speeches · October 7, 2020
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
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“Economic Fragility: Implications for
Recovery from the Pandemic”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Marburg Memorial Lecture
Marquette University Economics Department
October 8, 2020
The views expressed today are my own, not necessarily those of my colleagues on the Federal Reserve Board of
Governors or the Federal Open Market Committee.
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Good morning, and thank you for the opportunity to speak with you today, albeit,
virtually. I particularly regret not being able to meet with you in person, given the many years I
enjoyed living and visiting Wisconsin – first as a graduate student at University of WisconsinMadison, and then later, when visiting my daughter during her four years in medical school at
the Medical College of Wisconsin.
I am honored to join the ranks of economists you have invited to give the Marburg
Memorial Lecture at Marquette University. Perhaps appropriately, most of the previous speakers
have been distinguished academics. Today, I share with you the perspectives I’ve gained from a
different role, which is that of a policymaker.
The stated goal of the Marburg Memorial Lecture is to provide a forum for the discussion
of moral, philosophical, and social dimensions of economic issues.1 Economists discuss the
social dimensions of economic issues all too rarely. At this time, in the grip of a worldwide
pandemic, the breadth of the effect of the virus on society has made COVID-19 of crucial
concern to many disciplines, and economics is certainly no exception. It is an essential time for
economists to be considering the social implications of economic policy, as the nation remains
affected by a virus that has taken more than 210,000 lives. As we head into the colder months,
we continue to see a high rate of positive COVID cases across the country (including a
troublingly high infection rate in Wisconsin and much of the Midwest), which underscores that
the human tragedy of the pandemic continues to unfold even as the economy has reopened and
improved noticeably.
It is important to note that both the negative public health effects, and economic
repercussions, of the pandemic have not been felt evenly in society. The virus itself has
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disproportionately affected minorities who, statistically, tend to live in more dense urban areas
and rely on public transportation to get to work, and who are more likely to be employed as
frontline and essential workers. Such jobs cannot easily be performed remotely, and despite
being deemed essential, often involve modest pay. In addition, these workers are often in
service-related industries that have been particularly hard-hit by the crisis, and so they have been
disproportionally affected by job losses.2
Unfortunately, the uneven effects of recessions are not unique to the current one. But the
current situation is severe. As the pandemic is dragging on, and consumers remain wary of
engaging in activity that requires close social contact – restaurants, hotels, and retailers are
beginning to close – with the consequence of permanent job losses for the typically lower-wage
workers in these industries.3
Businesses closing, making job losses permanent, is one example of the so-called
recessionary dynamics that often take hold during an economic downturn.4 Importantly, the state
of the economy as it enters a downturn – especially the health of the financial system – can play
an important role in recessionary dynamics and how the recessionary burden is spread across the
economy.
In my remarks today, I will explore an economic issue that definitely has social and even
moral dimensions and implications, consistent with the Marburg lecture series – whether the
United States economy, as currently configured, is particularly vulnerable to economic
disruptions and in turn those recessionary burdens. In terms of this vulnerability to disruptions,
it is possible that no one could have predicted that a worldwide pandemic would occur precisely
in 2020 – but one could have anticipated that having highly levered firms and excessive
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concentrations of commercial real estate lending at some institutions would make the economy
more vulnerable to a variety of disruptions, including a pandemic or other shock.
You might be wondering why I would bring up losses from financial instability in the
same breath as the pandemic and its uneven economic and public health burdens. I do so
because losses due to financial shocks affect a wide range of stakeholders – not only
shareholders, but also of course the workers in the affected industries. A wave of unnecessary
bankruptcies resulting from such shocks can cause a spike in permanent job loss and a significant
scarring of labor market participants – particularly, though not exclusively, those at the lower
end of the income distribution. These lower-wage workers, who tend to have little if any
financial cushions, are the individuals least prepared to endure an economic downturn.
American novelist Ernest Hemingway famously – and succinctly – captures some of my
concerns in this dialogue from his breakout novel, The Sun Also Rises: “’How did you go
bankrupt?’ Bill asked. ‘Two ways,’ Mike said. ‘Gradually and then suddenly.’” Many
businesses are, unfortunately, facing the “suddenly” part right now. In recent years, many of
these firms had gradually increased risk by taking on more leverage, which magnifies returns
with good outcomes – but also magnifies losses when bad outcomes occur.5
This increase in risk-taking is more likely to take place in a low-interest environment,
like the one which prevailed in the aftermath of (and as a result of) the financial crisis and Great
Recession. Low interest rates encourage households and firms to accumulate more debt by
making it easier to meet the cash flow needs to service the debt associated with buying a house
or making a business (capital) investment, or even share buybacks by firms. But when a bad
economic shock occurs, financial buffers for households and firms alike tend to fall, and the debt
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service and potential repayment of the debt can become quite problematic. Financed assets – be
they companies or shopping malls – will also lose value in a recession, making it much harder to
refinance that debt by taking out a new loan, as might be done in normal times.
During economic downturns, monetary policy accommodation helps to stimulate the
economy by lowering interest rates and encouraging households and firms to take more risk – a
desired effect during the depths of a recession, when many households and firms become overly
risk-averse and limit their spending. (One might think of this as pump-priming to rein in the
downward spiral of the economy and initiate a recovery.)
However, there are potential adverse consequences from low rates persisting for an
extended period even after the economy has made progress in the recovery. Abnormally low
rates for a long period during times when economic slack is no longer a concern can result in
excessive risk-taking, as businesses and firms take on additional debt and accumulate more risky
assets in search of better returns – potentially bidding up asset prices to unsustainable levels.
The financial pressures associated with such behavior build gradually, and only become clear in
the next economic downturn. When the ensuing recession occurs, often suddenly, and more
severe recessionary dynamics take over, the impact tends to be greatest on workers and firms that
are least able to adjust and adapt.
My remarks today focus on some of the mechanisms that contribute to financial
instability and tend to amplify the effects of economic downturns, and how these mechanisms
are likely to impact the economic recovery. While these observations apply to downturns in
general, they are certainly relevant in the present particularly challenging episode.
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First, I will highlight an important mechanism that plays a role in recessionary
dynamics – the tightening of credit terms and credit availability during an economic
downturn. In part, the importance of this channel is amplified by a low interest rate
environment during the preceding economic expansion when households and firms
accumulated loans, oftentimes in real estate. A prime example in the current
downturn is commercial real estate, where the high leverage build-up before the crisis
and the severe hit from the crisis have led to a noticeable tightening in credit
conditions. With tighter credit conditions, it becomes even more difficult to roll over
maturing loans, which are plentiful due to the increased leverage.
•
I will then show that low rates for a long period of time not only compound bank
exposures in real estate, but also increase firms’ reliance on debt, making cash flow
disruptions from the pandemic more severe.
•
Finally, I will highlight that this build-up in financial risks has implications for labor
market conditions – which, unfortunately, likely means a slower and more painful
recovery than if we had more aggressively addressed the build-up of risks in the
corporate and banking sectors prior to the pandemic.
All of this has important policy implications – for both monetary and supervisory policy.
First, it has implications for how long monetary policy should remain highly accommodative;
and second, it has implications with respect to the lack of a coherent framework in the United
States for conducting supervisory policy that effectively addresses the build-up of financial
stability risks. Policy improvements in this area should not be seen as dry or abstract notions –
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given the opportunity to make downturns less severe, hasten recoveries, and alleviate some of the
human toll of job losses and economic insecurity.
Tightening of Credit Conditions
The tightening of credit conditions frequently occurs in economic downturns, as lenders
become more concerned about the ability of borrowers to pay off their loans, and the value of
collateral – and become more uncertain about the evolution of the economy more generally.
Figure 1 shows the results of the bank lending survey for commercial and industrial loans
conducted by the Federal Reserve. For both large and small borrowers, lending standards have
tightened appreciably, relative to the time prior to the pandemic, and are currently approaching
the peaks we saw in the financial crisis and Great Recession.
In Figure 2, it is clear that one major difference between the current pandemic-driven
recession and the last recession, at least to date, is the better financial condition of U.S. banks.
During the financial crisis that began in 2007, a large number of bank failures occurred, as banks
held too little capital for the shock generated from the fall in real estate prices, particularly as it
involved highly leveraged households.
Even though bank failures are currently low (Figure 2), and many banks are better
capitalized, why are financial conditions tight (Figure 1) at least for commercial and industrial
lending? One possibility is that as the pandemic drags on, the likelihood of more severe
outcomes for borrowers, and their lenders, has risen. As uncertainty increases, banks tend to be
less willing to take on risk, at any price. Also, a significant depletion of capital, even if it does
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not cause a bank to fail, can lead to banks tightening their lending standards applied to potential
borrowers.
In particular, falling commercial and residential real estate prices were a major reason for
losses on loans during the last financial crisis. Figure 3 shows that of late, nonperforming real
estate loans have turned up, but have yet to rise dramatically. The most recent data come with a
couple of caveats. First, the data tend to lag fairly significantly; the peak in the previous
recession was well after the recession ended. Second, and relatedly, many banks reportedly
provided their customers forbearance in the spring and summer – including, but not limited to,
forbearance for real estate loans backed by retail stores or hotels, which have been particularly
impacted by the pandemic, and also for residential borrowers through regulatory mandates.6
Because of the forbearance, borrowers are meeting current contractual arrangements, but are
likely to struggle once the forbearance ends if economic activity remains suppressed by the
pandemic.7
This concern with future loan defaults, along with low net interest margins in a lowinterest-rate environment, likely helps explain why bank stock prices have remained so
depressed, despite a significant rebound in broader stock indices, as shown in Figure 4. U.S.
bank stocks are at only 60 percent of their value from the beginning of the year, while the
broader S&P 500 stock index is now above levels seen in January.
In part, these concerns also focus on the commercial real estate loans made by many
banks. As Figure 5 illustrates, the largest banks hold only a little over 5 percent of their assets in
commercial real estate loans, while small and mid-sized banks have approximately 25 percent of
their assets in commercial real estate. One reason for this divergence is that large banks with
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more investment opportunities – and in part, with their CRE portfolio subject to annual stress
tests that feature adverse scenarios for real estate – have chosen a smaller CRE portfolio relative
to smaller banks, where CRE lending is often the most straightforward collateralized lending for
many small and medium-sized businesses. Over time more commercial real estate loans have
migrated to small and medium-sized banks.8
While banking data do not yet reflect significant problems in commercial real estate,
given the forbearance I mentioned and the lagging nature of indicators, we can obtain an
approximation of likely problems from the recent equity performance of real estate investment
trusts. These are companies that seek exposure to specific sectors of the commercial real estate
market. As Figure 6 shows, equity indices focused on two commercial real estate sectors – retail
real estate and hotel real estate are particularly depressed since the pandemic hit. For example,
the hotels and resorts REIT index is at about 50 percent of its pre-pandemic level. I would add
that many of the loans in bank portfolios are more likely to be smaller hotels and retail strip
malls, which might have been even more adversely impacted by the pandemic than their larger
peers, given their lack of direct access to bond and equity markets.9
Note that travel and hotel firms have been hurt by a variety of events over the past 20
years. They were depressed after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, during the financial
crisis of 2007 and 2008, and now. This is an industry where tail events should not be all that
unexpected. A highly levered hotel can be quite profitable during good times, but during a
severe economic downturn may face a significant challenge to survive.
It is worth noting that the early 1990s credit crunch, the financial crisis and Great
Recession, and likely this pandemic-driven recession all provide examples of the prominent role
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real estate has played as a headwind to recovery due to the losses incurred from real estate assets
held inside and outside the banking sector. However, when sectors regularly contribute to the
severity of downturns, one wonders whether it is time to note that reaching-for-yield behavior
during a low interest rate period may exacerbate a subsequent economic downturn, to the
detriment of many people beyond the sector.
Build-up in Leverage
Figure 7 shows the build-up in nonfinancial corporate business debt relative to GDP.
But for cyclical fluctuations when GDP fell in recessions, the extended low interest rate
environment after the Great Recession helps explain why the leverage ratio rose over the past 10
years. Corporations increased their leverage as the prevailing low interest rate environment
provided more capacity to take on debt.
However, in an economic downturn, greater leverage – with its principal and interest
repayment demands – may prove problematic for firms, or by extension the economy. This can
result in firms being forced into bankruptcy, which hurts a wide range of stakeholders in addition
to lenders and investors, including customers, suppliers, and employees.
Figure 8 provides an example involving retailers.10 During normal times, retailers can
have a relatively predictable revenue stream. This makes it attractive to increase debt, either by
management decision or as part of a private equity acquisition. However, when the unexpected
occurs, as the pandemic has shown, it can interrupt firms’ revenue streams, forcing them to slash
employment to continue meeting debt service requirements and survive. The figure shows the
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debt to EBITDA ratios for publicly held retailers with a default in 2020 (retailers whose
financials are publicly available). As shown, most of these firms have a debt to EBITDA ratio
that would disqualify them from participation in the Federal Reserve’s Main Street Lending
Program (where ratios of four times adjusted EBITDA for loans with less security, and six times
adjusted EBITDA for loans with more security, represent the maximum allowed debt load).
Leverage not permissible for a troubled borrower lending program, but standard for many
retailers prior to the crisis, highlights that the significant build-up of leverage is a contributing
factor to the bankruptcies we have already seen – unfortunately with more quite likely in the
coming months.
Implications for Labor Markets
The firm closures and layoffs associated with recessionary dynamics mean that debates
about corporate leverage involve more than issues of finance; they involve the welfare of
workers. The build-up in risks in commercial real estate, and leverage in the corporate sector,
prior to the COVID-19 pandemic are likely to result in more bankruptcies and higher
unemployment during this crisis than if less risk had been taken.
If the costs for taking on the extra risk were borne only by investors knowingly taking
that risk, it might not be so problematic. While less levered businesses still face disruptions in
the current environment, they will hopefully recover and rehire workers and re-engage with
suppliers and customers. A leveraged business is more likely to declare bankruptcy,
permanently severing its many formal and informal contracts with customers, suppliers, and
employees. The human toll can be immense.
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Of course, large declines in employment in particular sectors of the economy can be
costly, and slow to recover from, because workers need to not only find new work but also
potentially must develop skills for working in a new occupation or industry. While this can
occur with or without leverage contributing, clearly excessive leverage can exacerbate job losses
from temporary demand shocks, and make the recovery process slower and more painful than it
would have been without the leverage.
Figure 9 shows that since the beginning of the year, the number of employees
permanently unemployed has risen. Figure 10 shows that long-duration unemployment is on the
rise. As the pandemic drags on much longer than originally hoped, the likelihood increases that
many job losses that firms and employees hoped would be temporary, become permanent. This
makes it much more difficult, of course, for the economy to return to full employment.
Not only does it take time for workers to get retrained and find jobs in new areas, but
many workers lose the will to continue looking for work. Such discouragement effects could be
particularly prevalent among second earners in a household, and people nearing retirement. We
can see this effect with another measure of slack in the labor force, the labor force participation
rate, shown in Figure 11. As people become discouraged with their prospects for employment,
they stop looking for work. As more people are not employed and not looking for work, the
labor force participation rate declines. The roughly 2 percentage-point decline in the labor force
participation rate indicates that the labor market recovery may prove challenging. It is also
noteworthy that loss of jobs have been concentrated in industries that employ a significant
number of women, and as schools continue to impacted by the pandemic, more women are
leaving the labor force – possibly in part to address inadequate support for school-age children.
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As a reminder of the root cause of all these challenges, Figure 12 shows the COVID-19
infection rate in the United States and in Wisconsin. As the figure shows, there are rising
infections in many parts of the country, including Wisconsin.
Addressing the public health crisis is the prerequisite for resolving the economic crisis.11
The increases in infections since March, which has already resulted in hundreds of thousands of
deaths in the U.S., also has dire economic consequences. Firms and households are unlikely to
resume pre-pandemic economic activity and spending until the public health situation improves,
and activities that require close social contact are less of a concern.
Concluding Observations
Clearly a deadly pandemic was bound to badly impact the economy. However, I am
sorry to say that the slow build-up of risk in the low-interest-rate environment that preceded the
current recession likely will make the economic recovery from the pandemic more difficult.
The increased risk build-up, such as the reaching-for-yield behavior in commercial real
estate or increased corporate leverage, make economic downturns including this one more
severe. These are issues that I and others spoke about quite extensively in the years before the
pandemic hit, in particular with respect to questions about the need for accommodative interest
rates when the economy was doing well, and the potential for a build-up of financial stability
risks.12
In the United States, we do not have a cohesive set of regulatory and supervisory tools to
moderate risk build-ups. And while we do have the Financial Stability Oversight Council, we do
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not have a regulatory and supervisory body endowed with tools and structures that can be
deployed to limit financial stability risks – as, for example, the U.K. has.13 If we expect to
remain in a low-interest-rate environment for a protracted period of time, we need to take more
precautions against financial stability risks for when the next economic shock hits.
An important area of research, going forward, is to understand how the changes in risktaking behavior have made the economy more susceptible to severe and protracted downturns
that resist recovery. The urgency of these topics is underlined by the fact that the economic
impact of these downturns is disproportionately borne by those who can least afford it.
Thank you for inviting me to deliver the Marburg Memorial Lecture today. I wish you
continued health during these challenging times, and look forward to the next time I can visit the
great state of Wisconsin.
1
For more about the Marburg Memorial Lecture, see: https://www.marquette.edu/business/center-forapplied-economics/marburg-lecture.php
2
Workers in these sectors who have remained employed, or who have been recalled to previous jobs, also
face a higher risk of job losses going forward, to the extent that the recovery in industries such as
hospitality and entertainment proves sluggish as we head into the colder months.
3
Another troubling factor this time is the dropout rate of women from the labor force being greater than
the typical recession, likely because of the unequal burden sharing between husbands and wives of taking
care of children who are schooling at home.
4
Recessionary dynamics refers to when aggregate demand falls below production so that inventories rise.
Firms start cutting back production, and laying off employees. In addition, since production exceeds
aggregate demand, inventories keep building for a while and firms have no incentive to invest, so
aggregate demand continues to fall as consumption (due to the increase in unemployment and the fall in
incomes) and investment fall further.
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5
Firms can only increase their debt if there are investors that are willing to provide credit to such firms.
Accordingly, another potential risk of the low interest rate environment is that it encourage investors,
including institutional investors, to reach-for-yield. See, for example, LinaLu, Matthew Pritsker, Andrei
Zlate, Kenechukwu Anadu, and Jim Bohn, “Reach for Yield by U.S. Public Pension Funds,” Federal
Reserve Bank of Boston, Supervisory Research and Analysis Working Papers 2019,Series 19-2.Other
papers have found reach-for-yield behavior in other investor types, including insurance companies
6
By regulatory mandates I am referring to the requirements for GSE-insured mortgages that lenders allow
homeowners to defer mortgage payments.
7
It is also the case that small businesses received significant short-term help from fiscal policy; aid that
has not been extended or increased as of yet.
8
It is worth noting, however, that smaller banks have less ability to diversify in some sectors.
For context, larger properties tend to be debt/equity financed rather than bank financed – as is often the
case for smaller hotels and retail strip malls.
9
10
It is worth noting that the traditional retail sector writ large has been challenged for a period of time,
due in part to the rise of online retail and the likes of Amazon.com.
For more discussion, see: Sept. 23, 2020 talk by Eric Rosengren entitled, The Economy’s Outlook,
Challenges, and Way Forward and also August 12, 2020 talk by Eric Rosengren entitled, The COVID-19
Pandemic, the Economic Outlook, and the Main Street Lending Program.
11
For more discussion, see: Jan. 13, 2020 talk by Eric Rosengren entitled, The Economic Outlook – and
Two Risks to the Forecast that are Worth Watching. Also see Sept. 20, 2019 Statement of Eric S.
Rosengren, Commenting on Dissenting Vote at the Meeting of the Federal Open Market Committee, and
also Aug. 2, 2020 Statement of Eric S. Rosengren, Commenting on Dissenting Vote at the Meeting of the
Federal Open Market Committee.
12
13
For additional discussion, see June 21, 2019 remarks by Eric S. Rosengren entitled, The
Macroprudential Implications of the 1990s Japanese Financial Crisis, and also March 23, 2018 remarks
by Eric S. Rosengren entitled, Monetary, Fiscal, and Financial Stability Policy Tools: Are We Equipped
for the Next Recession?
14
Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2020, October 7). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20201008_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20201008_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2020},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20201008_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}