speeches · September 5, 2016
Regional President Speech
John C. Williams · President
Presentation to the Hayek Group, Reno, Nevada
By John C. Williams, President and CEO, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
For delivery on September 6, 2016
Whither Inflation Targeting?
Good evening; it’s a pleasure to be here to discuss the economy and monetary policy with
the Hayek Group. I’ll start with a quick overview of the U.S. economic outlook and what it
means for monetary policy. Spoiler alert: The punch line is that the economy has climbed back to
full strength, and it therefore makes sense to move monetary policy gradually back to normal.
That brings me to the second topic of my talk: What is “normal” monetary policy? After nearly
eight years of very low or even negative interest rates and massive doses of quantitative easing
around the world, it’s not clear that we can, or should, go back to the old ways of doing things.
At this point I need to emphasize that the views I express here today are mine alone and do not
necessarily reflect those of anyone else in the Federal Reserve System.
The economic outlook viewed through the lens of the dual mandate
As is well known, the Fed’s dual mandate is maximum employment and price stability.
As a Fed policymaker, I see virtually everything through the lens of these two objectives: What
does it mean for jobs, for inflation?
I’ll start with maximum employment. Our goal is not to have an unemployment rate of
zero. Instead, it’s to be near the “natural rate” of unemployment: That’s the rate we can expect in
a healthy economy. It’s impossible to know exactly what that number is, but economists
1
generally put it between 4¾ and 5 percent today.1 With the unemployment rate at 4.9 percent,
we’re right on target. Of course, the unemployment rate isn’t the only measure of labor market
health, and it’s reassuring that a range of indicators have been improving and are sending similar
signals. In particular, one measure of the labor market that I look to is what regular people—by
that, I mean not just economists—say when they are asked how hard it is to find a job. Those
responses are right in line with the signal we’re getting from the unemployment rate.2
That’s the good news about where we are, and I expect things will get even better. So far
this year, we’re on pace to add nearly 2¼ million jobs, which is over twice the number that we
need to keep up with the trend increase in the size of the labor force. Labor force growth depends
on things like the number of people retiring this year or graduating from school and entering the
workforce. I put the trend at somewhere around 1 million jobs per year.3 With job gains far
outpacing labor force growth, I expect the unemployment rate to continue to edge down over the
next year, bottoming out near 4.5 percent—a very strong labor market by any standard.
Turning to the other side of the ledger, the Fed’s monetary policy committee—the
Federal Open Market Committee, or FOMC for short—has set a long-run goal of 2 percent
inflation.4 Inflation has been running persistently below that goal for several years. Over the past
couple of years, the strengthening of the dollar and declines in energy prices have pushed
inflation down, but these influences should fade over time. To cut through some of the noise, it’s
useful to look at measures of inflation that strip out volatile prices and provide a clearer view of
1 In the June 2016 Summary of Economic Projections, the central tendency of estimates of the long-run level of the
unemployment rate ranged between 4.7 and 5 percent (Board of Governors 2016a). The Congressional Budget
Office estimates the natural rate to be 4¾ percent as of August (CBO 2016). The median estimate from the Survey
of Professional Forecasters in August 2016 was 4.8 percent (https://www.philadelphiafed.org/research-and-
data/real-time-center/survey-of-professional-forecasters/2016/survq316). The Blue Chip Economic Indicators
estimate is 4.9 percent as of March 2016.
2 Data are from the Conference Board Consumer Confidence Survey (https://www.conference-
board.org/data/consumerconfidence.cfm). See Weidner and Williams (2011).
3 Estimates range from 600,000 to 1.2 million. See, for example, Aaronson, Brave, and Kelley (2016).
4 Board of Governors (2016b).
2
the underlying trend. These suggest that underlying inflation is in the 1½ to 1¾ percent range.
We’re not quite at our target yet, but the combination of fading transitory factors and a strong
economy should help us get back to our 2 percent goal in the next year or two.
To sum up, I remain confident about the road we are on. Consumer spending is strong,
the labor market is running apace, and household balance sheets are improving. All in all, I see a
solid domestic economy with good momentum going forward.
What it means for interest rates
So, what does this mean for interest rates? In the context of a strong economy with good
momentum, it makes sense to get back to a pace of gradual rate increases, preferably sooner
rather than later. Let me be clear: In arguing for an increase in interest rates, I’m not trying to
stall the economic expansion. It’s just the opposite: My aim is to keep it on a sound footing so it
can be sustained for a long time.5
History teaches us that an economy that runs too hot for too long can generate
imbalances, potentially leading to excessive inflation, asset market bubbles, and ultimately
economic correction and recession. A gradual process of raising rates reduces the risks of such
an outcome. It also allows a smoother, more calibrated process of normalization that gives us
space to adjust our responses to any surprise changes in economic conditions. If we wait too long
to remove monetary accommodation, we hazard allowing imbalances to grow, requiring us to
play catch-up, and not leaving much room to maneuver. Not to mention, a sudden reversal of
policy could be disruptive and slow the economy in unintended ways.
What is normal monetary policy?
Although the U.S. economy has managed to recover from the global financial crisis and
subsequent events, it has been a painfully long and hard struggle, necessitating extraordinary
5 See Williams (2016a) for further discussion.
3
monetary policy actions. Many other countries have not been as fortunate and are still in the
midst of prolonged economic challenges, calling forth even more aggressive policies, including
negative interest rates and expanded quantitative easing programs.
Even after the present problems are overcome, new realities pose significant challenges
for the conduct of monetary policy in the United States and elsewhere. Foremost is the
significant decline in the natural rate of interest, or r* (r-star), over the past quarter-century to
historically low levels. The natural interest rate is the short-term real (inflation-adjusted) interest
rate that balances monetary policy so that it is neither accommodative nor contractionary in
terms of growth and inflation. While a central bank sets its short-term interest rate, r-star is a
function of factors beyond its influence.
The daunting challenge for central banks is how to deliver stable inflation in a low r-star
world. This conundrum shares some characteristics and common roots with the theory of secular
stagnation; in both scenarios, interest rates, growth, and inflation are persistently low.6
How low can rates stay?
A variety of economic factors have pushed natural interest rates very low and they appear
poised to stay that way.7 This is the case not just for the United States but for other economies as
well. In a recent paper, Kathryn Holston, Thomas Laubach, and I estimated the inflation-adjusted
natural rate for four major economies: the United States, Canada, the euro area, and the United
Kingdom.8 In 1990, estimates ranged from about 2½ to 3½ percent. By 2007, on the eve of the
global financial crisis, these had all declined to between 2 and 2½ percent. By 2015, all four
6 Summers (2015).
7 See Williams (2015), Hamilton et al. (2015), Kiley (2015), Lubik and Matthes (2015), and Laubach and Williams
(2016).
8 Holston, Laubach, and Williams (2016). Estimates are available at: http://www.frbsf.org/economic-
research/economists/jwilliams/Holston_Laubach_Williams_estimates.xlsx
4
estimates had dropped sharply, to 1½ percent for Canada and the United Kingdom, nearly zero
for the United States, and below zero for the euro area.
The underlying determinants for these declines are related to the global supply and
demand for funds, including shifting demographics, slower trend productivity and economic
growth, emerging markets seeking large reserves of safe assets, and a more general global
savings glut.9 The key takeaway from these global trends is that interest rates are going to stay
lower than we’ve come to expect in the past. This does not mean they will be zero, but when
juxtaposed with pre-recession normal short-term interest rates of, say, 4 to 4½ percent, it may be
jarring to see the underlying r-star guiding us towards a new normal of 3 to 3½ percent—or even
lower. Importantly, this future of low interest rates is not due to easy monetary policy; instead, it
is the rate expected to prevail when the economy is at full strength and the stance of monetary
policy is neutral.
The critical implication of a lower natural rate of interest is that conventional monetary
policy has less room to stimulate the economy during an economic downturn, owing to a lower
bound on how low interest rates can go. This will necessitate a greater reliance on
unconventional tools like central bank balance sheets, forward guidance, and potentially even
negative policy rates.10 In this new normal, recessions will tend to be longer and deeper,
recoveries slower, and the risks of unacceptably low inflation and the ultimate loss of the
nominal anchor will be higher.11 We have already gotten a first taste of the effects of a low r-star,
9 Council of Economic Advisers (2015), International Monetary Fund (2014), Rachel and Smith (2015), and
Caballero, Farhi, and Gourinchas (2016).
10 Some commentators advocate trying to eliminate or significantly reduce the lower bound on interest rates by
eliminating paper currency or effectively making currency bear a negative interest rate at times. See Marvin
Goodfriend (2016) and references therein. In my remarks, I assume that paper currency and other considerations
continue to put a lower limit on interest rates.
11 See Reifschneider and Williams (2000) and Chung et al. (2012) for discussions of the effects of the lower bound.
Reifschneider (2016) provides an assessment of the ability of unconventional monetary policies to mitigate the
effects of the lower bound in the future. Cœuré (2016) discusses these issues in the European context.
5
with uncomfortably low inflation and growth despite very low interest rates. Unfortunately, if the
status quo endures, the future is likely to hold more of the same—with the possibility of even
more severe challenges to maintaining price stability and full employment.
Low r-star and strategies for mitigation
There are actions that central banks and governments can undertake to avoid this fate.
These include fiscal and other policies aimed at raising the natural interest rate, as well as
alternative monetary, fiscal, and other policies that are more likely to succeed in maintaining a
strong economy and stable inflation in the face of a low natural rate. In these remarks, I will
focus on options related to monetary policy.12
Some historical context is in order. The inflation wars of the 1970s and 1980s led to a
broad consensus regarding monetary policy among academics and policymakers that central
banks are responsible and accountable for price stability. This was often acknowledged through
the formal adoption of an inflation targeting framework with an explicit numerical inflation
goal.13 Over the past 25 years, over two dozen central banks around the world have adopted a
variant of inflation targeting. Although inflation targeting central banks that aimed for a low
inflation rate generally have been successful at stabilizing inflation in the past, such an approach
is not as well-suited for a low r-star era. There simply may not be enough room for central banks
to cut interest rates in response to an economic downturn when both natural rates and inflation
are very low.
Given this reality, central banks and governments should critically reevaluate their
monetary policy frameworks to identify potential improvements in the context of a low r-star.
12 See Williams (2016b) for further discussion of the roles of fiscal and other policies to affect the level of r-star and
its effects on the economy.
13 See Williams (2014) and references therein.
6
Although there are many potential alternative approaches to consider, I will focus here on two,
which can be considered together or in isolation to address this issue.
The most direct attack on low r-star would be for central banks to pursue a somewhat
higher inflation target. This would imply a higher average level of interest rates and thereby give
monetary policy more room to maneuver.14 The logic of this approach argues that a 1 percentage
point increase in the inflation target would offset the deleterious effects of an equal-sized decline
in r-star. Note that raising the inflation target by 1 or even 2 percentage points would not imply a
return to the high rates of inflation of the 1970s. Instead, it would be a return to inflation rates
that prevailed in the early 1980s through the early 1990s, when inflation tended to run between 3
and 4 percent in the United States. Of course, consideration of this approach would need to
balance these benefits against the costs and challenges of achieving and maintaining a somewhat
higher inflation rate.
A second alternative would be to replace the inflation target with a flexible price-level or
nominal GDP target, where the central bank targets a steadily growing level of prices or nominal
GDP, rather than the rate of inflation. These approaches have a number of potential advantages
over standard inflation targeting. For one, they may be better suited to periods when the lower
bound constrains interest rates because they automatically deliver the “lower for longer” policy
prescription the situation calls for.15 Because they provide a clear metric by which to judge
whether the economy is above or below the stipulated goal, they may help improve the
systematic conduct of policy and its communication and public understanding, especially when
interest rates are constrained by the lower bound.
14 Williams (2009), Blanchard, Dell’Arricia, and Mauro (2010), Ball (2014).
15 Reifschneider and Williams (2000), Eggertsson and Woodford (2003).
7
In addition, these alternative approaches are better designed for a world where r-star
changes over time. For example, in a nominal GDP targeting regime, a decline in r-star caused
by slower trend real GDP growth is offset by higher average inflation, mitigating the effect on
the interest rate buffer available to respond to economic downturns. More generally, these
approaches appear to be more robust to unpredictable and hard-to-measure movements in r-
star.16
Finally, price and nominal GDP targeting have a built-in protection against debt
deflation.17 These approaches aim to return prices or nominal GDP to a predictable, steadily
growing path, meaning that borrowers have more assurance about the value of the dollars they
pay back. Of course, like a higher inflation target, these approaches also have potential
disadvantages that must be carefully scrutinized when considering their relative costs and
benefits.
Conclusion
Although it has been a long, hard road back from the recession, the American economy is
finally back in good shape and headed in the right direction. We’re at full employment, and
inflation is well within sight of and on track to reach our target. Given the progress we have
made and signs of continued solid momentum in the economy, and consistent with our agreed-
upon monetary policy approach, it makes sense for the Fed to gradually move interest rates
toward more normal levels.
Looking toward the future, I have stressed the need to study and consider new approaches
to monetary policy better suited for a low r-star world. Any shift in monetary policy strategy
requires extensive analysis, consideration, and debate. But, time is not on our side. We have
16 See Orphanides and Williams (2002).
17 Koenig (2013), Sheedy (2014).
8
witnessed the extreme difficulties of achieving price stability and full employment with a low r-
star. I firmly believe that now is the time for experts and policymakers around the world to
actively study and assess the pros and cons of alternative proposals, so that we are better
prepared for the challenges related to persistently low natural real rates of interest.
Finally, thoroughly reviewing the key aspects of inflation targeting is certainly necessary,
and could go a long way towards mitigating the obstructions posed by low r-star. But that is
where monetary policy meets the boundaries of its influence. We’ve come to the point on the
path where central banks must share responsibilities. There are limits to what monetary policy
can and, indeed, should do. The burden must also fall on fiscal and other policies to do their part
to help create conditions conducive to economic stability. Thank you.
9
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Cite this document
APA
John C. Williams (2016, September 5). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20160906_john_c_williams
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20160906_john_c_williams,
author = {John C. Williams},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2016},
month = {Sep},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20160906_john_c_williams},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}