speeches · June 18, 2017
Regional President Speech
Charles L. Evans · President
Monetary Policy Challenges in a New Inflation
Environment
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Money Marketeers of New York University
New York, New York
June 19, 2017
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
The views expressed today are my own and not necessarily
Those of the Federal Reserve System or the FOMC.
Monetary Policy Challenges in a New Inflation Environment
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
I. I would like to thank the Money Marketeers for their kind invitation to
speak here again today.
A. And before I continue, I need to remind you that my comments this
evening are my own and not necessarily those of the Federal
Reserve System or the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC).
II. It has been just over five years since I was last here. At that time I offered
my thoughts on monetary policy in a talk with the riveting title “Monetary
policy: Recurring themes.”1
A. To refresh your memory, in 2012 the Federal Open Market
Committee was grappling with the zero lower bound (ZLB) on the
federal funds rate. I argued then that we should consider forward
guidance for the federal funds rate that was based on numerical
thresholds for the unemployment rate and inflation. I believed such
an outcome-based policy could ensure we added enough monetary
stimulus to boost employment while also providing a safeguard
against inflation rising too high.
B. Of course, times are much different now. The real economy is
performing well, and we essentially have met our employment
mandate. The FOMC has begun to remove accommodation,
increasing the federal funds rate four times since late 2015. But
inflation has remained stubbornly below our 2 percent objective.2
How should this subpar outcome influence our policy strategy?
1 Evans (2012).
2 In January 2012, the FOMC set 2 percent inflation—measured by the annual change in the
Price Index for Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE)—as the explicit inflation target
consistent with our price stability mandate. See Federal Open Market Committee (2012c).
2
III. Today, I want to focus more on this recurring theme that monetary policy
has to be outcome-based.
A. All central banks have mandates: All have inflation objectives, and
the Federal Reserve has a dual mandate that includes supporting
maximum employment.3 Some commentators judge central banks
by how good our forecasts are or how closely monetary policy
follows a particular rule. Although these are instructive ingredients
for the policy process, they are not the ultimate goal. Our goal is to
hit our objectives. Therefore, to judge success, the appropriate
metric is how actual outcomes for inflation and employment
measure up against our mandated policy goals.
3 For more details on the Fed’s dual mandate, see https://www.chicagofed.org/research/dual-
mandate/dual-mandate.
3
B. Today I will discuss three lessons around this theme that struck
home for me from our experience in the aftermath of the Great
Financial Crisis: First, outcome-based policies are especially critical
during crises—and they are indispensable in the face of the zero
lower bound; second, a symmetric inflation target is a challenging
objective for conservative central bankers to deliver on; and third,
given the ZLB, risk-management likely will remain a key best-
practice consideration for policy decision-making for some time to
come.
IV. Lesson 1: Let’s start with the lesson that outcome-based policies become
even more critical during crises and are indispensable in the face of the
ZLB.
A. Tough monetary policy challenges are not new. Economic
fundamentals are subject to varying degrees of volatility over time.
But there were crucial differences between the Great Financial
Crisis and previous episodes.
1. First, there were the historically large magnitudes of the
shortfalls from our policy objectives.
4
2. Second, the earlier episodes began with the policy rate high
enough above zero that there was a large enough cushion
for cutting rates to successfully combat disinflationary forces.
This time, however, we ran out of that cushion in December
2008, when policy rates were reduced to their zero lower
bound.
B. In such circumstances, it is essential to credibly commit to
achieving our policy goals. Stating the goals clearly is crucial, but
so are actions that display a “do whatever it takes” mentality. This
requires a willingness to take bold steps.
C. You all are familiar with the impressive set of unconventional
monetary policy tools the FOMC used after hitting the ZLB: for
instance, QE1, QE2, calendar-date forward guidance, and the
maturity extension program.4 (And I am deliberately omitting the
special liquidity programs.) But these still were not sufficient to
meet our policy mandates.
D. By 2012, the FOMC, as well as other policymakers around the
globe, had recognized the need for further actions to achieve their
policy objectives. At the Fed, we made what I think were two of our
most important and successful nontraditional policy moves that
year.
1. The first was our open-ended QE3, which began in
September 2012 and committed us to purchase long-term
assets until we saw evidence of substantial improvement in
the labor market.5 The second was our December 2012
forward guidance that stated we would hold the fed funds
rate at the ZLB at least as long as unemployment was above
6.5 percent and while inflation didn’t exceed 2.5 percent.6
2. I believe the explicit linking of these expansionary policies to
economic outcomes was key to their success. And it makes
them outstanding examples of outcome-based policies.
a) Now, as former Federal Reserve Chair Ben Bernanke
likes to say, while QE doesn’t work in theory, it does
work in practice.7
4 For further details on the quantitative easing (QE) programs (or large-scale asset purchases),
forward guidance, and the maturity extension program, see the Board of Governors of the
Federal Reserve System (2013, 2015a, 2015b).
5 See Federal Open Market Committee (2012b).
6 See Federal Open Market Committee (2012a).
7 Berkowitz (2014).
5
b) The FOMC was pretty confident that QE3 and the
thresholds-based forward guidance would provide
stimulus. But there was substantial uncertainty over
how and when these policies would affect the economy.
So by linking the policies’ open-ended duration to
progress toward our policy mandates, we assured
markets we were committed to doing whatever it took to
improve outcomes. This bolstered the important self-
reinforcing linkages between more positive private
sector expectations and better current economic
outcomes.
3. In my opinion, these policies successfully demonstrated
strong commitment to our objectives—and they produced
results.
a) Unemployment began to fall more quickly than
anticipated in 2013, and as a result we were able to
scale back the QE3 purchases beginning in late 2013
and forward guidance in March 2014. Today, we have
essentially returned to full employment in the U.S.—
indeed, at 4.3 percent, the unemployment rate is
somewhat below the range FOMC participants see as
the long-run normal level.
E. What comes next for outcome-based monetary policy?
1. To be sure, gross domestic product (GDP) growth was weak
in the first quarter. But that seems to have been transitory,
and the data in hand point to a strong rebound in the second
quarter.
a) Last week, the FOMC released its quarterly Summary
of Economic Projections (SEP).8 The median
participant sees GDP growth of 2.2 percent for 2017
and a slightly more modest pace of expansion in 2018
and 2019.
b) The unemployment rate is expected to be about 4-1/4
percent throughout the projection period, so moderately
below its longer-run level of 4.6 percent.
8 See Federal Open Market Committee (2017a) for the most recent summary.
6
2. Unfortunately, low inflation has been more stubborn. From
2009 to the present, core PCE inflation has generally
underrun 2 percent—and often by substantial amounts.9 This
is eight full years below target. This is a serious policy
outcome miss.
a) We made some noticeable progress toward our inflation
goal when it rose from 1.4 percent in 2015 to 1.7
percent in 2016. But, as of last April, core PCE inflation
had slipped to 1-1/2 percent, and last week’s Consumer
Price Index (CPI) data do not bode well for PCE
inflation in May. Furthermore, this slowdown has
occurred as some of the earlier headwinds holding
down inflation—declining energy prices, a stronger
dollar, and resource slack—have receded.
b) The median FOMC participant forecasts core PCE
inflation to be 1.7 percent (this is two-tenths below the
March projection) but then sees it rising to our 2 percent
target by the end of 2018.10
3. My inflation outlook is not quite as sanguine as this
projection. I also see downside risks to this outlook. So I
believe we need to demonstrate a strong commitment to
hitting our symmetric inflation objective sooner rather than
later. That is, we need to pursue an outcome-based policy to
actually help us achieve our inflation goal.
9 While our objective is in terms of overall PCE inflation, core inflation—which strips out the
volatile food and energy sectors—is a better gauge of sustained inflationary pressures.
10 Federal Open Market Committee (2017a).
7
V. This leads me to Lesson 2: A symmetric inflation target can be a tough
policy objective for conservative central bankers to deliver on.
A. In addition to core inflation underrunning 2 percent for some time,
there has been accumulating evidence since the summer of 2014
that long-run inflation expectations have drifted down.
1. Here, the declines in TIPS (Treasury Inflation-Protected
Securities) inflation breakevens and consumer surveys are
particularly telling.
2. And, clearly, lower inflation expectations make it all the more
difficult for the central bank to achieve its inflation objective.
B. Low energy prices, the lack of international inflationary pressures,
and the low core inflation experience certainly have contributed to
this drop in expectations. But I think there is an institutional factor in
play, too. Namely, it is difficult for some central bankers to tolerate
above-target inflation even for limited and controlled periods of
time. When the public recognizes this low-inflation bias, it forms
expectations accordingly.
8
C. Here, I am thinking of the solution to the Barro–Gordon (1983)
dilemma of time-inconsistent decision-making as articulated by Ken
Rogoff (1985). This theory emerged to explain how a well-
intentioned Federal Reserve could end up delivering the
excessively high inflation we experienced in the 1970s.
1. In the classic Barro–Gordon world, benevolent central
bankers seek to bring the unemployment rate below its
sustainable natural rate,11 and they set policy with discretion
every period. This policy strategy produces a bias toward
excessively low unemployment. The public understands this
bias, and adjusts its expectations accordingly. In the Barro–
Gordon analysis, this combination of policy bias and public
expectations generates above-target inflation.
2. This outcome is something that central bankers wish to
avoid. But how do you do so? Many economists and
policymakers think the solution lies in central banks following
policy rules rather than discretion. But Professor Kenneth
Rogoff provided a different solution that didn’t involve policy
rules.
3. Rogoff suggests appointing conservative central bankers
who place less weight on achieving lower unemployment.
This will correct for the upward inflation bias that Barro and
Gordon noted and can deliver lower average inflation
through standard period-by-period decision-making.
4. Now, a crucial element underlying the Barro–Gordon excess
inflation result is that soft-hearted policymakers will try to
pursue unemployment below the sustainable natural rate.
But if central bankers learn they should not attempt to
permanently deliver unsustainable levels of unemployment,
then no bias correction is needed.
D. Indeed, I think the economic literature and actual inflation
experience of the 1970s and ’80s taught all monetary economists
this lesson.
E. I spent my formative high school and college years in the 1970s,
when inflation ranged between 6 percent and 10 percent. And then
I spent my formative years as a monetary economist in the
disinflations of the 1980s and 1990s.
11 The natural rate of unemployment refers to the rate of unemployment that would predominate
over the longer run in the absence of shocks to the economy.
9
1. During most of this time, the direction of monetary policy was
always pretty clear: Inflation was much too high—well above
any sensible inflation objective—and monetary policy tried to
engineer lower inflation whenever it was opportune.
2. And there were some truly substantial Fed tightenings to
bring inflation down, some of which were associated with
painful recessions.12 Cumulatively, the FOMC’s resolve to
pursue low and stable inflation in the Volcker–Greenspan
era was strong and obvious—and it was successful.
F. So, central bankers appear to have learned to avoid the Barro–
Gordon inflationary bias. Indeed, the May 2003 FOMC statement13
even explicitly acknowledged a new two-sided risk, as inflation then
was flirting with uncomfortably low levels.
G. After a brief respite from 2004 to 2008, we have again been living
with the risk of too-low inflation. Unlike the 1970s, ’80s, and ’90s,
when policymakers were starting from inflation and inflation
expectations that were too high, today we are starting from a
position in which they are too low.
H. But given this history, Rogoff-appointed conservative central
bankers may find it difficult to believe there is no bias to correct.
Indeed, think how often you hear economists and policymakers say
that discretionary policy leads to excess inflation without also
stating the precondition that the public believes policymakers are
pursuing unsustainably low unemployment. This misreading would
lead conservative central bankers to pursue overly restrictive
conditions on average and deliver lower-than-optimal inflation.
I. To state this a bit differently, conservative central bankers will find it
difficult to ever deliver inflation above the policy objective. In this
case, our 2 percent target would not be a level around which
inflation fluctuates symmetrically. Instead, it would become a ceiling
for inflation.
12 Romer dates and Rudebusch’s 1988 event are good examples of substantial policy tightenings.
See Romer and Romer (1989) and Rudebusch (1995).
13 Federal Open Market Committee (2003).
10
1. Moreover, the public makes inferences regarding the
inflation target based on our past performance, not just on
our words. When they see inflation below 2 percent for eight-
plus years, they might logically think 2 percent is a ceiling. If
so, the public would likely push down their expectations for
average inflation over the longer run, making it all the more
difficult for the central bank to achieve its inflation objective.
J. The current situation is even more difficult when we recognize that
lower U.S. productivity and labor force growth have reduced long-
run output growth. Along with massive global demand for safe
assets, these trends result in lower equilibrium real interest rates.14
Lower equilibrium real rates and lower expected inflation add up to
lower nominal policy rates in the steady state. All told, monetary
policy will likely have less headroom to provide adequate rate cuts
when large disinflationary shocks hit the economy. In other words,
the risks of returning to the ZLB may be higher than we would like
for some time.
K. This brings me to my third and final lesson, which is regarding risk-
management.
14 Equilibrium real interest rates are the rates consistent with the full employment of the
economy’s productive resources. The equilibrium interest rate is sometimes called the “natural” or
“neutral” interest rate.
11
VI. Lesson 3: Unconventional tools are effective, but they are unconventional
because conventional tools are stronger. So the more likely we are to
encounter shocks that might take us to the ZLB in the future, the stronger
we should lean policy ex ante in the direction of accommodation—that is,
we need to manage against the risks of the ZLB. And with a greater risk of
low equilibrium real rates, we now might be facing more elevated ZLB
risks than in earlier times.
A. Back in 2015 I wrote a Brookings conference paper with three of
my colleagues at the Chicago Fed—Jonas Fisher, François Gourio,
and Spencer Krane. We formalized these risk-management
arguments in the workhorse forward-looking New Keynesian model,
as well as in a second standard backward-looking macro model.15
15 Evans et al. (2015).
12
B. We considered a scenario in which the current natural real interest
rate, or r*, was temporarily low and expected to rise slowly over
time. But the actual path for the rate was subject to random (and
serially correlated) shocks. This means that a bad shock could
drive you to the ZLB. If r* was known with certainty, the optimal
policy would set the policy rate to follow upward the path for the
equilibrium rate. But with an uncertain r* and concerns about ZLB
risks, we show that optimal policy prescribes a lower rate path to
reduce the risk that future unexpected shocks would drive the
economy to the ZLB.
C. The chart displays the results from the New Keynesian model. The
dashed line shows the optimal nominal rate if policymakers and the
private sector assumed there would be no future shocks to the path
for the real rate. The solid line shows the optimal policy that
accounts for uncertain shocks that may drive the economy to the
ZLB. This risk-management adjustment is quite large, particularly
early in the simulations.
13
1. For reference, the squares here are the median end-of-year
forecasts for the federal funds rate from the March 2015
SEP.16 As you can see, the median SEP policy path for
2015–16 wasn’t that different from the optimal policy
prescription of this simple model.
D. In this exercise, the starting point was calibrated to economic
conditions that existed in the first quarter of 2015 and we assumed
that the natural real rate was minus one-half percent and would
slowly trend up over time to 1-3/4 percent. Given our 2 percent
inflation objective, this is consistent with the 3-3/4 percent forecast
for the long-run nominal federal funds rate in the FOMC’s March
2015 Summary of Economic Projections.17
E. However, today, a little over two years later, most economists now
believe the long-run real rate in the U.S. is lower—maybe more like
1 percent, according to the June 2017 SEP.18 The next figure
displays how this new endpoint influences our results.
16 Federal Open Market Committee (2015).
17 Ibid.
18 Federal Open Market Committee (2017a). The 1 percent real rate is inferred from the SEP
median long-run nominal federal funds rate forecast of 3 percent and the FOMC’s 2 percent
inflation target.
14
F. Fisher, Gourio, and Krane (2017) separately reran our Brookings
exercise calibrating economic conditions to the first quarter of 2017
and assuming r* trends up from zero to 1 percent. As before, the
solid and dashed red lines in this chart are the resulting policies
with and without adjustment for uncertainty over r*.
G. Look at how in 2017Q1 the blue and red dotted lines are pretty
close. So our current starting point isn’t far from the 2015 exercise.
But the new lower r* endpoint of 1 percent means higher odds of
hitting the ZLB. Hence, the adjustment for risk-management—the
difference between the dashed and solid lines—is even greater
now than it was at this point in the 2015 simulations. Note, too, that
the solid and dashed lines do not converge until the policy rate is
nearly back to neutral, meaning the role for risk-management
persists until that time.
H. I should emphasize that these are very stylized models, calibrated
to approximate just a few macroeconomic data. The analysis
abstracts from a range of important modeling and monetary policy
issues. So the results are only illustrative.
15
1. Nevertheless, they do suggest that ZLB risks associated with
a low long-run value of the natural rate of interest have the
potential to influence risk-management considerations for
some time during the policy rate normalization process.
2. Taking extra care to avoid the substantial costs of hitting the
ZLB increases the odds for achieving the central bank’s
policy goals.
VII. Let me conclude with a brief discussion of the current monetary policy
environment.
A. As you know, the Committee voted to increase the target range for
the federal funds rate to 1 to 1-1/4 percent.19 In the most recent
Summary of Economic Projections, the median participant thought
that appropriate policy would incorporate one more 25 basis point
rate hike in 2017—bringing the total for this year to three—and then
three more increases in each of 2018 and 2019.20 And as Chair
Yellen stated in her press conference’s opening remarks, the
Committee expects to begin gradually reducing the size of the
Fed’s balance sheet sometime this year.21
B. It remains to be seen whether there will be two rate hikes this year,
or three, or four—or exactly when we start paring back
reinvestments of maturing assets. Regardless, the important
feature is that the current environment supports very gradual rate
hikes and slow preset reductions in our balance sheet.
C. I have already touched on the reasons why I support this approach.
To recap,
1. I view slow removal of accommodation as necessary support
to symmetrically achieving our 2 percent inflation goal in a
timely fashion. We have to assure the public that we
recognize the new low-inflation environment and that we are
not overly conservative central bankers who see our inflation
target as a ceiling.
2. And given we may be facing more elevated ZLB risks for
some time, risk-management considerations argue for tilting
toward accommodative policies that help reduce the risk of
returning to the ZLB.
19 Federal Open Market Committee (2017b).
20 Federal Open Market Committee (2017a).
21 Yellen (2017).
16
D. Much ink will be spilled on the importance of two, versus three,
versus four rate increases this year and subplots regarding our
balance sheet policy. I don’t want to get hung up over small
differences. Ultimately, our exact actions will appropriately be
driven by how events transpire to influence the outlook for
achieving our policy goals. This steadfast adherence to meeting the
Federal Reserve’s mandated objectives will be the overarching
determinant of monetary policy.
17
References
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policy in a natural rate model,” Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 91, No. 4,
August, pp. 589–610.
Berkowitz, Ben, 2014, “Bernanke cracks wise: The best QE joke ever!,” CNBC,
January 16, http://www.cnbc.com/2014/01/16/bernanke-cracks-wise-the-best-qe-
joke-ever.html.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2015a, “What were the
Federal Reserve’s large-scale asset purchases?,” Current FAQs, December 22,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/what-were-the-federal-reserves-large-scale-
asset-purchases.htm.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2015b, “What is forward
guidance and how is it used in the Federal Reserve's monetary policy?,” Current
FAQs, December 16, https://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/what-is-forward-
guidance-how-is-it-used-in-the-federal-reserve-monetary-policy.htm.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2013, “Maturity extension
program and reinvestment policy,” webpage, August 2,
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/maturityextensionprogram.htm.
Evans, Charles L., 2012, “Monetary policy: Recurring themes,” speech, Money
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18
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19
Cite this document
APA
Charles L. Evans (2017, June 18). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170619_charles_l_evans
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20170619_charles_l_evans,
author = {Charles L. Evans},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2017},
month = {Jun},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170619_charles_l_evans},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}