speeches · July 12, 2017
Regional President Speech
Charles L. Evans · President
Outcome-Based Monetary Policy
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Ninth Annual Rocky Mountain Economic Summit
Global Interdependence Center
Victor, Idaho
July 13, 2017
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
The views expressed today are my own and not necessarily
Those of the Federal Reserve System or the FOMC.
Due to weather-related travel problems, Chicago Fed President Charles Evans
canceled his attendance July 13 at the Ninth Annual Rocky Mountain Economic
Summit in Victor, Idaho, hosted by the Global Interdependence Council. This is
the outline of the speech he was to deliver.
Outcome-Based Monetary Policy
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
I.
Before I begin, I need to remind you that my comments this morning are
my own and not necessarily those of the Federal Reserve System or the
Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC).
II.
I’ve been involved in a number of conferences and other public forums
recently discussing the monetary policy lessons learned from our
experience at the zero lower bound (ZLB).
A.
There is always a lot of debate at these events about the efficacies
of unconventional policies, such as negative interest rates,
quantitative easing (QE), and forward guidance. 1 Such debate is
natural: First of all, as economists, we love to argue; but more
importantly, we just don’t have a lot of historical experience with
such policies to provide definitive answers.
B.
Still, one consistent lesson I’ve taken away is that a key element to
success is strong policymaker focus on mandated objectives—
something I like to call “outcome-based” policy. Indeed, this focus is
important for the conduct of monetary policy not just at the ZLB, but
also in more conventional policy regimes.
1
For further details on the quantitative easing (QE) programs (or large-scale asset purchases)
and forward guidance, see the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2015a,
2015b).
2
C.
All central banks have mandates: All have inflation objectives, and
the Federal Reserve has a dual mandate that includes supporting
maximum employment. 2 Some commentators judge central banks
by how good our forecasts are or how closely monetary policy
follows a particular rule. Although these are instructive ingredients
for the policy process, they are not the ultimate goal. Our goal is to
hit our objectives. Therefore, to judge success, the appropriate
metrics are how actual outcomes for inflation and employment
measure up against our mandated policy goals. And to achieve
success, central bankers need to keep their scorecards with these
metrics in mind.
D.
Today I will discuss three lessons around this theme that struck
home for me from our experience in the aftermath of the Great
Financial Crisis and to the current environment, in which the real
economy is performing well, though inflation remains stubbornly
below our 2 percent objective:3
2
For more details on the Fed’s dual mandate, see https://www.chicagofed.org/research/dualmandate/dual-mandate.
3
In January 2012, the FOMC set 2 percent inflation—measured by the annual change in the
Price Index for Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE)—as the explicit inflation target
consistent with our price stability mandate. See Federal Open Market Committee (2012c).
3
1.
2.
3.
III.
First, outcome-based policies are especially critical during
crises—and they are indispensable in the face of the zero
lower bound.
Second, a symmetric inflation target is a challenging policy
objective for conservative central bankers to deliver on.
And third, given the ZLB, risk management likely will remain
a key best-practice consideration for policy decision-making
for some time to come.
Lesson #1: Let’s start with the lesson that outcome-based policies become
even more critical during crises and are indispensable in the face of the
ZLB.
A.
Tough monetary policy challenges are not new. Economic
fundamentals are subject to varying degrees of volatility over time.
But there were crucial differences between the Great Financial
Crisis and previous episodes.
1.
First, there were the historically large magnitudes of the
shortfalls from our policy objectives.
4
2.
Second, the earlier episodes began with the policy rate high
enough above zero such that there was substantial cushion
for cutting rates. This cushion allowed the Fed to
successfully combat disinflationary forces. Unfortunately,
during this cycle, we ran out of any cushion in December
2008. That is when the policy rate was reduced to the 0 to
1/4 percent range—the effective lower bound.
B.
In such circumstances, it is essential to credibly commit to
achieving our policy goals. Stating the goals clearly is crucial, but
so are actions that display a “do whatever it takes” mentality. This
requires a willingness to take bold steps.
C.
You all are familiar with the impressive set of unconventional
monetary policy tools the FOMC used after hitting the ZLB: for
instance, QE1, QE2, calendar-date forward guidance, and the 2011
maturity extension program. 4 (And I am deliberately omitting the
special liquidity programs.) But all of these still were not enough to
meet our policy mandates.
D.
By the fall of 2012, the FOMC, as well as other policymakers
around the globe, had recognized the need for further actions to
achieve their policy objectives. At the Fed, we made what I think
were two of our most important and successful nontraditional policy
moves that year.
1.
2.
The first was our open-ended QE3, which began in
September 2012 and committed us to purchase long-term
assets until we saw evidence of substantial improvement in
the labor market. 5 The second was our December 2012
forward guidance that stated we would hold the fed funds
rate at the ZLB at least as long as unemployment was above
6.5 percent and while inflation didn’t exceed 2.5 percent. 6
I believe the explicit linking of these expansionary policies to
economic outcomes was key to their success. And it makes
them outstanding examples of outcome-based policies.
a)
Now, as former Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke
likes to say, while QE doesn’t work in theory, it does
work in practice. 7
4
For further details on the maturity extension program, see the Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System (2013).
5
See Federal Open Market Committee (2012b).
6
See Federal Open Market Committee (2012a).
7
Berkowitz (2014).
5
b)
3.
In my opinion, these policies successfully demonstrated
strong commitment to our objectives—and they produced
results.
a)
E.
Unemployment began to fall more quickly than
anticipated in 2013, and as a result we were able to
scale back the QE3 purchases beginning in late 2013
and the threshold-based forward guidance ended in
March 2014. Today, we have essentially returned to full
employment in the U.S.—indeed, at 4.4 percent, the
unemployment rate is somewhat below the range
FOMC participants see as the long-run normal level.
What comes next for outcome-based monetary policy?
1.
To be sure, gross domestic product (GDP) growth was weak
in the first quarter. But that seems to have been transitory.
The data in hand and our forecasts point to continued
improvements in real activity.
a)
b)
8
The FOMC was pretty confident that QE3 and
threshold-based forward guidance would provide
stimulus. But there was substantial uncertainty over
how and when these policies would affect the economy.
So by linking the policies’ open-ended duration to
progress toward our policy mandates, we assured
markets we were committed to doing whatever it took to
improve outcomes. This bolstered the important selfreinforcing linkages between more positive private
sector expectations and better current economic
outcomes.
Last month, the FOMC released its quarterly Summary
of Economic Projections (SEP). 8 The median
participant sees GDP growth of 2.2 percent for 2017
and a slightly more modest pace of expansion in 2018
and 2019.
The unemployment rate is expected to be about 4-1/4
percent throughout the projection period, and this is
moderately below the longer-run level of 4.6 percent.
See Federal Open Market Committee (2017a) for the most recent summary.
6
2.
Unfortunately, low inflation continues to be a challenge.
From 2009 to the present, core PCE inflation has generally
underrun 2 percent—and often by substantial amounts. 9 This
is over eight full years below target. This is a serious policy
outcome miss.
a)
b)
The U.S. economy made some noticeable progress
toward the FOMC’s inflation goal when core PCE
inflation rose from 1.4 percent in 2015 to 1.7 percent in
2016. But, as of last May, it had slipped back to 1.4
percent. Furthermore, with energy prices and the dollar
stabilizing and resource slack diminishing, this
slowdown has occurred as some of the earlier
headwinds holding down inflation have receded.
The median FOMC participant now forecasts core PCE
inflation to be 1.7 percent this year (this is two-tenths
below the March projection). But the median participant
also sees it rising to our 2 percent target by the end of
2018.10
9
While our objective is in terms of overall PCE inflation, core inflation—which strips out the
volatile food and energy sectors—is a better gauge of sustained inflationary pressures.
10
Federal Open Market Committee (2017a).
7
3.
My inflation outlook is not quite as sanguine as this projection. I also see
downside risks to this outlook. So I believe we need to demonstrate a
strong commitment to hitting our symmetric inflation objective sooner
rather than later. That is, we need to pursue an outcome-based policy to
actually help us achieve our symmetric inflation goal.
IV.
This leads me to Lesson #2: A symmetric inflation target can be a tough
policy objective for conservative central bankers to deliver on.
A.
In addition to core inflation underrunning 2 percent for some time,
there has been accumulating evidence since the summer of 2014
that long-run inflation expectations have drifted down.
1.
2.
The declines in TIPS (Treasury Inflation-Protected
Securities) inflation breakevens and consumer surveys are
particularly telling.
And clearly, lower inflation expectations make it all the more
difficult for the central bank to achieve its inflation objective.
8
B.
Low energy prices, the lack of international inflationary pressures,
and the low core inflation experience certainly have contributed to
this drop in expectations. But I think there is an institutional factor in
play, too. Namely, it is difficult for some central bankers to tolerate
above-target inflation even for limited and controlled periods of
time. And when the public recognize this low-inflation bias, they
form expectations accordingly.
C.
Here, I am thinking of the solution to the Barro–Gordon (1983)
dilemma of time-inconsistent decision-making as articulated by Ken
Rogoff (1985). This theory emerged to explain how a wellintentioned Federal Reserve could end up delivering the
excessively high inflation we experienced in the 1970s.
1.
2.
3.
D.
In the classic Barro–Gordon world, benevolent central
bankers seek to bring the unemployment rate below its
sustainable natural rate11 and they set policy with discretion
every period. The public recognize the policymakers’ bias
and know that it would be against their best interests to
ignore its impact on inflation. So they adjust their
expectations accordingly. In the Barro–Gordon model, this
combination of policy bias and public expectations generates
above-target inflation.
Central bankers wish to avoid such inflationary outcomes.
But how do you do that? Many economists and policymakers
think the solution lies in central banks following policy rules
rather than discretion. But Professor Kenneth Rogoff
provides a different solution that doesn’t involve policy rules.
Rogoff suggests appointing conservative central bankers
who place less weight on achieving lower unemployment.
This will correct for the upward inflation bias that Barro and
Gordon noted and can deliver inflation at target through
standard period-by-period decision-making.
Now, a crucial element underlying the Barro–Gordon excess
inflation result is that soft-hearted policymakers will try to pursue
unemployment below the sustainable natural rate. But if central
bankers learn they should not attempt to permanently deliver
unsustainable levels of unemployment, then no correction for
inflation bias is needed. Indeed, I think the economic literature and
actual high inflation experience of the 1970s and ’80s taught all
monetary economists this lesson.
11
The natural rate of unemployment refers to the rate of unemployment that would predominate
over the longer run in the absence of shocks to the economy.
9
1.
2.
3.
I spent my formative high school and college years in the
1970s, when inflation ranged between 6 percent and 10
percent. And then I spent my formative years as a monetary
economist in the disinflations of the 1980s and 1990s.
During most of this time, the direction of monetary policy was
always pretty clear: Inflation was much too high—well above
any sensible inflation objective—and monetary policy tried to
engineer lower inflation whenever it was opportune.
And there were some truly substantial Fed tightenings to
bring inflation down, some of which were associated with
very painful recessions.12 Cumulatively, the FOMC’s resolve
to pursue low and stable inflation in the Volcker–Greenspan
era was strong and obvious—and it was successful.
E.
So, central bankers appear to have learned to avoid the Barro–
Gordon inflationary bias. Indeed, the May 2003 FOMC statement 13
even explicitly acknowledged a new two-sided risk, as inflation at
that time was flirting with uncomfortably low levels.
F.
After a brief respite from 2004 to 2008, we have again been living
with the risk of too-low inflation. Unlike the 1970s, ’80s, and ’90s,
when policymakers were starting from inflation and inflation
expectations that were too high, today we are starting from a
position in which they are too low.
G.
But Rogoff-appointed conservative central bankers may find it
difficult to believe there is no upward inflation bias to correct.
Indeed, think how often you hear economists and policymakers say
that discretionary policy leads to excess inflation without also
stating the necessary precondition that the public believe
policymakers are pursuing unsustainably low unemployment. Such
misreading would lead conservative central bankers to pursue
overly restrictive conditions on average and deliver lower-thanoptimal inflation.
H.
To state this a bit differently, conservative central bankers will find it
difficult to ever deliver inflation above the policy objective. In this
case, our 2 percent target would not be a level around which
inflation fluctuates symmetrically. Instead, it would become a ceiling
for inflation.
12
Romer dates and Rudebusch’s 1988 event are good examples of substantial policy tightenings.
See Romer and Romer (1989) and Rudebusch (1995).
13
Federal Open Market Committee (2003).
10
1.
I.
Note that the original Barro–Gordon problem and the conservative
central banker bias both arise because policymakers fail to focus
on actual outcomes relative to their ultimate objectives.
1.
2.
V.
Moreover, the public make inferences regarding the inflation
target based on our past performance, not just on our words.
When they see inflation below 2 percent for eight-plus years,
they might logically think 2 percent is a ceiling. If so, the
public would likely push down their expectations for average
inflation over the longer run, making it all the more difficult
for the central bank to achieve its inflation objective.
The scorecard for the soft-hearted central banker has
inflation averaging above target over the long run, while the
scorecard for the conservative central banker records
persistent downside misses on inflation.
In either case, policymakers would score better if they
focused on the outcomes—that is, if they would recognize
their biases and adjust policy accordingly to eliminate the
persistent misses.
Aligning policy to avoid the risk of biased outcomes can be a meaningful
feature of monetary policy more generally. Indeed, the current situation
provides an important example.
A.
As I and many of my FOMC colleagues have noted, lower
productivity and labor force growth appear to have reduced longrun output growth in the U.S. Along with massive global demand for
safe assets, these trends result in lower equilibrium real interest
rates.14 Lower equilibrium real rates and, if it holds, lower expected
inflation add up to lower nominal policy rates in the steady state.
B.
This then means monetary policy will likely have less headroom to
provide adequate rate cuts when large disinflationary shocks hit the
economy. In other words, the odds of returning to the ZLB—and the
associated risks to our employment and inflation objectives—may
be higher than we would like for some time.
C.
This brings me to my third and final lesson, which is about
managing against this risk.
14
Equilibrium real interest rates are the rates consistent with the full employment of the
economy’s productive resources. The equilibrium interest rate is sometimes called the “natural” or
“neutral” interest rate.
11
VI.
Lesson #3: Unconventional tools are effective, but they are
unconventional because conventional tools are stronger. So the more
likely we are to encounter shocks that might take us to the ZLB in the
future, the stronger we should lean policy ex ante in the direction of
accommodation—that is, we need to manage against the risks of the ZLB.
And with a greater likelihood of low equilibrium real rates, we now might
be facing more elevated ZLB risks than in earlier times.
A.
15
Back in 2015 I wrote a Brookings conference paper with three of
my colleagues at the Chicago Fed—Jonas Fisher, François Gourio,
and Spencer Krane.15 In that paper, we formalized these riskmanagement arguments in the workhorse forward-looking New
Keynesian model, as well as in a second standard backwardlooking macro model.
Evans et al. (2015).
12
B.
We considered a scenario in which the current natural real interest
rate, or r*, was temporarily low and expected to rise slowly over
time. But the actual path for the rate was subject to random (and
serially correlated) shocks. This means that a bad shock could
drive you to the ZLB. If r* was known with certainty, the optimal
policy would set the policy rate to follow upward the path for the
equilibrium rate. But with an uncertain r* and concerns about ZLB
risks, we show that optimal policy prescribes a lower rate path to
reduce the risk that future unexpected shocks would drive the
economy to the ZLB.
13
C.
The chart displays the results from the New Keynesian model. The
dashed line shows the optimal nominal rate if policymakers and the
private sector assumed there would be no future shocks to the path
for the real rate. (The nominal federal funds rate starts off at 1-1/2
percent in 2015. This is simply adding the minus 1/2 percent real
equilibrium federal funds rate assumed to prevail in 2015 and the 2
percent inflation target.) The solid line shows the optimal policy that
accounts for uncertain shocks that may drive the economy to the
ZLB. This risk-management adjustment is quite large, particularly
early in the simulations.
1.
16
For reference, the squares here are the median end-of-year
forecasts for the federal funds rate from the March 2015
SEP.16 As you can see, the median SEP policy path for
2015–16 wasn’t that different from the optimal policy
prescription of this simple model.
Federal Open Market Committee (2015).
14
D.
In this exercise, the starting point was calibrated to economic
conditions that existed in the first quarter of 2015. Again, we
assumed that the real equilibrium interest rate was minus 1/2
percent and would slowly trend up over time to 1-3/4 percent. Given
our 2 percent inflation objective, this is consistent with the 3-3/4
percent forecast for the long-run nominal federal funds rate in the
FOMC’s March 2015 Summary of Economic Projections.17
E.
However, today, a little over two years later, most economists now
believe the long-run real rate in the U.S. is lower—probably more
like 1 percent or lower, according to the June 2017 SEP.18 The next
figure displays how this new endpoint influences our results.
17
Ibid.
Federal Open Market Committee (2017a). The 1 percent real rate is inferred from the SEP
median long-run nominal federal funds rate forecast of 3 percent and the FOMC’s 2 percent
inflation target.
18
15
F.
Fisher, Gourio, and Krane (2017) separately reran our Brookings
exercise calibrating economic conditions to the first quarter of 2017
and assuming r* trends up from zero to 1 percent. As before, the
solid and dashed red lines in this chart are the resulting policies
with and without adjustment for uncertainty over r*.
G.
A few things to note on the chart. First, look at how in 2017:Q1 the
blue and red dashed lines are pretty close. So our current starting
point isn’t far from the 2015 exercise. Second, notice the new lower
r* endpoint of 1 percent on the red lines means higher odds of
hitting the ZLB. Hence, the adjustment for risk management—the
difference between the dashed and solid red lines—is even greater
now than it was at this point in the 2015 simulations. Third, note
that the solid and dashed lines do not converge until the policy rate
is nearly back to neutral, meaning the role for risk management
persists until that time.
16
H.
I should emphasize that these are very stylized models, calibrated
to approximate just a few macroeconomic data. The analysis also
abstracts from a range of important modeling and monetary policy
issues. So these results are mostly illustrative rather than strictly
prescriptive.
1.
2.
VII.
Nevertheless, they do suggest that ZLB risks associated with
a low long-run value of the natural rate of interest have the
potential to influence risk-management considerations for
some time during the policy rate normalization process.
So the takeaway from Lesson #3 is as follows: Taking extra
care to avoid the substantial costs of hitting the ZLB
increases the odds for achieving the central bank’s policy
goals over the medium term.
Let me conclude with a brief discussion of the current monetary policy
environment.
A.
As you know, in June the Committee voted to increase the target
range for the federal funds rate to 1 to 1-1/4 percent. 19 I think the
improvements in the real economy to date justified this move.
B.
In the Summary of Economic Projections from that meeting, the
median participant thought that appropriate policy would
incorporate one more 25 basis point rate hike in 2017—bringing the
total for this year to three—and then three more increases in each
of 2018 and 2019. 20 And as Chair Yellen stated in her post-meeting
press conference, the Committee expects to begin gradually
reducing the size of the Fed’s balance sheet sometime this year. 21
C.
It remains to be seen whether there will be two rate hikes this year
or three or even four—and exactly when we will start paring back
reinvestments of maturing assets. Regardless, the important
feature is that the current environment supports very gradual rate
hikes and slow predetermined reductions in our balance sheet.
D.
I have already touched on the reasons why I support this approach.
So, let me recap.
19
Federal Open Market Committee (2017b).
Federal Open Market Committee (2017a).
21
Yellen (2017).
20
17
1.
2.
E.
In my view, slow removal of accommodation by the FOMC is
necessary to boost inflation and symmetrically achieve our 2
percent inflation goal in a timely fashion. We also have to
assure the public that we are concerned about the current
challenges to our inflation objective and that we are not
overly conservative central bankers who view our inflation
target as a ceiling.
Furthermore, given that we may be facing more elevated
ZLB risks for some time, risk-management considerations
argue for tilting toward accommodative policies that help
reduce the odds of returning to the ZLB.
Much ink will be spilled on the importance of the exact number of
rate increases we’ll see this year and on various subplots regarding
our balance sheet policy. I don’t want to get hung up over small
differences. Ultimately, our exact actions will appropriately be
driven by how events transpire to influence the outlook for
achieving our policy goals. This steadfast adherence to meeting the
Federal Reserve’s mandated objectives will be the overarching
determinant of monetary policy.
References
Barro, Robert J., and David B. Gordon, 1983, “A positive theory of monetary
policy in a natural rate model,” Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 91, No. 4,
August, pp. 589–610.
Berkowitz, Ben, 2014, “Bernanke cracks wise: The best QE joke ever!,” CNBC,
January 16, http://www.cnbc.com/2014/01/16/bernanke-cracks-wise-the-best-qejoke-ever.html.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2015a, “What were the
Federal Reserve’s large-scale asset purchases?,” Current FAQs, December 22,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/what-were-the-federal-reserves-large-scaleasset-purchases.htm.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2015b, “What is forward
guidance and how is it used in the Federal Reserve's monetary policy?,” Current
FAQs, December 16, https://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/what-is-forwardguidance-how-is-it-used-in-the-federal-reserve-monetary-policy.htm.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2013, “Maturity extension
program and reinvestment policy,” webpage, August 2,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/maturityextensionprogram.htm.
18
Evans, Charles L., Jonas D. M. Fisher, François Gourio, and Spencer Krane,
2015, “Risk management for monetary policy near the zero lower bound,”
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 46, No. 1, Spring, pp. 141–196.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2017a, Summary of Economic Projections,
Washington, DC, June 14,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/files/fomcprojtabl20170614.pdf.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2017b, press release, Washington, DC, June
14,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/files/monetary20170614a1.pdf.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2015, Summary of Economic Projections,
Washington, DC, March 18,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/files/fomcprojtabl20150318.pdf.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2012a, press release, Washington, DC,
December 12,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20121212a.
htm.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2012b, press release, Washington, DC,
September 13,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20120913a.
htm.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2012c, press release, Washington, DC,
January 25,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20120125c.
htm.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2003, press release, Washington, DC, May 6,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/press/monetary/2003/20030506/defau
lt.htm.
Fisher, Jonas D. M., François Gourio, and Spencer Krane, 2017, “Changes in the
risk-management environment for monetary policy,” Chicago Fed Letter, Federal
Reserve Bank of Chicago, No. 377,
https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/chicago-fed-letter/2017/377.
Rogoff, Kenneth, 1985, “The optimal degree of commitment to an intermediate
monetary target,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 100, No. 4, November,
pp. 1169–1189.
19
Romer, Christina D., and David H. Romer, 1989, “Does monetary policy matter?
A new test in the spirit of Friedman and Schwartz,” in NBER Macroeconomics
Annual 1989, Vol. 4, Olivier Jean Blanchard and Stanley Fischer (eds.),
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, pp. 121–170.
Rudebusch, Glenn D., 1995, “Federal Reserve interest rate targeting, rational
expectations, and the term structure,” Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol. 35,
No. 2, April, pp. 245–274.
Yellen, Janet, 2017, transcript of Federal Reserve Chair press conference,
Washington, DC, June 14,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/mediacenter/files/FOMCpresconf20170614.pdf.
20
Cite this document
APA
Charles L. Evans (2017, July 12). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170713_charles_l_evans
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20170713_charles_l_evans,
author = {Charles L. Evans},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2017},
month = {Jul},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170713_charles_l_evans},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}