speeches · February 10, 1907
Speech
Charles S. Hamlin · Governor
JGXm DISCUSSIOH AT ECONOMIC CLUB, SPRINGFIELD,
Monday evening, February u, 190?.
. ADDRESS OP CHARLES S. HAMLIN.
IS THE PRESENT TENDENCY TOWARDS NATIONAL CENTRALIZATION
FOR THE BEST INTERESTS OP THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
The subject of the discussion this evening is whether or
not the tendency toward* national centralisation#-so much in evi-
donee of la te ,-is for the heat interests t>f the people of the
United Statc». The Economic Club has shown wisdom in inviting
discussion of this question, especially at the present time, and
I shall endeavor very briefly to present certain views oh this
question in a calm, temperate warmer, entirely devoid of partisan^
also j
ship, and, I trust aux wxoaxkyxd«*w^ at* ^oocxidte of personalities*
In considering a subject of such great importance, calmness
of discussion is an a ll essential requisite. It has been too nuch
the custom, of late, to "brand everyone who raises his voice in
protest against centralisation as owe impelled by some selfish
motive, as almost in fact, a traitor to his country. Such asper
sions, however, cannot be counted as argument and have no place in
the deliberation of ?*ny question worthy of consideration.
X remember so w ell, only a few years ago, when those who
opposed the talcing ami retention of the Philippine Islands were
denounced with fervid rhetoric as traitors. Who can forget the
oratory poured forth as to the advantages of the Philippine Is
lands as a naval bass and as furnishing the key to our future
progress in the Pacific? Who can ever forgot the withering swtsasm
and denunciation visited upon those who favored the so-called
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policy of *#cttttle» in the Philippine*
Yet, only the other day it was announced in the public
preoo on tta^high authority," that the general staff at Washington
had prepared ita piano for the defence of our interests on and
orer the Pacific Ocean in the unlikely event of war with ,f&pa«,
never, X trust, seriously considered for a moment as imminent*
And what were these plana of defence? The paper I rimd announced
them &# follows: w
•In brief, it 1# that at the firing of the first pun our
fleet ships at Manila w ill lift anchor and plow eastward under fu ll
steam, leaving the Philippine#, for the time being, at the mercy
of the invader#11 •
Those estimable citizens who a&voctitod and s till advocate
a peaceful withdrawal from the Philippine Island# with honor, were,
in the excitement of the moment, called traitor#*and when theee
misguided people pointed out that the Philippine Island# would be
rather a burden than a benefit to u# in time of war, their word#
were rejected with contempt and they were held tip to public scorn
and ridicule.
If the above press report la tru**wfe*t a sad ending of a ll
this Philippine business; their value as a naval base and a# a key
tc the Pacific is so great that at the first gun we are to "scuttle*
and leave their people to their fate regardless of this great
moral duty of which *f« heard so much in the past.
If, with la such a short apace of time what was once tensed,
treason ha# now been merged in lofty patriotism, surely there is
hope even for those who question the wisdom as veil as the legality
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of present and proponed national centralisation, -at In ant we can
a ll afford to disousa the matter calmly and With an open mind,
of
We should first^a il re»«mb«r that we are not now discuss*
ins the creation of a new national governments xm are, on the non-
trary, considering the government a» it vr&w established by our
fathers and as we hope it w ill continue for all time,
To consider this question properly, ws mist boar in mind
the ^origin ;>f the national govorntaent and its complete separation
from the governments of the individual States*
After the Declaration of Independence the Colonics became
independent of Great Britian and vers,ae well,Independent of one
another, they wore sovereign communities. Then came the Articles
of Confederation by vrhioh a kind of national government was creat
ed# Thin government had no sxecutlvo Head, It hud also very li t -
tie sovereign power. It had not even the power of maintaining it*
self by means of taxation. The people retained for themselves
through their State governments almost a ll arm reign power.
Jfext cams the Constitutional Convention and th* adoption
of thft Constitution, when, for the first time, an independent power
fu l national govwrment was er«at(3d,»a government which h^d the
means and the power to maintain itse lf and was independent of the
State governments as to ii« national life , This national govern
ment, however, was not supreme ovor the states, except as to the
power granted it under the Constitution, Over evory subject grani
te it
ed it hud the fullest authority, whether that authority was ex
pressed in so many words in the Constitution, or was neceeaatljry
implied as groining out of some expressed grant.
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Withim the lim it* of the powar granted under the national
Constitution* the Federal government is absolutely supremo. It
can execute its constitutional laws in <*vary part of the land*
So far no national powers go, the territory embraced by the United
States is* in effect, but. a oingle State absolutely subject to the
w ill of Congress,
The powers, however, of the national government are strict
ly limited* a ll powers not granted by the constitution remain in
the States or in the people thereof an is expressly provided in
the Constitution,
It io a f«ailiar principle of law that the legislature of
a State government has presumably a ll the power of sovereignty
its people possess except where such poster In o:<proeely Halted
by the State Constitution* whereas it is clear that the national
government is one of enumerated powers strictly limited by ih<s
grants contained in the Constitution.
It is always pertinent, therefore, in discussing national
legislation to in luire whether there is authority for such legis
lation in the Constitution, and if the tine should over come when
it is considered unpatriotic to inquire into the iiueotion of the
national authority on any subject, it w ill indicate that the people
have become blinded to the benefits of free constitutional govern
ment and have \ne,ni8cicusly lapsed into a condition dangerous to
the future welfare of cur government.
toe xtooexto Die individual citiaen x* oomoe into contact
with his State government much more ciocoly and intimately than
with the national government. He looks to hie State government
for protection of his property, for enforcement of a ll rights of
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contrast, for tho education of hio children, for the rerul&tioii of
the descent of property, for the detailiehment of laws governing
marriage, divorce, and many othwr subjects of vital importance to
him as an individual*
excepting for the postal service, would
. ot : ' ml| for the M sd part* the citisen hardly
realists from personal experience that there is a national govern**
«cnt at a ll. While he knew* that the national government levies it
taxes from him for it* support, thtJBO taxes being,for the most
part, indirectvhe docs not pay them to the T 1 government, and
some even deny that they arc paid at a ll.
The oitlass of the United States owes allegiance to no
personal sovereign or ruler* he owes the highest allegiance, ho*-*
ever, to the government* Rational and State, which his fathers
created for his benefit. There is thus a two-fold allegiance which
is recognised and affirmed in the United States Constitution* It
is this relation of the national government to the State govern
ment which calls forth the discussion of this evening.
At different times of our National life , popular attention
h&« been concentrated, even for long periods of tine, upon one of
these dual systems of Government to the partial or the almost total
eclipse, in the popular interest, at leant, of the other. At the
foundation of the Government under the Constitution, the National
idea, of necessity, come to the front, for a National Government
had been created. The people of the Sovereign States surrendered
with much reluctance a part of their sovereign power. The great
builders of the Constitution created a new Nation and under the
interpretation of the grout Jurists, Wilson, Marshall, Webster and
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others, it* growth has been steady and sure.
V?hiie at time* the national idea* *o-oalledf has "been ob~
•cured, an a whole it ha* steadily broadened and developed. It
finally &me into conflict with the extreme f’tatea rights idea,
and out of that collision oam© the Uivil War from whioh the Nation
al idea emerged triumphant, The so-called States rights doctrine
no longer, as once, marks the line of division between the two grea *
political parties. In fact, today it servos, if the prevailing
popular expression can be trusted, but as a kind of pound to hold
in restraint or to furnish shelter to a few knights errant who have
strayed from the ranks of the hosts of triumphant nationalism.
A striking example of this growth of the national idea is
afforded by the uae of the terra rtthe United State*11 • In the early
year* of the HvUon these word* war© always followed by the plural;
MOflxx in modern tiues, however, the word* are almost inevitably
followed by the ei^gular.xsofe. For example, Article Kir.* of the
Treaty of Pe%ee with Oraat Britain, concluded in 1814, provided
Xkatai that **Fhe United State* of America engage to put an end***
to host i lit; i«a***with the Indian* with whom they may be at tar.
On the ether hand, Article five of the Treaty of Pc^cc be
tween the United State* and Spain, concluded in December, 1698,
provia^d V at.:- *The United State* will***oend back to Spain at
it* Qv.n cost, ‘.he Sptznt&h soldier*11 •
Tlu* rutftblo change in the visage of the v/ord* serves to
illustrate well the change in the spirit of the people,
Wa hear much at the present tita* *■.* to the need of in
creased Federal power, such increase to be accompanied necessarily
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with a corresponding decrease in power •xi0tinfft qr supposed to
exist, in the individual States. Some earnest, public spirited
citizens belicv® that Federal power under the Constitution has been
exhausted with the enactment of present laws and that a mors cow*
prehensile grant of power is needed. Others believe that the power
already possessed by the national Government is ample for present
and future problems and that further exorcise of this power is
simply a question of national expediency. Others seem to wish
State powers to be curtailed in spite of Constitutional lim ita*
tions, if any there be.
It is not my purpose tonight to discuss the scope ef the
commerce clause of the Cionctitution, nor the laws passed to carry
out the purposes of that clause, as interpreted by the courts*
I*et it suffice to say that wherever there exists in fact interstate
commerce, that commerce is subject to the constitutional control
of the Federal Government. Furthermore, the principle of regula
tion of Monopolies, m often advanced as the justification for
Federal control over railroads in interstate commerce should be
applied equally to a ll monopolies granted by the National Govern
ment* to this end, in my judgment, the time ought soon to come
when monopolies in the form of patents granted by the National
Government shall contain conditions prescribing reasonable prices
for their sale or use.
8or is it my purpose to discuss here tonight the legal
proposition whether »r not Congress has the present power to de
velop along the linos of increasing centralisation, apparently so
dear to the hearts of may people. The theme I wish to discuss is
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the advisability of oxtending National control to subject* over
which it has no present yov/er* Such centralisation, in my opinion,
even if node law ful, as to concrete instances, vvoulu not, if ap
plied generally, enure to the welfare of the people, hut would in
evitably result in radical, revolutionary changes in our Govern
ment*
There are many today who demand Government control over
Insurance; other plead for a National divorce law; others clamor
to have the National Oovemaent take over the control of a ll forms
of corporate activity ultimately resulting in interstate coursercef
•veil to the point of controlling production within the States, thus
interfering with the moot important domestic relations between
tho States and the individual citi&entu
In short, to many estimable citizens there seems to be vox
eternal, hopeless conflict between tho National and the State Go
vernments which cm be abated only by reducing the States to a
condition of subordination scarcely consistent with my sovereign
rights* Is such radical centroliaation necessary for the welfare
of the pcoplef Is it necessary to our salvation that power should
be given to or exercised by the Federal Government to lay down
uniform rales as to National conduct, controlling even the minutest
details of the life of the individual cltisen?
At the outset, we must recognize that. laws which might be
highly advisable for old, settled communities, might prove almost
disastrous to young, growing nt&tea* Kven in the individual States
it la difficu lt enough to fix any standard which may not be ar
severely upon one section at the expense of the other. On almost
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a ll quotation® affecting the people as a whole there ia the widest
diversity of opinion and of individual need among the several
S ta te s .
Tot the fact must ho recognised that apparently many would
welcome almost an obliteration of St .to iines^creating one State
instead of forty-five# Such a change might indeed he convenient!
along the lines of uniformity! hut it would absolutely overthrow
the existing form of Oovermwnt*
Lot ua briefly consider where the mpp H eat ion of thi»
specious rule of uniformity would carry ua*
We should have to take away from the States the right to
fix the qualifications of those who vote for National Representa
tives and for Presidential electors* The Constitution gives to
the people in the States tho right to prescribe theno qualifica
tions and they have exercised it in such manner that the basis of
suffrage differs radically* In some States aliens who have de
clared their intention to become citizens can vote for National
Representatives and for Presidential electors; in most of the States
they are excluded from the suffrage* In some States women can and
do votd in elections for Congress and for Presidential electors;
in most States this obligation has not yet been imposed upon them*
We should also have to enact National laws covering all
relations of contract between citizens of different Staten, wiping
out a ll conflicts of law which now give the courts so much d iffi
culty#
'?« should have to provide for the service of legal pro
cess of any court throughout the United States.
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We should have to frame a National cod© of criminal law
to supercede the law© of the individual State.
We should have 3sJtK to take under national control all pro**
duction, whether corporate or private, in any way contemplating in
terstate commerce, and to do this effectively, every 3*ind of pro
duction would have to he taken over regulated and supervised by
the federal Government,
Wet should have to regulate the private lives of the people
of the United States by enacting national marriage and divorce lawa
We should have to enact a Tf&ti rml law regulating the de
scent of property, as to which there is a great lack of uniformity
among the several States.
finally, we should have to enact laws reserving to the
National Government the right of imposing all taxation, direct and
indirect, in order to do away with the painful lack of uniformity
now existing, giving hack to tho States such portions of the taxes
collected as in the wisdom of our National legislators is deemed
necessary for their purely local needs and purposes*
If this uniformity should b© secured by Constitutional
changes we would secure \hat, apparently, many would like,-a
single Government, in effect, over the whole extent of the United
States.
Would such <i Government be for the best interests of our
people? I believe not. On the contrary, to quote the words of
that eminent expounder of the Constitution, James Wilson, Whose
words have lately been quoted by the highest authority,**
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"To support with vigor a single Government over the whole
extent of the United State*, would demand & eyetew of the moot
unqualified and the most unrenitted despotism*1.
Ivery citizen should consider carefully whether Modern
tcndwnojres are not along thin path declared to he so dangerous to
the future of our (Joverment by this great expounder of the Con
stitution#
If, however, such an extraordinary increase of power should
he granted bv the people to the federal Gavernnent by Constitution
al change#* where could such power safely he reposed? While Con
gress could enact the necessary laws, thews laws mist he left to
the Executive Departments for administration and execution* Can
it be that these Departments are so idle at the prenent moment that
such extraordinary,new duties could properly he imposed upon them?
Juwt the contrary is the truth.
The War Department, engrossed with the management of the
Amy, with Hlver and Harbor improvements and with other public
works, is fairly staggering under the additional burdens of the
Philippines, the Canal Zone and Cuba,-not to mention Santo Domingo*
The Interior Department huo all it can do to manage the
public matters now assigned to it, among which are Pensions, Indian
Affairs, Patents, Alaska and the other Territories, not to mention
the public land system, with the vast fraud and corruption recent
ly unearthed.
The Department of Commerce Sc Labor Is well occupied with
the Census, Bureau of Navigation, Lighthouse, Coast Survey, fish
eries, Immigration, Chinese exclusion, the Bureau of Labor, th® In
vestigation of corporations and other important branches.
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The Treasury Department , almost broken down with work, ha*
only roocmtly had to he relieved by giving many of it* duties to
the new Department of Commerce & Labor*
The St at* Department seen© fairly well occupied in raon&f;-
inr the foreign affair* of the country.
It may be replied that new Depart?‘'ents could be created*
A little reflection, however, must surely satisfy one that &ucii
new Department*, necessitating the employment of perhaps thousand*
of Ifation&l Officer* and inspector*, would not be, in the long
run, for the best interests of our people*
It should not be forgotten that there may be almost as
much danger to the Republic from national centralisation carried
to the extras limit* a* from the oxtreme expression of the State*
Right* doctrine which so nearly overthrew the Republic,
Tfh&X guarantee, moreover, is there that such a vast in
crease in federal Rower would result in more efficacious control
than is today afforded or could be afforded by the individual
States? To ny mind, in the long run, National cont rol is bound
to be lean effective than State control* Influence* are more
easily evoked to delay action at the Capital of the Nation, per
haps thousands of miles from the locality affected, than in the
homo State. The gain from the point of view of uniform ity would
be, to my iind, more than overcone by the loss of local re
sponsibility and State control, always more speedy and effective
when called into action in reoponao to public sentiment,
I have abaoute faith in the ability and patriotism of the
m
people of the United States, whether they are conoicU.'red xx xkfciottaxx
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&» eltlssns of the United States or of the respective States in
which they lire. I cannot see what is to be gained in the long
run by transferring power and responsibility from the people of
Massachusetts to the Congress in Washington* I believe the Legis
lature of masse hotter be depended upon to uadt needed
legislation than to transfer this rasps risibility to Washington
vh«re vs can be represented by, at the most, t> few Kepreesntatlveg
and by only two Senators, and where the local needs of our ft-ate
may be sacrificed to political expediency or to that spirit of com
promise which enters so largely into ail legislation of Congress.
Bor should we forgot that if by changes in the Constitu
tion or by new constructtone of the Constitution the National go
vernment is given power to legislate concerning matters new within
the jurisdiction of the individual rotates, all such Katie ui laws
will be supremo and all State legislation will become void.
Can it be imagined for a moment that tht Congress of the
United States could be expected to enact life 1 r.surancs laws which
for efficiency and high standard could compare with the laws of
our own State? On the contrary, would it not be likely to happen
that out of some spirit of compromise a law much lose stringent
than that of our own fftats would be adopted as the law of the land.
The same reasoning could be applied to many other proposed laws.
If we analyse these suggestions for increased National
power, I think they will be found to rest upon a distrust of the
people of the United states and upon the doubt of their ability to
maintain the government, ror if a people are not fit. to govern
themselves in a State, it would certainly seen to follow that they
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are not fit to govern themselves &o a National government.
Moreover, whenever responsibility is taken front the people
at home and transfer red to the National Capital another danger will
arise, r;.tnely*- the people will lose all snnso of responsibility
wnd ill lie passive trust in® to trie government at Washington to do
for t.-ien what they ou^it to do for thorn* «*Xv«».
At uhe present time public critic xaia xe not confined to the
failure of the people to act through the State government*. The
action and inaction of Congress is subjected to .'slnost &s fierce
criticism. It ;ould teea almost curtain that when we take power
from the people in the states and transfer it to Washington, it
will really b# transferred net ao auch to Congress &a to the Kxe-
cut ive T)* part went* under the President, should thoughtfully
consider whether it i* prudent or wise to increase In this extra
ordinary manner the power of the Chief Executive of the nation.
In this disc use ion I trust it *?ill he understood that I
leaking no personal reference whatever* When we discuss the povert
present, or prospective, of the President of the United iltatcs, w©
are referring to tho office as it h&a existed since the found at ion
of the '{0yurament and uu v/e trust it will exist for ail time, -c-
gardleos of the citizen honored at any particular lists by election
to this great office.
The statement 1& often made that the President of the
United States is ths representative, the only representative of
ih ^ whole American people ana that accordingly it is fitting to
place in his hands the almost illimitable powers which increased
centralisvtIon would entail* The claim that President Jackson was
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the repreaentativ* of the whole American people wan thus answered
by Daniel Webster in a speech delivered in Hew York CityJ***
«Xn addition to the e»t*hliohwent of this power of u*limit
ed a»d oaUfielceo removal, appA.nur doc • rxtnvJmn h * l&QXV
Yafuo it is truet , uH*Qkir; j. *;jr^i-toJL> »•«.,£.,*t f.■■■*& —■
like h^.'iro»in rc-gtB, -}»„**9vW..J .otu*ff.jjaa&^iUVc,.
th e ^ r i i 1 hity c a U e r f> *•• r?* jrAxsrr*r,a>u -ye . r l ...lll£ y'hftls -----------
VsertQ'Afl WtCPle * »' u <'■■*■! .Vu..a ■ hxde;v?If »» t!tf tiftttfrtittlY,An.U,M.USit.'h jalfi»
dctr;niv:,tod h- h .i?" reside <•-. ■■auuHfUC. AALill&j Acts for ' nioh no
apse.if lc authority haa be era found either i» the Constitution or
iaufi, have been 4**et if led on the ground that the iYnai^at is the
repre seutskt ivc o.C the ehulc .vsioricfiii p<sopl.t#• Certui" ly Au*o is
net constitutional ianga ■■■>go • ^,jy , .^au ,.l u nr t ,i.u 11 l.ii* S—n Q i. >; v .ro*.— ..
c u lls h .■': Preai&S.iAt t-;e ..
The oo a,tAt * i Q - - > a i I-JaLl; ..'■■• W t — ih... rn.
oi h ,^.o, - t G r e r s . - ^ ^ f i - l lgfcfc*g
dent is an e?:acin:ivo officer, CUrtlfiiU r »n,riHiT .Aa»
clothed wxdi areaftri^ed Umism, .HasatEfri '
great co.-senueocQ* that ..h* Pyp^y^pt nhouxd^cai.L^hiiLM if ^.-.ftr.
tH - o ■..-ig.-r;i bin* .-S IM m l ft m m » * O fc ««■ ■ >?■ »* „
aliv.yj.?h ho h-'q no quc,h aw el.latioit .og-Cffi--r-H’•.9f ita.'iiif' nn»--'t.ium > *
* v t. in "thffac M afU rfl. , • iTfra ’T i .lifcUgft* . It h0 1* th<; Teoj'le 0
reureesentatlve, cad ae such m y exercise pov.or, it)*out any a Anar
ground, -i at le the limit to that power? tart what way net an ur«
limited representative of the people do? hhon the Constitution ex-
prtssiy created representatives-, ua sinber& of Centre*,®a, it re**
gulatee, defines and limits their authority* But if the Executive
Chief Mugiotra te , merely because he is the Executive Chief^Magi#-
t rate | nay assume* to himedl* another character, tutd call hi wo elf
the reprcs»o:-*?-ative of the whole people, what is to Unit or ra~
strain this representative power in his hand®?1*
X cannot believe that there exists any present necessity
for further centr&lixation of power* If, however, ouch necessity
exists, it should be met by Constitutional methods and the Con
stitution should be changed in the manner provided in that instru
ment »
Bo far I have considered centralisatloa resulting from Con
stitutional change* to be effected in a legal mtu\nor* There is,
however, another tendency towards cent roll station man * foisted in at
tempted or proponed extension* of existing national pov*ers, es
pecially the power to regulate interetate commerce.
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X have little sympathy for the opinion expressed that Con**
gross has power to prohibit nil l»t»; ratate commerce; that, out of
this prohibition any law my bo justified which my seem expedient
to the rulers at Washington.
When power wr..« given in the Count it ut ion to the* yet Ar eal
£cy ?rm**ent to regulate interstate rind foreign commerce, that power
at. \he tine w&a in fact United * o regulation of commerce in ves
sels, A'agon roade, canals and ferries. ‘?hile with the growth of
the country the commerce clause h&a necessarily expanded ir. 'n~
tcr^retatio#, until today the entire subject is within the supreme
po>/er of Congress, yet I c&nno* believe that Congress can do more
than regulate that commerce. If Congress has the power, e he.S
b&en intimated by one mother of tha Oupreiae Court, absolutely to
prohibit int*?rat£te commerce, it could in effect surround * ch
r,t *te with a Chinese wall, preventing even inierocurse of persons
as well s*c traffic between the States* I do not believe that it
will «v*r be held that any such power is vented in the ^atiouel
government. I consequently can h&ve no sympathy with Nationel
3^gislntioat which, under the threat to suspend cerate re 1*1 rela
tions between the Status, Justifies the action of Federal officers
in exercising control over aoaimree and even over mmafoeture end
reduction which hae not yet, in fact, bocoiie interstate commerce.
The meet that Congress should do, is ny Judgment, should be, ev«n
if it has such absolute power as is? contended for, to place the
responsibility for action upon the States under penrlty of ex
clusion from interstate comr-jerce, and not invade the domain of 8tat*
jurisdiction.
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Thile ve all abhor filth in »uch business enterprise*,
t.« earning, neat packing, «tc,, arid while vio admit the propriety
of the end in view,-purification and ol*iMftliiiou*,**yet X haliev*
that the people of Wawoaohuaette and of he other sovereign States
of this Union when aroused to the necessity ‘"or such action, are
competent and able to ataiqp out such filth and to purify their
food supplier. If I did not balieve this, X should d, ubt the
ability of the people of the? United Btatas to ralniaiit our govern-
neat, State or national* Similarly, each State, I believe, when
aroused to action is competent to imke l&vrs putring the citizens
of a ll other .ft at on on a parity vith it is own ;ws la police regula
tion® for the yuhlie health and other business mattere cone :ruing
which the --t .te iCgial '-.tee a;» to ita o n cltisomt*
To cut* up, when our National government faces a foreign
> to v unspent it has all *h© attributes of ooviireirnty usually pur
trifling to a eovorcigw rro?"T:vuent* ovaver, it f;<ces a "tats
'r
it* power* are strictly enumerated and defined by the Constitu
tion and it. cnimct legally exceed those powers. _ . . .
We should not, forgot, however, Imt each State should carry
out faithfully it* duties *uid responsibilities under pur dual fora
of g o v u rarest,
It m y be well for n time to coanc talking of ntatr-s1
right* and to’talk of Statue* duties; to a<ms* diac inning individual
righto i*nd to take up the subject of individual obligation &» let
ffuch 5 tats enaot Ouesiti^u^iouai laws for the greatest good cri the
greatest number of ir o people; if nbooe laws are found to conflict
with the laws of other fttutos, it will be, for the most part, bo-
cause different condition* prevail which no uniformity OCii rom
without could effectually control*
"hat then is tho duty of the citizen in the present state
of affair*?
He should strengthen in every ay the Gcv* rm;ent of his
8tat* to restore to iz the balance of p *wor whloh uadi?r the con
stitu tio n belongs to it.
He should respect and render obodienoe to the laws of the
land*
He should have sympathy for public officer* and respect
for authority*
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•*18'
He {should attend the primaries with the sane Inter eat with
which he attends to his private business.
He should see that hir? vote is recorded at elections us
an almost oaered duty.
Ke should faithfully diecharge the obligation imposed upon
him of jury service,
He should never forget that the tso-*oalled right of suffrage
la not a political right at all; it is a duty imposed for the pub*
lie good rather th^n for M s private benefit.
Tot %m see mnv men at the present time who deliberately
excel to 3ceep aloof from all participation In civic affaire; many
there are who n^ver attend a primary rtd with whom failure to vote
at Mentions is the rule rather v-un the exception*
no citizen has a right tt refuse to porforu his civic
duties.
Such refusal should he visited with indignation and con*
tempt; he should be lashed, to the Polls wit) the indignant voice
of public opinion.
If t* State should refuse to participate in Constitutional
Government It would amount to secession; ho duty imposed upon the
State is of no greater obligation than "hat imposed upon the in
dividual citizen.
The citizen also* at this time of increasing national
centralisation, should insist that all Bopreoentatives of the
people should be elected directly by the people % and to this end
we should insist that United States Senators b« elected directly
by popular vote, the necessary constitutional changes being made
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for this purpose. This method of election *ma advocated by JT .ittea
Wilson and thoughtful people will ho forced to the conviction that
such change at the present time would he beneficial.
There are army sign® today t at there haw been an awakeiilnr
popular Interest in civic duties wue never keener* The oitlaen
realise® mom and nore keenly the n^ceeeity for personal partici
pation in civic matter® and out of this aroused public oentiraont
will on roly fellow inc -eased civic prosperity hath to the individ
ual States and to our great national Republic.
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Cite this document
APA
Charles S. Hamlin (1907, February 10). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19070211_hamlin
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19070211_hamlin,
author = {Charles S. Hamlin},
title = {Speech},
year = {1907},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19070211_hamlin},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}