speeches · December 1, 2022
Regional President Speech
Tom Barkin · President
Home / News / Speeches / Thomas I Barkin / 2022
2022 Virginia Economic Summit and Forum on International Trade
Greater Richmond Convention Center
Richmond, Va.
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Our economy has operated with a growing labor force for decades. This excess labor
world kept wages and bene�ts, and e�ectively cost-push in�ation, down.
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That’s certainly not the world we �nd ourselves in now. And labor supply looks like it
will remain constrained.
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Fewer workers would constrain our growth and pressure in�ation until businesses
and governments can deliver productivity enhancements and/or structure incentives
to bring more workers into the workforce.
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Increasingly, I fear we are moving to an environment where labor is short, not long.
That situation can be managed, as other countries have proven, but it requires real
intentionality.
The following text was prepared prior to the BLS Employment Situation release on December 2,
2022.
Thanks for that nice introduction. As you know, the Fed’s dual mandate is to promote stable
prices and maximum employment. Over the last year, that �rst goal – stable prices – has
been front and center. But this is an economic development conference, so it seems right
for me to focus on the second part of the mandate today and talk about how we get our
economy to its full employment potential. I should note these views are mine alone and not
necessarily those of anyone else in the Federal Reserve System.
Let’s start with the workforce before COVID. It seemed amazingly healthy. We added jobs
every month after 2010. In the months before the pandemic, the unemployment rate hit
50-year lows. And despite projections that demographics were working against us, labor
force participation kept improving as the strong labor market pulled people o� the
sidelines.
Then COVID hit. In a two-month span, we lost nearly 22 million jobs -- the deepest drop on
record. The unemployment rate hit 14.7 percent in April 2020. Participation fell over three
percentage points, to levels last seen in the early 1970s.
But the economy bounced back, supported by historic levels of �scal and monetary
stimulus. Unemployment dropped and is now basically at pre-pandemic levels. Yet
participation was slow to return. At �rst, that seemed to be due to sickness and
quarantining, child care responsibilities, and enhanced unemployment bene�ts. But even
once the economy and schools reopened, vaccines rolled out, bene�ts ceased, and wages
increased signi�cantly, participation remained stubbornly below its pre-COVID levels.
The result has been unprecedented labor market tightness. Job openings have hit record
highs. Businesses have struggled to hold on to or �nd enough workers, especially in
industries with lower pay and less attractive jobs. This issue is particularly pronounced in
skilled trades, like nursing or welding or truck driving. In November 2021, the quits rate
reached a new record. In March, we reached two open jobs for every unemployed person.
We are not far from that high today.
This labor shortage has helped feed in�ation. The Personal Consumption Expenditures
Price Index is at 6.0 percent headline and 5.0 percent core, near 40-year highs.
The Fed has taken aggressive action to bring in�ation under control, raising the fed funds
rate steeply to just under 4 percent and making clear our intent to do more. Even so, we
have seen labor demand continue to run ahead of supply.
We added 261,000 jobs in October, over two times the breakeven level of workforce
growth. The unemployment rate was still at a historically low 3.7 percent. Despite recent
news from the tech sector, layo�s remain muted as businesses seem reluctant to shed
workers they have fought hard to hire. Wages in nominal terms were up over 14 percent
from their pre-pandemic level and up 4.7 percent year over year. In the decade prior to the
pandemic, their growth averaged 2.4 percent. And participation? Participation hasn’t moved
meaningfully since the beginning of this year and last month moved to 62.2, well short of
the 63.4 percent of February 2020.
Our economy has operated with a growing labor force for decades. We bene�tted from the
baby boom, from women more fully entering the workforce, from increased educational
attainment making more people ready for more jobs, from better health allowing workers
to work longer, and from historically high levels of immigration. All of these were
supplemented by access to ever growing pools of o�shore, low-cost labor.
Businesses adapted, as you might expect. They chose to hire from outside rather than grow
their own; for example, the huge and attractive bank training programs of my era were
largely eliminated in the ’90s when banks realized the market had surplus bankers. Firms
got more comfortable with higher attrition sta�ng models, reoriented toward part-time
work and outsourcing, and became more willing to do layo�s rather than commit to job
security. They reduced retirement and health care bene�ts.
This excess labor world kept wages and bene�ts, and e�ectively cost-push in�ation, down.
Labor share of income dropped. This was good for businesses and good for investors. It
was less good for the existing workforce.
Now, there were many predictions over the last 10 years that as baby boomers aged, we
would see participation reverse its positive trend. But, as I said earlier, in the recent
historically long upturn, we saw participation overperform. Perhaps the sheer duration of
that upturn brought hesitant people on the margin back to work. Or maybe the Great
Recession forced near-retirees to work longer. Or perhaps the rise of certi�cate programs
better connected workers to the workforce. And don’t forget the growth of the gig
economy. Regardless, the net was – despite some complaints at the end – labor was fully
available. Wage growth was relatively modest.
That’s certainly not the world we �nd ourselves in now.
It’s possible that labor force participation will recover — in time — to our pre-pandemic
normal. But what if it doesn’t? What if the aberration isn’t today but instead the above-
trend participation at the end of the last upturn? There are many reasons to think that
might be the case.
The growth of the working-age population is relatively straightforward to forecast, and
predictions aren’t good. Fertility rates are down, and that trend would take a generation to
reverse. My generation, the baby boomers, are aging out of the workforce, and the many
retirements we saw during the pandemic are unlikely to come back. As of October, we were
still down about 1.4 million older workers. Immigration policy also looks unlikely to
materially change any time soon. As of October, we were missing about half a million
prime-age immigrants versus our 10-year pre-COVID trend. O�shoring has been
complicated by increasing wages in developing countries and heightened awareness of the
risk of being dependent on foreign labor sources.
And participation is clearly challenged too. COVID has had to have had some impact,
especially given the added pressure of child care and elder care. This seems most
pronounced for working class women, who may no longer be able to make the math work
to stay in the labor force, and for the many recent retirees taking care of their parents,
spouses or grandkids.
So, labor supply looks like it will remain constrained. And the Fed’s e�orts to bring demand
back into balance won’t be easy when Americans still have about $1.3 trillion more in
savings than they did pre-pandemic and �scal stimulus continues -- for example, the
outlays coming from the infrastructure package.
Fewer workers would constrain our growth and pressure in�ation until businesses and
governments can deliver productivity enhancements and/or structure incentives to bring
more workers into the workforce.
As I travel my district, I hear many initiatives already underway to bring people o� the
sidelines. I’ve talked to a steel company that invested in full-time recruiters and a tool
distributor that started its own soft-skills training program. I’ve talked to a poultry provider
that has widened the pro�les of who they are open to hiring, dropping drug tests and
background checks. Employers are reconsidering working conditions, revising schedules
and redesigning jobs to better match worker preferences. They are investing in
partnerships with community colleges to better attract and develop skilled trades.
Particularly intriguing have been initiatives to provide child care or housing support for
employees, taking a more active role in tackling barriers to work. I’m reminded of what
used to happen in company towns the last time labor was this short in the early ’50s, when
employers attracted workers by investing in the broader environment, including housing
and amenities.
But not all responses will be good for workers. I talked to a fast-food brand that described
how automation and robotics could reduce store sta�ng by half. Employers who pay more
will demand higher productivity or raise prices, thereby lessening demand and eventually
jobs. You are seeing lower service standards already, e.g., hotels lessening their cleaning
protocols or restaurants taking your order via QR code. We may see an increase in
o�shoring to markets without geopolitical pressures. All of these are particularly
threatening to the last people into the workforce who might �nd entry is more of a
mountain to climb with entry-level jobs increasingly scarce.
Governments and nonpro�ts will want to think through how they approach this as well.
Constrained longer-term economic growth isn’t good for our tax base, our competitiveness
or our workers in the longer run. They should be exploring policies that work the supply
side by encouraging workforce participation and preparation.
Canada’s prime-age women’s participation grew over �ve points in the 20 years before the
pandemic, while the U.S. rate dropped nearly a full point. Research from the San Francisco
Fed points to parental leave policies in the two countries as a key di�erentiator. The same
research highlights �exible work arrangements as a driver of increased women’s
participation in other industrialized countries. And the two countries tax second earners
much di�erently as well.
Similarly, between 2000 and 2019, the employment-to-population ratio for Japanese adults
ages 60 to 64 increased 19.3 percentage points to 70.3 percent. For context, the U.S. ratio
was 56 percent. Japan (where population is, to be fair, healthier) has pursued several
policies to increase employment of older workers, including subsidies and pushback
against mandatory retirement ages. It has �elded a training program for employers on how
to make jobs friendlier for older workers.
These ideas are worth exploring in the U.S. Additionally, it is worth exploring increased legal
immigration, bringing those with skills, work ethic and entrepreneurship into our
workforce. On participation, there could be signi�cant leverage in further investment in
education, job training, licensing capacity and rehabilitation, as well as in reimagining the
child and elder care industries and in exploring bene�t and tax policy changes that could
incent further workforce participation.
To sum it up, COVID has caused businesses, governments and – yes – even economists to
reassess their assumptions on the labor market. Increasingly, I fear we are moving to an
environment where labor is short, not long. That situation can be managed, as other
countries have proven, but it requires real intentionality. With that, I welcome your
questions and comments.
Employment and Labor Markets
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Cite this document
APA
Tom Barkin (2022, December 1). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20221202_tom_barkin
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20221202_tom_barkin,
author = {Tom Barkin},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2022},
month = {Dec},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20221202_tom_barkin},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}