speeches · May 30, 1906
Speech
Charles S. Hamlin · Governor
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HOH. CHARLES S. HAIfLIN (Boston, Ma«»).
MU. CHAIRMAN AND LADIES AND GENTLEMENS I cannot adequately
express the pleasure with which I have listened to the eloquent
and able addresses that ;e have heard here. I can truthfully say
that I would travel half around the world to hear the address
Riven us yesterday hy Dr. Abbott (Applause) and I can as truth
fully add that, having reached that distant point, I would gladly
complete the circuit without rest or sleep to he hack in time for
the learned and eloquent address we have just heard from His
Eminence, Cardinal Gibbons. (Applause.) I was not among those
who ere invited to be present here to deliver any address; I as
sumed that the task, the golden task of silence, was to have been
imposed on me, and I came a listener and not a speaker, for
I think in every well ordered co vent ion or convocation it is
necessary to have a number of good, faithful listeners, and such I
supposed was the task to be assigned to me. But having been call
ed upon at a half hour's notice to say something, I feel that to
decline would not only be a discourtesy to our host to whom we
owe so much, but would.as well, seem an ungracious refusal to join
in this important discussion, and therefore I gladly contribute my
mite, and I assure you it will be as small as the widow's mite of
old. It demands preparation, my friends,-whatever may be the need
of preparation for war, it certainly demands preparation to be able
to speak on the great subject of peace. I feel that the good work
that this conference has done could not adequately be expressed,
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if a man were to "be given hour® to devote to this subject alone.
You have done much through the inspiration and leadership of our
host of today, you have done much to mould public opinion, and I
certainly hope that he, at least, will live to see the full fruit
ion of the regard of his and your labors. (/Vpplause),
I am vlad to record myself as among those,-and I believe
they constitute a majority of the people of our country,-who be
lieve that the principles of publio and private morality are one
and the same. (Applause). We believe that what is right and just
for an individual should be right and just for a nation; and con
versely, a course of action which is wrong, unjust and immoral for
the individual is wrong, unjust and immoral for a nation.
(Applause). In harmony with this view, my friends, we see today,
as compared with the past, a great difference in the relation of
nations one to the other, just as we see a precisely similar dif
ference in the relations of individuals one to the other. If we
go back to the early English philosophers, 7re find prominent the
writings of the philosopher Hobhes, who thought men were almost
wild beasts, that life was a struggle of one man against the other;
that society was simply armed neutrality and that the exact measure
of the gain of one man was the exact measure of the loss of the
other. But, my friends, there has been since those days a great
development in philosophic thought. First came the Earl of
Shaftesbury, who called attention to sympathy as a bond between
men,-a recognition of the kindly association rather than of com
petition between men, and of their fellow feeling rather than of
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their envie#, hatred* and jealousies. Next came the philosophy of
Bentham recognizing a conception of an enlarged self; he spoke of
the greatest good of the greatest number,-a distinct recognition
of the common dependence of one man upon another. That conception
was carried further by John Stuart Mill; and finally in the great
German philosopher, Kant, we see the recognition of a broader self,
a universal self, the brotherhood of mankind. So it has been with
nations. It is not so long back in history to a time when nation*
looked upon one another as eternal foes; the national maxim seemed
to be the survival of the fittest and the measure of the gain of
one nation was considered to be but the exact measure of the loss
of the other. Today, however,-largely through the influence of
societies and convocations such as this,-we see an active concept
ion of the broader national self, precisely 2.3 we recognize the
conception of a broader individual self,-a unity of national, as
well as of individual fellowship.
Now, my friends, we hear a great deal said about the ne
cessity for preparation for war. I confess that does not appeal
to me. Of course, there must be some preparation for defuncs a
gainst unjust aggression, but 'hen I hear this war cry continually
dinned in my ears in and out of Congress, I cannot help feeling it
is better for a nation not to be absolutely prepared for war, not
to have its gun* shotted and even aimed at some other great nation.
I belie/s there is nothing that so tends to calm, sober judgment
and thought before action as the feeling that, after all, we are
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not absolutely prepared for war, with shotted guns, awaiting the
hysterical command of some excited chief. (Applause).
I hope this meeting will send, with one united voice, a
request to the President of the United States, to use every en
deavor to have the Hague Tribunal take up the question of limita
tion of armaments. (Applause). There may be subjects here upon
which wo differ, but I want to speak and aek for action alogg the
great lines on which we all agree, because where we speak with
united voice, we speak with force and strength and we send a mes
sage not only over this country, but over the civilized world. Vre
should record here our agreements and leave our disagreements to
$0 discussed and thrashed out and merged into agreements perhaps
at some time in the future. (Applause),
I very well remember, and you all remember the Columbia
Exposition at Chicago in 1893; the Court of Honor surrounded by
those beautiful buildings and the Peristyle, and back of it the
beautiful water of the lake. On that Peristyle were written in
letters of gold, the sacred words,-"And ye shall know the truth
and the truth shall make you free." Let us seek that truth; let
us know that truth and let us crystallize it by strengthening the
Hague Tribunal, by establishing a Congress of nations; and that
tiuth,cr,vs ,aiiizsd into the laws of international p)eace,will free
us from barbaric conceptions of national power and will conduce to
tne greatest benefit of the individual, the state, the nation, and
of all mankind. (Applause).
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Cite this document
APA
Charles S. Hamlin (1906, May 30). Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19060531_hamlin
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_speech_19060531_hamlin,
author = {Charles S. Hamlin},
title = {Speech},
year = {1906},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/speech_19060531_hamlin},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}