speeches · May 4, 2017
Regional President Speech
John C. Williams · President
PREPARING FOR THE NEXT STORM:
REASSESSING FRAMEWORKS & STRATEGIES
IN A LOW R-STAR WORLD
Remarks by
J C. W
OHN ILLIAMS
President and CEO
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
To
THE SHADOW OPEN MARKET COMMITTEE
New York, New York
May 5, 2017
AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY
INTRODUCTION
Thank you all very much … It’s great to be able to join such a powerhouse lineup of
economists who are committed to improving the conduct of monetary policy.
I was in New York about a month ago to speak to the Forecasters Club. I contrasted
where the U.S. economy was four years ago when I last spoke to that group and
where we are now. I have to say, it’s a very different conversation when
unemployment is below 5 percent than it was in early 2013 when the unemployment
rate appeared to be stuck at 8 percent.
It’s been said that “getting over a painful experience is much like crossing monkey bars. You have
to let go at some point in order to move forward.”1
Now that we’ve gotten the monkey of the recession off our backs, we have the luxury
of being able to look to the future. This presents us with the opportunity to ask
ourselves whether the monetary policy framework and strategy that worked well in
the past remains well suited for the road ahead.
1 Commonly attributed to C.S. Lewis.
1
Such introspection is healthy and constitutes best practice for any organization. In
fact, the Bank of Canada has already shown us the way. Every five years, they conduct
a thorough review of whether their policy framework remains most appropriate in a
changing world. This is an exercise all central banks should undertake, including the
Fed.
Having said that, I need to remind everyone that the views I express here today are
mine alone and do not necessarily reflect those of anyone else in the Federal Reserve
System.
There’s a buzzword in the world of emergency response: resiliency. You can’t predict
precisely when or where the next storm will arrive, or exactly what it will look like.
But you can make yourself resilient, so when the time comes, you’re ready and able to
limit the damage and recover quickly.
We need to think of our resiliency toward the next economic storm in the same terms.
Although an inflation targeting framework has served central banks across the globe
well in the past, the world has changed in ways that call into question its efficacy
going forward. In particular, there is mounting evidence that the natural rate of
interest, or r-star, in the United States and elsewhere has fallen to historic lows, which
hampers the ability of conventional monetary policy to respond to the next
downturn.2
As I have argued before, in the best of all worlds, fiscal and other policies would be
put in place that propel long-run economic prosperity and boost r-star on a sustained
basis.3 Absent such actions, monetary policy will be severely challenged to achieve
stable prices and strong macroeconomic performance in a low r-star world. Therefore,
now is the right time to examine whether monetary policy frameworks must adapt to
changing circumstances.
There are a number of potential alternative strategies to cope with a low natural rate
of interest, including regular reliance on unconventional policy tools, negative interest
rates, and raising the inflation target.4 Each of these have various advantages and
disadvantages.
2 Laubach and Williams (2016), Holston, Laubach, and Williams (2016).
3 Williams (2016)
4 See Williams (2009), Blanchard, Dell’Ariccia, and Mauro (2010), Ball (2014), Reifschneider (2016), Bernanke
(2016), Williams (2016), and Kiley and Roberts (2017).
2
In my remarks today, I’ll narrow the focus to one alternative policy framework that
deserves particular attention because it offers significant advantages over inflation
targeting, particularly in a low r-star world: flexible price-level targeting.
FIRST PRINCIPLES
Before diving into the details of price-level targeting, let’s take a step back to first
principles and ask: What makes for a successful monetary policy framework?
It comes down to three words: adaptability, accessibility, and accountability.
By this I mean that effective strategies should be able to adapt to change in an
uncertain world. They should be accessible and transparent so that the public can
plan and act in accordance with the strategy. And they should facilitate accountable
benchmarking and performance measurement.
There’s an old joke about economists stranded on a desert island. A can of food
washes up on the shore and they try to figure out how to open it. Their solution?
“Assume a can opener.” History teaches us that we tend to run into trouble when we
“assume a can opener” rather than being prepared to adapt to the realities around us.
As nature abhors a vacuum, monetary policy abhors stasis. Instead of being a rigid set
of precepts, it follows the adage of “that which survives is that which is most adaptive to
change.”
Underlying constants like potential GDP, the natural rate of unemployment, and the
natural rate of interest are not really constant: They change over time in unpredictable
ways. Monetary policy has proven most successful when it has been able to account
for these changes.
PRICE-LEVEL TARGETING AND ANCHORING INFLATION EXPECTATIONS
Although the natural rate of interest is the topic du jour, the challenges for monetary
policy to adapt to uncertain and changing natural rates is not new. In a series of
research papers, Athanasios Orphanides and I investigated the design of robust
monetary policy strategies that can succeed in the face of real-world uncertainties,
including about the natural rates of interest and unemployment.
To be precise, we studied what is called a “difference” monetary policy rule. This
type of policy strategy is closely related to a version of the Taylor (1993) policy rule,
but with the main difference that policy responds to deviations of the level of prices
3
relative to a steadily growing target level, rather than deviations of the inflation rate
from a target rate.
One recurring finding of our research is that a policy strategy that targets the price
level in this way and responds to the unemployment rate can be highly effective at
stabilizing both inflation and unemployment in an environment of structural change
and uncertainty.5 In a nutshell, the big advantage of this approach is that any surges or
drops in the inflation rate need to be made up in the future. This assures that, over
the medium term, inflation stays on track, even if policymakers have a very imperfect
understanding of the levels of natural rates or other structural changes affecting the
economy.
As Martin Luther King, Jr. famously said: History is a great teacher. Episodes where
monetary policy failed can be just as instructive as times when things went well. In
that spirit, Athanasios and I studied a period when monetary policy failed and
everyday people paid the price – both figuratively and literally.6 I’m talking about the
Great Inflation of the late 1960s and 1970s.
With the benefit of hindsight, we re-examined the choices made by policymakers to
determine whether the devastating increases in inflation and unemployment that
became known as stagflation could have been avoided. Our findings suggest that
answer was yes, they could have—if the Fed had instead used an alternative, robust
policy strategy that effectively targeted the price level, as well as responded to the
unemployment rate.
Without going into the details – I invite you to read the paper at your leisure –
according to our model simulations, such a robust price-level strategy could have
delivered fairly stable inflation throughout the 1960s and 1970s and beyond. This
result is seen in Figure 1, where the black line shows the actual inflation rate, which
twice reaches double digits. The blue line shows the simulated inflation rate that
would have occurred if the Fed followed a policy strategy that aims for a constant 2
percent increase in the price level starting in 1966 (the simulation ends in 2003).
Under the price-level strategy, monetary policy would have avoided the mistake of the
late 1960s of allowing the unemployment rate to remain very low for a long time,
which contributed to the run-up in inflation during that period. As a result, the Great
Inflation never materializes.
5 Orphanides and Williams (2002, 2007, 2013).
6 Orphanides and Williams (2013).
4
A key to this strategy’s success is the rock-solid anchoring of inflation expectations.
Figure 2 compares a real-world measure of one-year-ahead inflation expectations from
the Survey of Professional Forecasters (the black line) to the model’s predictions of
what inflation expectations would have been if the Fed had followed the price-level
targeting strategy (the blue line). An important aspect of this strategy is that it does
not allow inflation to stray too far from 2 percent for long. This “walking the talk” of
price stability reinforces the public’s understanding of the policy strategy and creates a
positive feedback loop where stable inflation anchors inflation expectations, which in
turn fosters stable inflation, which reinforces the anchoring of expectations, and so
on.
The price-level policy is not only effective in terms of price stability, but also helps
stabilize the unemployment rate by avoiding swings in unemployment resulting from
the Fed trying to get inflation back on track (Figure 3). With the Great Inflation
avoided, the economic slowdown needed to bring inflation down in the early 1980s
doesn’t occur. Interestingly, the policy strategy followed in this model simulation
implicitly assumes a constant natural rate of unemployment. Nonetheless, the policy
does a reasonably good job of tracking the natural rate of unemployment, which is
assumed to be equal to the Congressional Budget Office’s estimate shown by the
dashed red line in the figure.
PRICE-LEVEL TARGETING AND LOW R-STAR
This analysis makes a strong case for a flexible price-level targeting in “normal” times
of change and uncertainty. But we are now living in a “low r-star world,” and that
only strengthens the case for price-level targeting.
If you look at natural interest rates across the globe, you’ll find something they have in
common: In country after country they’re at historic lows. What’s more, they appear
poised to stay that way as trends pushing the natural rate lower are unlikely to reverse
anytime soon.7 To put this in perspective, the weighted average of natural rates in
Canada, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the euro area currently stands
around 1/4 percent. That’s more than 2 percentage points below the average natural
rate that prevailed in the two decades before the financial crisis (Figure 4).8
Why is price-level targeting well adapted to a low r-star world? If price growth is a
little lower than target, say, during a downturn, the central bank aims to get the price
7 See Williams (2015), Hamilton et al. (2015), Kiley (2015), Lubik and Matthes (2015), and Laubach and Williams
(2016).
8 Holston, Laubach, and Williams (2016). Estimates are available at: http://www.frbsf.org/economic-
research/economists/jwilliams/Holston_Laubach_Williams_estimates.xlsx
5
level back up in the years ahead – and vice-versa. Baked into its very design is a
“lower for longer” policy prescription in response to sustained low inflation.9 This
helps support the return of the price level to the desired level and anchor inflation
expectations even when interest rates are constrained at the lower bound.10
This aspect of price-level targeting can be seen by comparing the prescriptions of a
standard Taylor (1993) rule to one adapted to a price-level framework.11 Figure 5
shows the prescriptions for these two policy strategies for the years 2005–2016, where
2005 is chosen as a starting point because this is generally viewed as a year that the
economy was close to its goals in terms of inflation and the unemployment rate. For
comparison, the actual federal funds rate is shown by the black line.
Under this price-level strategy, the federal funds rate responds one-for-one with
movements in: the inflation rate, the percent deviation of the price level from the
target level, and the negative of the percentage point deviation of the unemployment
rate from its natural rate. For these calculations, I have assumed a constant natural
rate of interest of 2 percent and a constant natural rate of unemployment of 5 percent,
consistent with standard views on these natural rates at the start of this sample.
What stands out in this figure is how close the prescriptions of these two policy
strategies are to each other before and during the recession. They only differ in a
meaningful way during the economic recovery after years of inflation consistently
running below target. The buildup of one-sided misses below the inflation goal causes
the price-level strategy to keep rates low despite the improvement in the
unemployment rate and the gradual movement of inflation back towards 2 percent.
PRICE-LEVEL TARGETING AND ACCESSIBILITY AND ACCOUNTABILITY
So there are clear benefits to this framework when it comes to adaptability. How
about accessibility and accountability?
In terms of accessibility, a price-level goal is easy to explain and is in some ways a
more natural way for the public to think of price stability than an inflation target. A
price-level target provides greater clarity on where prices will be 5, 10, and 30 years
into the future, time horizons that people think about when buying a car, a home, or
9 Reifschneider and Williams (2000), Eggertsson and Woodford (2003).
10 A further benefit of price-level targeting is a built-in protection against debt deflation; see Koenig (2013) and
Sheedy (2014).
11 For these calculations, inflation is measured by the four-quarter percent change in the core personal consumption
expenditures price index, and economic activity is measured by the unemployment rate. For both rules, the
coefficient on the unemployment gap is set equal to -1.
6
planning for retirement. This should lend itself to greater transparency and clarity for
the public—especially when interest rates are constrained by the lower bound.
The same logic holds true for accountability. A price-level regime would provide a
clear and accessible metric by which to judge whether the central bank is successfully
delivering on its price stability mandate by looking at whether the price level is near its
stipulated goal.
And as the examples I discussed attest, this is not a “dove” or “hawk” issue: a flexible
price-level framework is well suited for achieving both price stability and employment
goals. In the 1960s and early 1970s, a price-level framework would have called for
tighter monetary policy, and thereby avoided the stagflation of the late 1970s. In
recent years, it called for easier monetary policy than a standard Taylor rule.
CONCLUSION
I have highlighted some key potential advantages of a price-level framework over
inflation targeting. By the way, some of these are shared by the related approach of
nominal GDP targeting, an approach that is also worthy of further detailed study and
consideration.
It’s important to note that there are potential drawbacks to a price-level framework as
well. For one, it is only likely to succeed in the ways that I have described if it is
followed consistently over time and well understood by the public (Williams 2006).
This is not a short-run “fix” for the low r-star problem, but rather a long-term
solution that will take many years to have full effect. Second, it may not be sufficient
to deal with a very low r-star world without other complementary policy actions,
whether in fiscal or monetary policy.
The likelihood that r-star will remain low for the foreseeable future is one of the
reasons I’m convinced that we need to assess the pros and cons of alternative
frameworks and strategies … because our menu of options looks something like this:
We can hope that another storm doesn’t come;
We can hope that our existing toolkit, perhaps extended to include negative
interest rates, is up to the task;
We can brace ourselves for a new normal where recessions last longer and run
deeper, recoveries are slower, and we risk losing the nominal anchor;
7
Or we can prepare for the next storm by taking appropriate actions in advance to
commit to a more resilient framework; a framework that maintains our
commitment to price stability and maximum employment; anchors inflation
expectations; and has all the advantages of the current regime.
It’s better to study and debate these issues now, when we’ve attained recovery, than to
wait for the next downturn or crisis to hit. I don’t know about you, but I’d far prefer
to prepare for the next storm while we’re in calm waters, than to wait until our boats
are taking on water.
I’ll finish where I started by emphasizing the need for monetary policy strategies that
will make us resilient and effective in the years ahead: Adaptable. Accessible.
Accountable.
Under these criteria – and given the realities of the low r-star world in which we live –
I believe that a price-level framework merits very serious consideration for central
banks including the Fed.
Thank you.
8
References
Ball, Laurence. 2014. “The Case for a Long-Run Inflation Target of Four Percent.”
IMF Working Paper 14/92, June.
https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2014/wp1492.pdf
Bernanke, Ben S. 2016. “Modifying the Fed’s Policy Framework: Does a Higher
Inflation Target Beat Negative Interest Rates?” Ben Bernanke’s Blog, Brookings,
September 13. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/ben-
bernanke/2016/09/13/modifying-the-feds-policy-framework-does-a-higher-
inflation-target-beat-negative-interest-rates/
Blanchard, Olivier, Giovanni Dell’Ariccia and Paolo Mauro. 2010. “Rethinking
Macroeconomic Policy.” Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking 42(s1), pp.199–215.
Eggertsson, Gauti, and Michael Woodford. 2003. “The Zero Bound on Interest Rates
and Optimal Monetary Policy.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 2003(1), pp.
139–211. https://www.brookings.edu/bpea-articles/the-zero-bound-on-interest-
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Hamilton, James D., Ethan S. Harris, Jan Hatzius, and Kenneth D. West. 2015. “The
Equilibrium Real Funds Rate: Past, Present, and Future.” Working paper,
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https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-equilibrium-real-funds-rate-past-
present-and-future/
Holston, Kathryn, Thomas Laubach, and John C. Williams. 2016. “Measuring the
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Bank of San Francisco Working Paper 2016-11, December.
http://www.frbsf.org/economic-research/publications/working-papers/wp2016-
11.pdf
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Koenig, Evan F. 2013. “Like a Good Neighbor: Monetary Policy, Financial Stability,
and the Distribution of Risk.” International Journal of Central Banking 9(2, June), pp.
57–82. http://www.ijcb.org/journal/ijcb13q2a3.htm
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Laubach, Thomas, and John C. Williams. 2016. “Measuring the Natural Rate of
Interest Redux.” Business Economics 51(2, July), pp. 57–67.
Lubik, Thomas A., and Christian Matthes. 2015. “Calculating the Natural Rate of
Interest: A Comparison of Two Alternative Approaches.” Federal Reserve Bank of
Richmond Economic Brief 15-10 (October).
https://www.richmondfed.org/publications/research/economic_brief/2015/eb_
15-10
Orphanides, Athanasios, and John C. Williams. 2002. “Robust Monetary Policy Rules
with Unknown Natural Rates.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 2002(2,
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monetary-policy-rules-with-unknown-natural-rates/
Orphanides, Athanasios, and John C. Williams. 2007. “Robust Monetary Policy with
Imperfect Knowledge.” Journal of Monetary Economics 54 (August), pp. 1,406–1,435.
Orphanides, Athanasios, and John C. Williams. 2013. “Monetary Policy Mistakes and
the Evolution of Inflation Expectations.” In The Great Inflation: The Rebirth of
Modern Central Banking, eds. Michael D. Bordo and Athanasios Orphanides.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. http://www.nber.org/chapters/c9176
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Recessions.” Finance and Economics Discussion Series 2016-068, Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
http://dx.doi.org/10.17016/FEDS.2016.068
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Policy in a Low Inflation Era.” Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking 32(4,
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Sheedy, Kevin D. 2014. “Debt and Incomplete Financial Markets: A Case for
Nominal GDP Targeting.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Spring, pp. 301–
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markets-a-case-for-nominal-gdp-targeting/
Taylor, John B. 1993. “Discretion vs. Policy Rules in Practice.” Carnegie-Rochester
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on_versus_Policy_Rules_in_Practice.pdf
10
Williams, John C. 2006. “Monetary Policy in a Low Inflation Economy with
Learning.” In Monetary Policy in an Environment of Low Inflation, Conference
Proceedings, Bank of Korea International Conference 2006. Seoul, Korea: The
Bank of Korea, 2006, pp. 199–228. Reprinted in Federal Reserve Bank of San
Francisco Economic Review 2010. http://www.frbsf.org/economic-
research/files/monetary-policy-in-low-inflation-economy-with-learning.pdf
Williams, John C. 2009. “Heeding Daedalus: Optimal Inflation and the Zero Bound.”
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 2009-2, pp. 1–37.
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and-the-zero-lower-bound/
Williams, John C. 2015. “The Decline in the Natural Rate of Interest.” Business
Economics 50(2, April), pp. 57–60.
Williams, John C. 2016. “Monetary Policy in a Low R-star World.” FRBSF Economic
Letter 2016-23 (August 15). http://www.frbsf.org/economic-
research/publications/economic-letter/2016/august/monetary-policy-and-low-r-
star-natural-rate-of-interest/
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Figure 1
Figure 2
12
Figure 3
Figure 4
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Figure 5
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Cite this document
APA
John C. Williams (2017, May 4). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170505_john_c_williams
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20170505_john_c_williams,
author = {John C. Williams},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2017},
month = {May},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20170505_john_c_williams},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}