give whatever we can spare to those that
deserve our aid, particularly to those who, like France and
Belgium, have an undoubtedly valid moral claim on us, and to
that end we shall have to continue to reduce our own consumption
to the necessary degree.
It is at this point of our consideration, however, that our ship
strikes a fog bank and that we shall have to feel our way in the
mist as best we can. There are quite a number of factors about
which, for the time being at least, we are uninformed. We do not
know whether during the transition period Congress is going to
authorize advances by the United States to foreign countries in
order to provide the means with which to pay us for their pur
chases of foodstuffs or other necessities. At present the symptoms
point the other way.
If, however, the Government itself is not going to finance the
sale of these goods, the volume of such foreign purchases is likely
to be reduced or at least delayed so as to synchronize with the
amounts of dollars that can be raised here by the opening of
temporary banking credits, or by the free sale in our market of
foreign government bonds or foreign assets. In that case our
exports are likely to move at a slower pace and there is less likeli
hood of a congested demand for goods for export, and therefore,
prices are likely more promptly to find their own natural level.
Conversely, should the United States Government decide to
advance the amounts involved to the purchasing nations, greater
immediate stimulation of certain export industries would follow,
coupled with the resulting possibility of continuing for some time
at least the exercise of a certain control of prices and distribution,
thereby causing a more gradual decline. Of the two courses our
first impulses, I believe, would make us choose the latter. Closer
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study is likely, however, to gain our support for the first of the
two methods.
There is much to be said in favor of a quick return to the natural
basis. While it must be conceded that unhampered development
may temporarily produce a greater shock, we must bear in mind
that on the other hand trade and industry are unlikely to proceed
at full speed until there prevails a general and confident feeling
that a natural solid basis has been reached. What would be gained
by governmental assistance to our foreign purchases would be
lost, therefore, by the creation of a sentiment of reserve and hesi
tation caused by the hot-house atmosphere.
Moreover, now that the war is won, we cannot blink the fact
that impatience is general to shake off restrictions and bothersome
regulations, and there is grave doubt as to whether an effective
control of output, distribution and prices could be continued any
longer. While the cushioning of the shock might appear very
desirable on account of its bearing upon unemployment and wages,
the fact must not be overlooked that by the systematic and wise
curtailment during the war of expenditures for maintenance and
new constructions, for necessaries and luxuries, we have now
happily stored up a reserve purchasing power which, together with
the natural foreign demand, should prove a very efficient shock
absorber.
These conditions would not appear to warrant the fear of the
imminence of very drastic convulsions in the labor market. But
even a temporary jolt should not frighten labor, provided that
there results a prompt establishment of a solid basis on which
business can develop healthily and freely. Weighing all pros and
cons as far as we are able to see them and realizing that require
ments may differ in the several branches of industry and trade,
it would seem that on the whole the evidence favors an early
withdrawal of the hand of Government in regulating production
and prices.*
The policy indicated by the Treasury of prompt liquidation of
Government contracts, even though compensation for cancellation
might involve large sums, appears most advisable in the circum
stances. Prompt payment by the Treasury of all such obligations
*I am not including the activities of the War Trade Board, whose control, in
certain respects, may have to be continued until the free use of shipping facilities
will be restored to our trade.
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would ease very materially the general situation, it would enable
industry to clean the slate rapidly and thoroughly and get ready
for the new business that knocks at our doors.
The above is stated with the greatest possible hesitation by
a skipper who knows full well that he is in a fog, but who, having
recklessly agreed to discuss this topic today, has no choice but to go
ahead on the best observations and soundings that he is able to
make.
But whether or not our assumptions be correct, in trying to
survey the field of our future financing, we may take it for granted
that, should our Government cease to make advances to our allies,
some of them are most likely to offer for sale in our market their
own Government bonds or notes, or their industrial properties.
I feel certain that vast amounts of the obligations of our strong
friends will find a cordial reception here and will be readily ab
sorbed; but taking it all in all it appears extremely doubtful
whether our investment houses will find it possible to place
foreign securities on a broad enough scale to meet the large
foreign requirements for our goods.
The task will be made all the more difficult, because as some of
these countries just have passed through a period of unrest and
great financial strain, we may expect the investor to insist on some
evidence that new political conditions have come to stay and
that he may rely on an undisturbed economic development before
he risks his money.
On the other hand this period may offer great opportunities
for the acquisition of most valuable foreign properties. Some
nations, particularly those with strong credit, might possibly
prefer sooner or later to dispose of some of their national securities
or assets rather than to increase their indebtedness to us by the
acceptance of further loans; other countries may have to sell in
order to pay their debts because their national credit has been
destroyed. From the business point of view it would obviously be
to our advantage to buy assets of this sort (or, as the case may be, to
make advances secured by such assets with an option to buy them)
instead of taking an unsecured long term foreign government
obligation.
It is evident why, in the long run, it is more desirable for the
United States to acquire the electric light and power plants,
telegraph and telephone lines, railroads, mines, or other industrial
plants, than to advance to others the money with which to carry
these properties; for whoever owns and controls these foreign
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plants is most likely to secure for his nationals the orders for raw
material and manufactured article that go with their upkeep and
development. Regular orders of this nature have shown them
selves to be a most valuable nucleus around which further business
crystallizes.
It is estimated that England, France and Germany before the
beginning of the war invested annually an aggregate of over a
billion dollars in foreign countries. For more than four years
countries like the South and Central American republics and China
have not been able to secure foreign funds in substantial amounts,
and while the war has taught them the necessity for a greater
degree of thrift and more extensive reliance upon their own
resources, their accumulated appetite for foreign capital must
now be large.
Add to that the demands of European nations, new and old,
and it will be clear that by sheer force of circumstances, even
though England, France, Holland, Japan, the Scandinavian
countries and others will take their full share of the burden, we
shall soon be driven into a position of great importance in inter
national finance, and that this responsibility will be facing us
long before we may expect to see our market for foreign securities
develop far enough adequately to meet the situation.
I believe that so-called "investment trusts" will ultimately
play an important role in solving this problem. Companies of
that character are well known in England, particularly in Scotland.
As their name indicates, they invest their funds in foreign securi
ties and against their assets they issue their stocks and bonds for
sale in the home market. One important corporation of this
description has been launched in the United States, the American
International Corporation. More such companies, I think, are
bound to be created. But it will take years to establish their
prestige and standing all over the country and to prepare for their
securities an investment field wide enough to fill our needs.
In these circumstances, it occurred to me sometime ago that
by converting the War Finance Corporation into a Peace Finance
Corporation and authorizing it to acquire directly, or make
advances on foreign securities, we might create an instrument
that would promote our foreign trade and at the same time
greatly assist foreign nations in need of our support during a
period of political and economic transition. Such a Peace Finance
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Corporation, enjoying the prestige and strength flowing from the
$500,000,000 capital subscribed by the United States, could
exercise effectively its power, within certain limits and for a
limited number of years, to issue its own obligations against the
foreign securities acquired.* In doing so it might render services
of the very greatest value in bridging a critical interval. At the
same time, it would keep the Government out of direct touch
with business transactions, with which, for a thousand obvious
reasons, it had better remain unconnected.
For the sake of both our domestic and our foreign problems, I
believe a plan of this kind is deserving of our most careful con
sideration, even though I am reluctant to suggest it because of
my strong belief that at this time we should remove rather than
construct war emergency machinery that draws Government into
business and on account of other serious and valid objections
which at once occur to us.
The greatest difficulty, and one that cannot be weighed too
conscientiously, is that of devising a plan which will provide a
sufficient assurance that we may rely on securing men able, expert
and independent enough to be entrusted with the administration
of funds amounting to possibly billions of dollars, men who would
have to be vested with wide powers in dealing with what, in
effect, would amount to the peoples' money.
In order to win the war and while it lasted, we were willing to
concentrate such powers in the hands of a few. Would Congress
be prepared to go that far for purposes of reconstruction? That
is doubtful, and personally I believe that, in spite of its obvious
necessities and advantages, the step, involving as it does trans
actions with foreign countries, could safely be undertaken only
if we could remove every reasonable doubt with respect to our
ability of securing the proper men and of keeping the Corporation's
management so separate and distinct from the direct responsi
bility of the Government as to protect both Government and the
Corporation from any embarrassment likely to result in dealing
with foreign nations.
A solution might be found by providing that the Peace Finance
Corporation should be administered by a Board of Directors, of
whom one each, with the approval of the President, would be
*These obligat ions should not be eligible as collateral for notes rediscountable
with Federal Reserve banks. They should be placed only as fast as they can be
absorbed by the investors.
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designated by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury,
the Secretary of Commerce, the Federal Reserve Board, the War
Industries Board, the War Trade Board, the Shipping Board and
the Food Administration (each selecting at the same time a
substitute director for their appointee). These directors then
would elect the General Manager and other officers.
A method of this kind would be likely to secure a non-partisan
expert administration, a majority would be appointed by non
partisan expert men of national reputation and of widely divergent
interests. I think a board of that kind might safely be entrusted
with the necessary wide powers; it would embody all the elements
that are at present charged with the duty of regulating commerce
and finance, particularly in their relation to foreign countries. In
case of vacancies occurring after one or more of the appointing
boards had ceased to exist, other boards such as the Federal Trade
Commission and the Tariff Board might take their place, or the
Board of the Peace Finance Corporation itself might be empowered
to submit to the President names of candidates. There may be
many better ways of appointing the Board; the above method is
suggested simply for the purpose of submitting an illustration.
In many foreign countries there are men now on the ground,
serving as emissaries of the Department of Commerce, or as
representatives of the Treasury, or acting in connection with the
business operations of the Army and Navy or the American relief
organizations. Would it not be possible to constitute from men
thus available abroad and the best men qualified in the United
States, advisory commissions to cover each country, not only in
Europe but also in South America and Asia? These men might
render invaluable services to a Peace Finance Corporation, and
ultimately they would become important factors in creating in
the United States the atmosphere of knowledge and understanding
of foreign conditions so important for the development of our
future trade and finances. At the same time it will be very
desirable to have available in some of these countries groups of
men who will keep an eye on the proper distribution of goods
furnished by us.
Whatever form of financing, however, the reconstruction
period may bring, whether securities issued by our own Govern
ment, or by a Peace Finance Corporation, or by foreign govern-
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ments or foreign corporations, it is certain that their successful
absorption will depend upon the saving capacity of our people.
I believe we cannot emphasize too strongly that the time has
not yet come when our people, large or small, may relax their
efforts to curtail unnecessary consumption, both for the sake of
releasing for export the greatest possible quantities of goods,
thereby stimulating our export industries, and for the purpose of
accumulating funds available for investment. The slogan "don't
stop saving food" would gain in scope and strength by abbreviating
it into "don't stop saving!" Our more than twenty-one million
Liberty Bond holders must be trained to become permanent
investors; thrift must become a national virtue, a priceless inheri
tance left to us by the war. The splendid saving mechanisms now
in use should be continued and expanded, they should not be
permitted to die out when Government borrowing ceases.
It is most important that our coming Victory Loan be absorbed
as far as possible not by bank borrowings, but by genuine savings.
Thanks to the strength provided by the Federal Reserve System,
our banks have been able to meet the strain of the war in a most
admirable way, and, as in every previous loan, they will be found
prepared for whatever burden the next loan may bring.
But do not let us be unmindful of the fact that since our entry
into the war the reserves of the Federal Reserve banks have
fallen from eighty-five to about fifty per cent., that the aggregate
investments of Federal Reserve banks have increased in that
period from $225,000,000 to over $2,300,000,000, and that the
proportion of National banks' investments to deposits at present
amounts to 130 per cent, against 110 per cent, at the beginning
of the war in 1914.
We are near the crest of the wave of worldwide inflation. As
it was generated and fostered by a chain of interlocking effects and
reactions of extraordinary demands for certain goods, reduced
power of production of others, rising prices, rising wages, vast
issues of Government bonds and circulating notes, so with the
approaching end of the issues of Government loans we may
expect to see the beginning of a gradual contraction of note-issues
and deflation of prices and wages* and a return to more normal
conditions of production and consumption.
As far as the banking situation is concerned, deflation will have
to be brought about primarily by the people's efforts to save and
*See foot-note page 18.
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by a contraction of loans following the shrinkage of prices of goods
and reduction of the volume of inventories.
On November 8th the 751 member banks in leading cities
submitting weekly reports to the Federal Reserve Board held
$1,200,000,000 of loans secured by Government war obligations
in addition to $1,806,000,000 of Government securities (exclusive
of $268,000,000 deposited for the issue of National bank currency),
making the total holdings by these reporting member banks of
Government war obligations and paper secured by such obliga
tions in excess of three billion dollars, of which a substantial
proportion was pledged as security for loans obtained from
Federal Reserve banks. On the same date the amount of this
class of paper which the Federal Reserve banks had discounted
for their members aggregated $1,317,000,000.
The Government bonds held by the banks ought to be absorbed
by the public as fast as possible and the expanded position of both
member banks and the Federal Reserve banks correspondingly
lightened. Depositors by turning into investors would reduce
our deposit structure, which from the beginning of the war in
1914 has risen from $21,330,000,000 to about $32,000,000,000, and
thereby decrease the banks' reserve requirements. This in turn
would have the effect of reducing the re-discounts made by
member banks in order to provide the necessary reserve balances
with Federal Reserve banks.
While it is possible that the aggregate of investments of the
Federal Reserve banks will still rise in consequence of the pay
ment of the installments due on the Fourth Liberty Loan and the
Victory Loan to be expected in the spring, we must hope that the
peak may be reached in the near future and that from then on we
may witness a continuous and substantial decline in bank invest
ments and a corresponding rise in the percentage of reserves.
Nothing could be more beneficial to the prestige of the United
States as a world power in finance than the early and courageous
* Wages control prices and prices control wages; they have to move together.
I cannot but believe that Mr. Gompers had in mind in his recent speech the
preservation of the relative position of wages; that is, their purchasing power (based
upon index numbers or what is spoken of as real wages, as distinct from nominal
wages). Any other thought is an impossibility.
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lifting of the gold embargo. It is true that before contemplating
this step, it will probably be necessary to have an ample tonnage
at our free disposal for the unhampered transportation of our goods
(and other conditions will have to be considered which it would
lead too far here to discuss), but it is also true that the stronger
our gold reserve at that time, the more readily will we be able to
envisage with complacency the probability of the consequent
exportation of sums of gold which, conceivably, may amount to
hundreds of millions of dollars.
It is for this very important reason that it is sincerely to be
hoped that the people by saving and curtailment of unnecessary
consumption and expenditures, and the business community by a
program of wise moderation, particularly dealing with non
essentials, and as long as this can be done without creating
unemployment, will do their share in consolidating both our gold
and investment strength, on which two factors, our ability to secure
our proper position in foreign lands and our power to act boldly
and generously in dealing with other nations, are largely predicated.
Over expansion of deposits and note-issues must not be per
mitted to tie up our reserves to such a degree as to interfere with
our power to let gold go out freely. While we are still in a position
of great strength, we must remain conscious of the necessity of
not forgetting our limitations.
If by the exportation of large amounts of gold or a continual
increase of investments our Federal Reserve System's cash
reserves would fall from fifty to about forty per cent., that by
comparison with other countries would still look like a very high
reserve. Do not let us forget, however, that in Europe reserves
before the war were considered to be near a normal level at
approximately sixty per cent., and that that was at a time when
central bank countries were saturated with gold, owing to the
hundreds of millions in actual gold carried in the pockets of the
people, while now this important secondary reserve has been
wiped out in almost all leading countries.
They have wisely concentrated that gold in the central banks
in order to have it serve as a basis for their vastly increased
note and deposit obligations. Logically, future central banks'
reserve standards ought, therefore, be higher than those of the past.
While we must resign ourselves to the conclusion that it will
be a "long, long way" to the realization of any such hope, it is all
the more evident how important it is for all countries firmly to
envisage this goal of strengthening their present financial position
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by a gradual deflation, and continued efforts to concentrate all
scattered gold.
The world balance sheet has been "watered'' by issuing war
loans and currency, against things already consumed or of no
permanent value, to an aggregate appraised to exceed the esti
mated pre-war wealth of England and Germany combined. The
squeezing out of this water by gradual amortization of war loans
and contraction of note issues will prove an important factor in
re-establishing pre-war levels of prices.
Some writers hold to the view that increased production of
goods rather than banking deflation may bring us back to a normal
relation between money and goods. My own belief is that the
solution must be sought in efforts from both ends. The resultant
line indicating the trend of prices and deflation would then lie
somewhere around midway between the highest and lowest points.
Perhaps I should say a word at this juncture concerning the
much mooted question of the demonetization of gold as a world
medium of exchange. In considering the suggestions made in this
connection I have to think of the deaf old lady who, when asked
by her table neighbor whether she liked red bananas, answered:
"No, my dear, I prefer the old-fashioned night shirt." I confess,
when dealing with this problem, that I, too, am old-fashioned.
I believe that gold as a medium of actual circulation within the
border lines of countries will more and more be relegated to the
past; but that as a basis for an elastic circulation and as the
ultimate means of settlement of international balances, it will
continue to dominate the world. It will not be dethroned for
the reason, if for no other, that such a step could only be taken
by mutual agreement between gold debtor and gold creditor.
The position of economic superiority held by a creditor country
owning a large stock of gold is, however, of so immense an advan
tage that it will not be voluntarily relinquished by the large
number of nations that are the "beati possidentes.,,
Nor do I believe that the world has turned far enough into a
family of communists seriously to consider the pooling by all
countries of their holdings of gold. As long as nations have
separate national budgets and obligations, they are likely to
wish to retain a distinct ownership of their assets. The problems
of reconstruction are immense and immediate; the new structure
must be erected on the most solid foundation and built with
material that is thoroughly tested and promptly and actually
available.
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Nor can we deal effectively with the foreign exchange question
without first freeing our minds from doubtful theories. We must
cling to the old dogma, that foreign exchange will continue to
be the result of the foreign trade and credit of each individual
nation, the balance, as far as not squared by the flow of goods and
loans and securities (including bills of exchange) or bank balances,
remaining to be settled in gold. The war, drastically obstructing
all these natural currents, brought violent and most regrettable
disturbances to the foreign exchange markets. But we have seen
that the very approach of the armistice, promising the return of
normal trade conditions, turned back our exchange rates towards
their fairly normal level.
I do not believe, therefore, that there is any necessity for the
establishment by the Government of a foreign exchange bank,
which has been urged as a reconstruction measure, for the purpose
of keeping dollar exchange at par, or our discount rate for bankers'
acceptances at 3j/£%, or for providing the country with adequate
foreign exchange and credit facilities at fair and equitable rates.
If it should be shown that American banks and bankers are so
lacking in spirit of enterprise that our business man, at fair rates
of compensation, cannot secure adequate facilities for the carrying
on of their foreign transactions, then such bank should be organized.
In that case, however, it should not be a note-issuing bank;
but a plain and unhampered business organization under Govern
ment control. So far nothing has changed my knowledge and
conviction that the foreign exchange business in times of peace is
being transacted on the most modest margin of profits, that our
American banks, since the shackles were taken off them four years
ago,* have moved rapidly into foreign fields and that they may be
relied upon to do their share in the future.
Attention has been drawn to the preliminary steps taken by
many European nations for the organization of banks designed to
protect the foreign exchanges of their respective countries. But
the conditions of these nations are not ours. Countries that are
dependent upon the importation of goods and at the same time have
to find means of annually remitting abroad large sums in payment
*It was only two years ago that the power was granted to National banks to
combine in holding stock in banks organized to do foreign business. The National
Charter for such foreign banks has not yet been granted, in spite of the urgent and
persistent representations of the Federal Reserve Board.
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of interest and amortization have a very real and serious problem
on their hands, one from which, happily, we have reasons to
hope to be immune, at least for some years to come.
With the vast credit balance annually accumulating in our
favor, adverse exchange conditions, barring unforeseen emergen
cies, can normally be brought about only by excessive foreign
investments and these can be adjusted by a modification of
our financial policy at home, but not by the operation of a foreign
exchange bank. Nor would it have been within the power of such
a foreign exchange bank to stabilize our dollar exchange during
the war.
It is now well understood that apart from the interruption
of our trade with neutrals, the prevailing and regrettable dis
turbance in our neutral exchanges was largely a question of the
use of the proceeds of our loans granted to our allies, and of other
"force majeur" influences which it would lead too far to enter
into, but which would have been beyond the power of such a
bank to regulate. As stated before, when the seas are open to
our unhampered trade, when our foreign loans are under proper
control, with our huge gold stock and an effective discount market,
our foreign exchange situation can be protected without the crea
tion of a new Government bank.
Nor is such a bank necessary in order to put our discount rates
on an equal level with those of London. It cannot be denied that
it is an anomaly, which rankles in the minds of some of our critics,
that our acceptance discount rate should at present be at 4J4%,
while the British rate is at 33^% at a time when England is
borrowing from us at a rate well in excess of 4J^%.
As long, however, as the United States Treasury has to raise
about one and a half billions per month by the sale of Treasury
certificates at 4J^%, it is evident that a reduction by the Federal
Reserve banks of their discount rate to 3 ^% would only have the
effect of inducing the banks and trust companies to sell all their
acceptances to the Federal Reserve banks at that rate, in order to
buy Treasury certificates at 4j^%, or commercial paper at 6%.
In other words, it would tend to encourage expansion and at
the same time destroy the broad market for acceptances which,
as a result of the labor of several years, has been developed, with
a constantly growing number of banks purchasing these accept
ances. The low rate, if adopted, would be likely to make the
Federal Reserve banks the only market. If, on the other hand,
the Treasury reduced its rate on certificates to 3 J^% it would court
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certain failure in its attempt to raise the vast amounts required
each month.
As against these conditions, it may be taken as a fact that the
low acceptance rate established in England proved of a very real
value to our ally on account of its bearing upon the British
Government's gigantic and highly successful loan operations in
the home market. Must we not ask ourselves whether that was
not a sufficient compensation for the temporary disadvantage at
which we were placed? Was not the common object to be gained
more important than the question of the relative position of vant
age between allies?
As stated before, we may expect that anomalies of this kind
will cease as soon as Treasuries discontinue to issue Government
loans and when the natural flow of money again dictates the rate
policy of the countries under the leadership of their central banks.
It cannot take long for a natural adjustment to take place on
these lines and we can well afford to be patient in the interval,
whether it extends over half a year or even a little longer, during
this transition period of reconstruction.
Was it not the redeeming feature of the horrors through which
we were passing that for a common aim men were willing to share
with one another suffering, deprivation and death? And is it not
one of the most inspiring features of reconstruction that a spirit
of competition in giving and sharing with one another has come
to us to take the place of the one time spirit of keen competition
for possession and position?
In thinking of financial reconstruction and of the financial
world of the future, do not too many amongst us have this one
thought uppermost in their minds: is the United States hereafter
going to be the leading financial country? In other words, are we
going to take England's place as the foremost financial power?
Do not these men forget that if England were to surrender her
entire trade and banking to us, we should collapse, and that if we
were to unload all our business on her, she would break down
under the burden?
The whole truth of the matter is, that we have both grown to
be pillars supporting the same structure and that neither can fall
or become weakened without bringing danger or disaster on the
other. England, herself the owner of billions of foreign obligations,
will remain the banking center of Europe; a world clearing house
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for goods and credits. I believe that her banks and ours will be
found in close co-operation, sharing the burdens in bond issues
and credits, and relieving each other as the tide may swing from
time to time.
Personally, I think it is finer and healthier for us not to think
so much of the rank as of the responsibility of our position.
Amongst nations, as amongst men, it is not prudent to place one's
self on a pedestal overtowering the rest. Whoever rises too far
above his neighbors ultimately makes himself their target.
Moreover, conditions of too glaring advantage do not remain
long without the disproportion being adjusted in one way or an
other. An overabundance of capital and material on our part
will soon draw towards our shores as an equalizing force a stream
of men anxious to divide with us our position of advantage, and
surplus capital flowing into poorer countries will help them to
develop their own resources. The ultimate course of the process
of adjustment will largely be influenced by the attitude and
power of labor, and our future tariff policy.
If I read aright the signs of the times, England and the United
States, soon to be joined by France, allies of the past, will be
partners rather than competitors in the future—partners not of
a close corporation to the exclusion of others, it will be a partner
ship wide open for any respectable new associate wishing to enter.
Or perhaps we might more properly term them joint trustees, with
others, administering a great public trust. If there is to be
immediate and intense competition between their peoples, it
ought to be on this one and only ground: "who will be able to save
most in order to be able to help most."
The ownership of no less than $8,000,000,000 of foreign
Government obligations (probably billions more before we are
quite through) conveys to the Government of the United States
the possession of a master key controlling the foreign exchange
market for some years to come.
Nobody is wise enough to say today what the ultimate dis
position of these foreign bond holdings will be. Some bonds may
be actually paid off when due, others may have to be renewed by
our Government, in other cases foreign governments, when their
bonds mature, as a renewal operation may offer their own bonds
for sale to the American investor (instead of to our Government).
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We may assume, however, with entire confidence, that the
United States is not going to be a hard and exacting creditor.
While our Government may find that, as a matter of protection
against unexpected economic or political developments, it may be
advisable to keep a certain portion of our foreign loans in bonds of
a reasonably short maturity, renewable from time to time, there
cannot be any doubt that the decisions of any future administra
tion concerning the ultimate liquidation or continuation of these
debts will not be reached from mercenary or selfish motives, but
that they will spring from considerations of the larger duties
towards the world as a whole, and from minds fresh with the
memories of the sacred purposes for which these obligations were
incurred.
It would unduly tax your patience to give a complete list of
the things in which I do not believe, but it may not be inopportune
for me to digress here for a moment in order to express the hope
that Congress may see its way clear to exempt from taxation the
interest received by foreigners on bank deposits in the United
States, or on their investments in loans, discounts or American
bills of exchange. Other countries, e. g., England, have imposed
taxes on income received by foreigners on permanent investments;
but England has never undertaken to tax foreigners on revenues
from sources of income which do not constitute permanent
investment. England, not only commercially but also financially,
is a free trading country, and it is largely to her liberal attitude in
this respect that she owes her position as the world's banker.
Petty and vexatious taxation of revenues from bank balances
and bills of exchange will result in placing a severe handicap
upon American banks in their efforts to give to American paper
and American balances the same standing as that enjoyed by their
British brethren. Such taxation not only impedes the free flow of
money, but in the final analysis hurts the American borrower,
who will be the one to "pay the piper" by being compelled to
stand the higher interest charges which would result. I should
earnestly urge, therefore, that Congress examine this question very
seriously when framing the revenue bill now under consideration.
Just as I was finishing the writing of this address there came to
my knowledge an abstract of the report of the British Committee
appointed to investigate the question of currency and foreign
exchange after the war, of which Lord Cunliffe, the esteemed
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ex-Governor of the Bank of England, is the chairman. It was
extremely gratifying to find that the conclusions reached by this
Committee bear out entirely the thoughts that I have ventured to
express in this paper with regard to Treasury borrowings, discount
rates and deflation.
The report urges as prerequisites for the restoration of an
effective gold standard, "which should be restored without delay:"
The cessation of Government borrowing as soon as possible
after the war, and the provision at the earliest possible moment
of an adequate sinking fund for the purpose of bringing about a
regular annual reduction of capital liabilities;
A cautious reduction of the outstanding uncovered note issue
and a greater concentration and strengthening of the gold reserve;
And, furthermore, the bringing into effect of the "machinery,
which long experience has shown to be the only effective remedy
for an adverse balance of trade and an undue growth of credit.''
This machinery is defined as "the raising and making effective of
the Bank of England's discount rate, which before the war operated
to check a foreign drain of gold and the speculative expansion of
credit." "This necessity," the report says, "cannot, and should
not, be evaded by any attempt to continue differential rates for
home and foreign money after the war."*
Lord CunlinVs sound advice to let business return as soon as
possible into its old and tried channels will no doubt be heartily
acclaimed by our business men and bankers.
Under the able leadership of the Secretary of the Treasury—in
whose retirement we regretfully lose a courageous and efficient
general, deserving of the country's deep gratitude, our task of war
financing has been most brilliantly performed. The Federal
Reserve System, now unfolded to a position of power and influence
far beyond the early expectations of its very proponents, and the
banks of the country, placed through it upon a new basis of safety
and of wider scope of operation, will show themselves physically
and intellectually equipped for their larger tasks whenever the
*The report is significant, furthermore, in its unqualified recommendation
that "the gold reserves of the country should be held by one central institution
and that all banks should transfer any gold now held by them to the Bank of
England." That is exactly the policy the Federal Reserve Board persistently
urged upon Congress, a policy fortunately adopted and since enacted into law.
Without such amendment it would have been impossible for the Federal Reserve
System to accumulate the more than $2,000,000,000 of gold which enabled it suc
cessfully to stand the unprecedented strain of financing the war.
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moment comes for the Treasury safely and properly to return to a
peace footing in the exercise of its own functions.
May I avail myself of this opportunity to state that I believe
the country is to be sincerely congratulated upon Hon. Carter
Glass's appointment as our next Secretary of the Treasury.
Nobody has done more in formulating and passing the Federal
Reserve Act than he. Nobody has rendered greater services than
he in keeping out of harm's way the schemers and dreamers that
might have endangered or wrecked our banking structure.
The country is deeply indebted to him today, and I am certain
that as Secretary of the Treasury he will add further distinction
to his record of public service. Through five years of intimate
association, I have grown to know and sincerely admire this
unassuming and unselfish man as one of our finest citizens and as
a fearless fighter sacrificing himself without stint or reserve for
whatever he deemed to be best for the country. I consider it a
privilege to be permitted to pay him this tribute.
As military victory could not be won without the loss of lives,
so financial victory could not be secured without economic
sacrifices, not only of a material character, but also of principles
which normally we hold dear. Inflation of prices and tempo
rary surrender of individual freedom of operation are cases
in point. Success having been achieved, we now are starting
to wend our way back. We have fairly well reached the top of
the mountain, we do not exactly know whether it is a peak or
a high plateau. The transition period will keep us moving over it,
and then gradually, as we ascended we shall have to descend
through the period of reconstruction, until we reach the normal
level of the future.
Happily, in the case of finance, the course of our path lies
fairly clearly ahead of us, because the relations between Govern
ment and business had been defined by the Federal Reserve Act
on a modern and satisfactory basis before the war broke out.
In banking the formula for private operation under Government
control had been found and put into effect. Conditions are not
as clear with respect to other and similar problems, such, e.g.,
as the railroads, the financing of which forms a part of our program,
which it would lead too far here to discuss. This only we might
say in conclusion:
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The war has accentuated and vastly accelerated the growth of
Government responsibility and influence in business. This
development is worldwide at this time, it is natural, logical and
inevitable. While it will tend to elevate business, there is danger
that unless carefully safeguarded in both form and scope, it may
tend to corrupt and to debauch Government. It is this peril that
we are facing at the moment of our proudest triumph, and it
must be our serious concern that a national effort born in idealism
should not bear the seeds of ultimate national decline. The
reconstruction period places us face to face with this problem and
it is during this period that thoughts will have to be developed
leading to a solution entirely fair to the people.
In the case of the railroads, it is not solely a question between
security holders and shippers; it is a question which affects on the
one hand the integrity and safety of our future political life, on the
other the very foundation of our economic development. The
next year or two must bring forth legislation which ought to
be for the railroads what the Federal Reserve Act has been for
the banks. To find the proper formula will be a national contri
bution of the highest order. It will be a difficult task, but
just for that reason one worthy of the efforts of the best minds of
the country. It is not solely a question of railroad technique or
finance. A larger problem is involved; one that will face us at
every future step in the evolution of the relation between Govern
ment and private enterprise; the problem of finding men big,
trustworthy, expert and independent enough to measure up to
the task, and to make the task independent, clean, non-partisan
and dignified enough to measure up to the men.
Until that phase of the problem is solved, Government regula
tion or operation in times of peace will remain imperfect and fraught
with dangers threatening to outweigh its benefits. No time ever
was more propitious than the present for making a determined
start in this direction.
The reconstruction period is pregnant with the seeds of good
or evil; what it brings forth will depend upon the care and devotion
that the country gives to its problems. It is a period, as its name
indicates, for constructive thought, not for destructive criticism.
If the flower of our manhood is willing to serve the country during
reconstruction and peace as it did in times of war, and if the
country's new and larger duties, and its higher conceptions of
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them have taught it to want as its servants none but the truly
best, then we may look into the future with hope and confidence
that we may prove ourselves competent and faithful guardians of
the sacred trust which this glorious period has placed into our
hands.
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Cite this document
APA
Paul M. Warburg (1918, December 5). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19181206_warburg
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19181206_warburg,
author = {Paul M. Warburg},
title = {Speech},
year = {1918},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19181206_warburg},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}