speeches · August 30, 2016
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
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Wednesday, August 31, 2016
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“Observations on Financial Stability
Concerns for Monetary Policymakers”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Shanghai Advanced Institute of Finance
Beijing, China
August 31, 2016
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“Observations on Financial Stability
Concerns for Monetary Policymakers”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Shanghai Advanced Institute of Finance
Beijing, China
August 31, 2016
Good afternoon. I would like to thank our hosts, the Shanghai Advanced Institute of
Finance, for inviting me to participate in this exchange of ideas and perspectives.
Let me note as I always do that the views I express today are my own, not necessarily
those of my colleagues at the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors or on the Federal Open
Market Committee (the FOMC).
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It is a pleasure to be here in Beijing to share some observations. Let me begin with the
obvious: growth in the global economy has continued to underwhelm. In response to these
disappointing economic results, central banks in many developed countries have reduced shortand long-term rates to historic lows. Indeed, a number of countries now have negative rates on a
significant proportion of their sovereign debt. In the financial sector, the low rate environment
has continued to challenge the business models of many financial intermediaries, and troubles
within some banking organizations continue to present downside risks in many parts of the
world, particularly in Europe. And it is not only developed economies that are facing challenges;
many emerging economies are still suffering from the decline in global commodity prices which
has resulted, in part, from the slow growth across much of the world.
Weak global growth has hindered the United States expansion since the end of the socalled Great Recession. The most recent two quarters have been no exception, with GDP growth
below 2 percent in both the first and second quarters of 2016.
Yet despite the weak growth in the U.S. economy, by historical standards U.S. labor
markets are now at, or close to, the rate of unemployment that most economists consider full
employment. And, while “core” inflation (using the Personal Consumption Expenditures price
index or PCE1) remains below the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent target, there have been gradual
increases in our core measure of PCE inflation – from readings of 1.3 to 1.4 percent last year to
1.6 percent currently.
With the U.S. economy closing in on full employment, and edging closer to the 2 percent
inflation target, the Federal Reserve’s dual mandate – stable prices and maximum sustainable
employment – is likely to be achieved relatively soon. But, considering the aforementioned
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challenges in the global economy, important questions confront monetary policymakers in the
United States. When and how quickly should the Fed normalize interest rates? And what is the
“normal” rate?
Given the persistently weak economic growth in the United States during the recovery
from the Great Recession, it has been appropriate to be patient about normalizing rates. The
FOMC raised short-term rates by one-quarter of a percentage point last December and has yet to
raise rates again this year. I have often spoken about the appropriateness, and clear benefits, of a
patient and gradual approach to increasing rates. One benefit is that gradual tightening allows
further progress in labor markets, helping those who are still unemployed or temporarily out of
the labor force. In turn, tighter labor markets should help the inflation rate return to the Federal
Reserve’s 2 percent inflation target, which is especially important as many countries around the
world are contending with low inflation rates, which tends to depress our own inflation rate to
some extent.
By slowly normalizing rates, we would hope to continue to support growth. However,
keeping interest rates low for a long time is not without risks. Today I will focus my remarks on
one of those risks.
Prolonged periods of very low rates pose challenges for some financial intermediaries
and for households who derive significant income from savings. Because of their crucial role in
facilitating economic activity, we must be attuned to the health of financial intermediaries.
Many financial intermediaries derive income from spread lending – borrowing at low short-term
rates and lending or investing at a higher return over longer periods of time. However, in an
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environment where both short and long rates are quite low, the profit margins of financial
intermediaries can shrink.2
Meanwhile, households can also be challenged by low rates prevailing over long periods.
Saving sufficient funds for retirement, for example, is much more challenging if low-risk
investments generate very little return.
Firms and households faced with long periods of low returns may react by “reaching for
yield” – that is, buying riskier assets than one would otherwise, in order to achieve a desired
profit or savings goal. The challenge is that in a pervasive low-rate environment, the returns on
risky assets are also reduced. A key risk to an environment characterized by reaching for yield is
that, should a large negative shock occur, firms and households would be exposed to greater
losses through their holdings of riskier assets than they would be if they were not reaching for
yield. To the extent that reaching for yield is more likely in a low interest rate environment,
policymakers may need to weigh this particular risk related to low rates against the benefits of
supporting the economy.3
Today in my remarks I would like to explore the potential risks of the rapid increase in
commercial real estate prices in the United States. As interest rates have remained low,
commercial real estate prices have risen; capitalization or “cap” rates on real estate (representing
the ratio of net operating income produced by a property to the price paid4) have fallen to historic
lows; and foreign investment in U.S. commercial real estate has increased. This raises a possible
concern that investors may be engaged in excessive risk-taking. Should the U.S. economy
experience a large negative shock, this could pose a problem for the stability of the U.S.
economy. Current cap rates the United States indicate that a long period of very low interest
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rates can add to potential downside risks, and in my view this suggests that financial stability
concerns could be a consideration in how long policymakers wait before resuming the gradual
removal of monetary accommodation.
Commercial Real Estate and Financial Stability
Looking at the data, Figure 1 shows the percentage change in real commercial real estate
prices and real GDP in the U.S. over the past 30 years. Over that period, we have had three
recessions in the United States (shaded on the figure). The most severe one – the Great
Recession – was clearly exacerbated by declines in real estate prices, both residential and
commercial. Because these real estate assets were important collateral for loans, and because
there were also significant holdings of derivative financial instruments tied to real estate, many
financial institutions experienced large losses. These real estate related losses within financial
intermediaries led to credit availability problems for households and businesses that contributed
to the severity of the Great Recession. Weakened banks may constrain lending to maintain their
capital ratios, significantly reducing access to credit for all but the most credit-worthy
borrowers.5
The U.S. recession in the early 1990s also had a significant real estate component. Many
of the initial problems in that recession began in the New England region, where large
commercial real estate exposures created problems for financial institutions. As commercial real
estate prices fell, we saw “fire sales” of commercial real estate properties as financial institutions
unwound their positions. Eventually, the problems in commercial real estate extended to both
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coasts and the Southwest region of the U.S., and resulted in what then Federal Reserve Board
Chairman Alan Greenspan referred to as “headwinds” in monetary policy.6
In contrast, the recession in 2001 did not have a large impact on financial institutions,
largely because the financial upheaval centered on equities, an asset against which financial
institutions were not highly leveraged. As a result, the financial sector was not suffering large
losses and pulling back on lending, so credit availability was not particularly constrained. The
recession was relatively mild by historical standards, and the recovery proceeded relatively
quickly.
These differing experiences in U.S. economic downturns, as well as in other countries,
show us that it is critically important to closely monitor and understand the assets held in highly
leveraged financial institutions.
Figure 2 utilizes the Financial Accounts of the United States to show the distribution of
exposures to commercial real estate among lenders. Out of the $3.6 trillion in total commercial
mortgages and multifamily residential mortgages, about $1.9 trillion are held by the banking
system. Among asset classes held by leveraged institutions, commercial real estate is large –
although it is not particularly concentrated in larger institutions.
Such exposures, by themselves, are unlikely to trigger financial stability problems. But if
the economy weakens, a large decline in commercial real estate collateral values could lead to
payment defaults, and large losses to banks.7 This would have downstream effects on credit
availability to firms and households, as mentioned a moment ago. The precipitating conditions
would conform well to the classic determinants of financial stability problems: collateral values
fall, and payment streams are interrupted.
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In sum, commercial real estate problems can increase the amplitude of distress during an
economic downturn. And I would like to discuss today some data that highlight recent trends in
commercial real estate.
Recent Trends in Commercial Real Estate
Several factors other than low interest rates have made commercial real estate an
attractive asset class at this time. Figure 3 shows the occupancy rate for apartments in the
United States. The dark green shading, which reflects at least 96 percent occupancy, shows that
many regions of the country are now close to full occupancy. This is particularly true on the two
coasts, around some of the larger cities. It is also quite striking that some of the areas severely
impacted by the decline in real estate prices during the Great Recession, such as Florida, now
have relatively high occupancy rates – reflecting in part the movement into rental units of former
financially distressed homeowners.
Given the high occupancy rates in many regions of the U.S., it is not surprising that rents
have been increasing, as shown in Figure 4. The dark green shading represents an annual
increase in rents of at least 6 percent. Again, the two coasts are among the areas experiencing
high occupancy rates, and tend to have rents increasing more rapidly.
With high occupancy rates, rising rents, and very low interest rates on alternative assets,
it is not surprising that commercial real estate prices have been on the rise. Figure 5 shows that
U.S. commercial real estate prices across the four property types have each experienced rapid
appreciation in real terms, although only the apartment price index is above the 2007 peak.
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Interestingly, retail commercial real estate prices have continued to rise, despite some of the
long-run changes affecting that property type such as the rise of online shopping. Particularly
striking is how much multifamily property prices have risen.
It is also worth noting that commercial real estate properties exhibited very significant
price declines during the Great Recession. Certainly much attention has been focused on the role
played by residential real estate price declines, which were important factors contributing to the
severity of the recession. But commercial property price declines also were significant.
Figure 6 shows real commercial real estate prices by region. Among the five regions
shown, the U.S. Northeast/Mid-Atlantic, Southwest, and West have seen the most rapid price
increases in recent years – and increases that are considerably more rapid than in other parts of
the country.
Figure 7 shows that real multifamily property prices have been particularly robust in six
major metro markets.8,9 In Greater Boston, where I live and work, there have been rapid
increases in multifamily prices; I am reminded of this when I pass by numerous construction
sites each day to and from my office. On top of low interest rates and rapidly increasing rents,
Boston in particular has a large number of universities and robust high tech industries that have
been attractive to millennials and have helped boost the demand for apartments.
Figure 8 shows the capitalization or cap rates10 for the various property types. Given that
increases in the market prices of commercial properties have outpaced rent increases (and thus
net operating income), cap rates have been declining and are quite low by historical standards.
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Figure 9 shows the cap rate for apartments and the 10-year Treasury rate. As the 10-year
Treasury rate has fallen, along with rates on sovereign debt in much of the world, households and
firms have been turning to the relatively high returns possible in real estate. This should not be
surprising; one of the ways that monetary policy works in a low-interest-rate environment is to
encourage investors to move into somewhat riskier asset class categories, to stimulate economic
activity. Of course, should macroeconomic conditions change, there is a potential for large
losses to those who moved into riskier assets, as previously discussed.
Figure 10 shows the increase in foreign investment in U.S. commercial real estate. The
United States is not alone in being in a low-interest-rate environment. Japan and parts of Europe
have negative interest rates, and in some countries the negative rates extend well out on the yield
curve. With the relatively strong U.S. economy, foreign investors have been attracted to an asset
class that still provides a relatively high rate of return. As the chart shows, there have been
significant inflows of funds from both Europe and Asia.
Potential Implications
Having explored some of the relevant data, it is useful to think through the potential
implications. In my view, commercial real estate is, by itself, unlikely to trigger financial
stability problems. But should prevailing economic conditions change in response to a large
negative economic shock, commercial real estate prices could decline relatively quickly, leading
to large losses at leveraged firms. Because commercial real estate debt is widely held by
depository institutions, this could cause a contraction of credit – similar to the credit crunch
experience in the United States in the early 1990s. While Figure 2 showed that the holding of
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commercial real estate loans is relatively dispersed, it is an important asset class for most
leveraged institutions.
Figure 11 shows the percentage of commercial real estate loans outstanding held by
banks with commercial real estate loans in excess of 350 percent of their risk-based capital, for
banks under $1 billion in assets, in each U.S. state. This includes owner-occupied as well as
non-owner-occupied property. Owner-occupied commercial real estate is not used for purposes
of the commercial real estate guidance in bank supervision, but can be an issue for the economy
if falling real estate prices occur and make it difficult to roll over or expand credit. In some of
the coastal states, a high percentage of commercial real estate loans made by banks with under
$1 billion in assets are held in institutions that have a commercial real estate to risk-based capital
ratio above 350 percent.
So the concern I put forward today is the scenario where widespread declines in
commercial real estate prices could ripple through the financial sector and lead to a significant
tightening of credit for many borrowers. And given that, I would pose the natural next question:
if one agrees that there is building pressure in commercial real estate, should it have any bearing
on the setting of monetary policy?
U.S. monetary policymakers should focus on achieving maximum employment consistent
with stable prices currently, of course, but also over time. Very low interest rates may move the
economy closer to the central bank’s dual mandate goals more quickly than would higher interest
rates, but it is important to evaluate “at what cost.”
When the economy is far away from achieving the dual mandate goals, asset prices tend
to be weak – providing an added rationale for accommodative policy. However, when the
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economy is close to achieving the dual mandate – as the U.S. economy is now – very low rates
may cause the economy to attain and exceed sustainable employment, risking greater imbalances
that could negatively impact the economy in the future. And this may be an unfavorable tradeoff.
Figure 12 shows the U.S. unemployment rate for the past 10 years, along with the
Congressional Budget Office estimate of full employment. After the Great Recession, the
unemployment rate was very high, and the potential negative effects of low interest rates on asset
prices were quite low given the depressed market for most assets. However, over time the
unemployment rate has fallen, and is now within many estimates of full employment – and some
asset prices, such as for commercial real estate, have risen quite dramatically.
Should the macroeconomic environment change, one could envision a scenario where
commercial real estate prices could decline significantly if underlying rents, occupancy rates, and
market interest rates become less favorable. The probability of such a reassessment is, of course,
each market participant’s to judge, and I am not making a prediction of this outcome, to be sure.
But I have emphasized that such a revaluation, in conjunction with an economic downturn, could
make a recession worse than it would have been had policymakers normalized interest rates more
rapidly.
In other words, a somewhat faster move to rate normalization may defer somewhat how
quickly we achieve the dual mandate goals of full employment and price stability, but could
reduce the risk of a larger divergence from the dual mandate in the next downturn. This is one of
the challenges of monetary policymaking that requires empirical analysis, historical perspective,
and judgment.
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Concluding Observations
Low or even negative interest rates have been the policy response of central banks
grappling with difficulties in reaching legislated mandates in many countries. However, it is
important that central banks think about attainment of their mandates not only at the current time,
but also through time. Policymakers must weigh the benefits of low interest rates now against
the potential costs in the future of possibly spurring financial instability that will ultimately have
downstream adverse effects on firms and households.
In the United States, a potential collateral impact of very low interest rates has been rapid
price appreciation in the commercial real estate sector. While there are certainly fundamental
features that make commercial real estate an attractive asset class, I think it is fair to say that part
of the attraction has been the low interest rate environment. The financial stability concerns that
could arise from a low interest rate policy continuing for an extended period of time should be
considered in conjunction with how best to achieve the dual mandate goals, now and over time.
Thank you.
1
“The core PCE price index is defined as personal consumption expenditures (PCE) prices excluding food and
energy prices. The core PCE price index measures the prices paid by consumers for goods and services without the
volatility caused by movements in food and energy prices to reveal underlying inflation trends.” Source: Bureau of
Economic Analysis. See http://www.bea.gov/faq/index.cfm?faq_id=518
2
Other financial firms can be similarly stressed in a low interest-rate environment, such as life insurance companies
and pension funds, which need to generate revenue streams from their investments that are sufficient to support their
insurance and pension obligations.
3
Prices in a variety of asset classes have risen markedly over the past few years, as investors seek higher returning
instruments. For example, three major U.S. stock indices recently set records on the same day, an event last seen in
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1999. Also, net assets in high-yield mutual funds have more than doubled since the financial crisis, and high-yield
spreads — which hit post-crisis lows in 2014, then widened due to the oil shock — are again narrowing.
4
Calculated at the time of a transaction. Aggregate cap rate statistics only include cap rates from recent sales.
5
To maintain key capital-to-assets ratios amid losses, financial institutions may restrict the growth of, or shrink,
lending (as loans are assets for financial institutions).
6
See “Identifying the Macroeconomic Effect of Loan Supply Shocks,” with Joe Peek and Geoffrey M.B. Tootell.
Journal of Money, Credit, and Banking. vol. 35, no. 6, part 1 (December 2003): 931-946; “The Capital Crunch:
Neither a Borrower Nor a Lender Be,” with Joe Peek. Journal of Money, Credit and Banking. vol. 27, no. 3 (August
1995): 625-638;
7
It is worth noting that underwriting standards frequently deteriorate when asset markets get hot.
8
Boston, Chicago, D.C. Metro, L.A. Metro, New York City Metro, and San Francisco Metro.
9
The Boston metro area includes the following counties: Bristol, Essex, Hillsborough, Merrimack, Middlesex,
Norfolk, Plymouth, Rockingham, Strafford, Suffolk, Worcester, and York.
10
As noted earlier, capitalization or “cap” rates on real estate represent the ratio of net operating income produced
by a property to the price paid, calculated at the time of a transaction. Thus aggregate cap rate statistics only include
cap rates from recent sales.
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Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2016, August 30). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20160831_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20160831_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2016},
month = {Aug},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20160831_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}