speeches · October 8, 2015
Regional President Speech
Charles L. Evans · President
Monetary Policy: Avoiding the Hazards
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
CFA Society Milwaukee
Milwaukee, Wisc.
October 9, 2015
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF CHICAGO
The views expressed today are my own and not necessarily
Those of the Federal Reserve System or the FOMC.
Monetary Policy: Avoiding the Hazards
Charles L. Evans
President and Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
Introduction
Good afternoon. Thank you, Travis.
Before I begin, I should note that my commentary reflects my own views and does not
necessarily represent those of my colleagues on the Federal Open Market Committee
(FOMC) or within the Federal Reserve System. I’m going to use the term “FOMC” a lot.
The Federal Reserve Board Governors and 12 Reserve Bank Presidents comprise this
committee, and it is the group that makes monetary policy decisions for the United
States.
Although my comments today will be about the U.S. economy and current monetary
policy challenges that the Federal Reserve faces, I’d like to start with an observation
about how basic decision-making challenges, similar to what I’m sure many of you
regularly face, inform my policy analysis. In 2002, a psychologist by the name of Daniel
Kahneman won the Nobel Prize in Economics for his work related to the field of
behavioral economics.1 He is the author of a recent book entitled Thinking, Fast and
Slow.2 An overly simplistic synopsis of the book is this: Our minds are wired in
complicated ways to solve a variety of problems. Sometimes our quick-reaction brain
reaches the right solution, and other times it doesn’t. That’s when our slower, more
thoughtful brain is required to get it right. Recently, I read an interview with Kahneman
with the following subtitle: “What would I eliminate if I had a magic wand?
Overconfidence.”3 This certainly is food for thought.
Given my economics training, my 20 years of experience attending FOMC meetings
and the outstanding analyses of my talented Fed staff, I often feel extremely confident
about my monetary policy views. But policy mistakes can and have happened
throughout the long history of central banks. With this in mind, I’m constantly asking
myself, “What if my policy proposals end up being wrong?” So I try to have a Plan B
ready to go. For example, in 2011, in an effort to provide more monetary
accommodation, I proposed that the FOMC adopt explicit forward guidance that linked
our future policy actions to outcomes for unemployment and inflation. This guidance
included a safeguard that said accommodation would be dialed back if it unintentionally
1 In its announcement, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences (2002b) cites Kahneman “for having
integrated insights from psychological research into economic science, especially concerning human
judgment and decision-making under uncertainty.” For further details on his research, see Royal Swedish
Academy of Sciences (2002a).
2 Kahneman (2011).
3 Shariatmadari (2015).
2
kindled unacceptably high inflation. So, the proposal had a Plan B imbedded in it. The
Federal Open Market Committee adopted a policy along these lines in late 2012. As it
turned out, we didn’t need to invoke the safeguard, but I still think it played a critical
Plan B role in the policy’s effectiveness.
As my speech progresses, I hope you will see similar attempts to provide risk
safeguards in my comments today. First, though, I would like to begin with a discussion
of the goals of monetary policy.
Goals of Monetary Policy — Are We There Yet?
Congress has charged the Federal Reserve with fostering financial conditions that
achieve stable prices and maximum sustainable employment. These two goals —
together known as our “dual mandate” — guide the Fed’s monetary policy decisions.
The Federal Open Market Committee has translated these broadly defined mandates
into operational goals.
For the first goal, the inflation rate over the longer run is primarily determined by
monetary policy. So the FOMC has the ability to specify a longer-run goal for inflation.
Since January 2012, the Committee has set an explicit 2 percent inflation target,
measured by the annual change in the Price Index for Personal Consumption
Expenditures (PCE).4
For the second goal, quantifying the maximum sustainable level of employment is a
much more complex undertaking. Many nonmonetary factors affect the structure and
dynamics of the labor market. These factors can vary over time and are hard to
measure. Consequently, the Committee does not set a fixed goal for employment, but
instead considers a wide range of indicators to gauge maximum employment.
Nonetheless, FOMC participants do provide their individual views of the longer-run
normal level of unemployment that are consistent with the employment mandate. These
can be found in the Committee’s Summary of Economic Projections (SEP), which are
released four times a year and give participants’ forecasts of key economic metrics over
the next three years and for the longer run.5 In the most recent SEP, which was
released a little over three weeks ago, the median participant estimated that the normal
long-run unemployment rate was 4.9 percent.6 My own assessment is in line with this
projection.
Given these operational objectives, how close are we to achieving the dual mandate?
There is no doubt that labor markets have improved significantly over the past seven
years. Job growth has been quite solid for some time now. Last month’s number was
somewhat weaker than expected but doesn’t change the overall view. And the
4 This was first acknowledged in Federal Open Market Committee (2012). It remains in the most recent
statement of our longer-run goals; see Federal Open Market Committee (2015b).
5 Specifically, the participants provide their forecasts of real GDP growth, the unemployment rate and
inflation, along with individual assessments of the appropriate monetary policy that support those
forecasts.
6 See Federal Open Market Committee (2015a) for the most recent projections.
3
unemployment rate has declined significantly from its peak of 10 percent in 2009 and
currently stands at 5.1 percent. This is just two-tenths of a percentage point above the
median long-run projection. However, a number of other labor market indicators lead
me to believe that there still remains some additional resource slack beyond what the
unemployment rate alone indicates: Notably, a large number of people who are
employed part time would prefer a full-time job; the labor force participation rate is quite
low, even after accounting for demographic and other long-running trends; and wage
growth has been quite subdued.7
My colleagues on the FOMC and I project that over the next three years, the
unemployment rate will edge down further and run slightly below its long-run
sustainable level.8 I also believe the elements of “extra” labor-market slack I just
mentioned will dissipate over that time. What is driving this forecast? Well, gross
domestic product (GDP) growth appears to be well positioned to continue at a fairly
solid, though not spectacular, pace for some time. In particular, consumer spending
looks to be advancing at a healthy rate — supported in part by lower energy prices and,
more importantly, by the improvements in the job market. We economists sometimes
refer to this as “virtuous cyclical dynamics” — more jobs lead to more spending, which
in turn leads to more jobs. So, although there are some risks, I am relatively confident
that we will reach our employment goal within a reasonable period.
However, I am far less confident about reaching our inflation goal within a reasonable
time frame. Inflation has been too low for too long. Core PCE inflation — which strips
out the volatile energy and food components and is a good indicator of underlying
inflation trends — has averaged just 1.4 percent over the past seven years. Core PCE
inflation over the past 12 months was just 1.3 percent. The total PCE price index has
barely budged, rising just 0.3 percent over the past year.
Most FOMC participants expect inflation to rise steadily from these low levels, coming in
just a shade under the Committee’s 2 percent target by the end of 2017.9 My own
forecast is less sanguine. I expect core PCE inflation to undershoot 2 percent by a
greater margin over the next two years than do my colleagues. I expect core PCE
inflation will be just below 2 percent at the end of 2018.
A number of factors inform my inflation forecast. First, low energy prices and increases
in the dollar continue to generate downward pressure on consumer prices. Second,
putting aside the swings in energy prices and the like, core inflation tends to change
quite slowly — particularly when it is at low levels. So low core inflation today tends to
be a harbinger of low overall inflation for some time. Third, wage growth has been very
7 See Evans (2014a, 2014b, 2014c, 2015a, 2015b and 2015c).
8 According to the median forecast of latest SEP, the unemployment rate is projected to edge down
further next year to 4.8 percent and to remain at that level through the end of 2018.The median forecast
for real gross domestic product (GDP) growth is 2.1 percent for 2015. It rises to 2.3 percent in 2016
before gradually edging down to 2 percent (the longer-run estimate of real GDP growth) in 2018 (Federal
Open Market Committee, 2015a).
9 In the latest SEP, the median forecast for both core and total PCE inflation is 1.7 percent in 2016, 1.9
percent in 2017, and 2 percent in 2018 (Federal Open Market Committee, 2015a).
4
subdued, coming in around 2 percent to 2-1/2 percent for the past six years. This is well
below the 3 to 3-1/2 percent pace we would expect in an economy growing at its
potential with inflation at 2 percent. Although higher wage growth is not necessarily a
strong predictor of inflation, it is a good corroborating indicator of underlying inflation
trends.
So given these forces holding back inflation, why do I expect it to rise? Well, the
influences from low energy and import prices are expected to be temporary. Additional
improvement in the labor market should also help boost inflation. Another important
determinant of actual inflation is the public’s perception of inflationary trends because
these views get built into the pricing decisions of businesses and the wage aspirations
of workers. Currently, these expectations appear to be higher than actual inflation. So
they should also help boost inflation. Furthermore, economic theory tells us that in the
long run, inflation is a monetary phenomenon, and my forecast for a gradual rise in
inflation critically depends on monetary policy maintaining a highly accommodative
stance for some time.
A Risk-Management Approach to Monetary Policy
As a policymaker, I try to rely on my expertise and judgment and that of my staff to chart
a course for the future. But I am aware that I must also guard against overconfidence
and have a good Plan B in hand in case obstacles materialize. In determining the best
course for monetary policy, I believe the Fed should follow this principle. How does that
apply to today’s situation?
Currently, there are some downside risks to reaching our maximum employment goal —
namely, the potential for weak foreign activity to weigh on U.S. growth. But, as I noted
earlier, we have made tremendous progress toward this goal. Economic growth appears
to have enough momentum that I am fairly confident that we will reach our maximum
employment goal within a reasonable time. However, to reiterate, I am far less confident
that we can reach our 2 percent inflation target over the medium term because of a
number of important downside risks to the inflation outlook. Now I recognize that
“medium term” is somewhat vague. To a central banker it can mean 2 to 3 years or 3 to
4 years. It is more a term of art than science.
So what are these inflation risks? With prospects of slower growth in China and other
emerging market economies, low energy and import prices could exert downward
pressure on inflation longer than I anticipate. In addition, while many survey-based
measures of long-term inflation expectations have been relatively stable in recent years,
we shouldn’t take them as confirmation that our 2 percent target is assured. In fact,
some survey measures of inflation expectations have ticked down in the past year and a
half. Furthermore, financial market-based measures of inflation compensation have
moved quite low in recent months. These could reflect either lower expectations of
inflation or a heightened concern for the economic conditions that are associated with
low inflation. Adding to my unease is anecdotal evidence: I talk to a wide range of
business contacts, and none of them are mentioning rising inflationary or cost
pressures. None of them are planning for higher inflation. They don’t expect it.
5
How does this asymmetric assessment of risks to achieving the dual mandate goals
influence my view of the most appropriate path for monetary policy over the next three
years? It leads me to conclude that a later liftoff and a gradual normalization of our
monetary policy framework will best position the economy for the potential challenges
ahead.
Before raising rates, I would like to have more confidence than I do today that inflation is
indeed beginning to head higher. Given the current low level of core inflation, some
evidence of true upward momentum in actual inflation is critical to this assessment. I
believe that it could well be the middle of next year before the headwinds from lower
energy prices and the stronger dollar dissipate enough so that we begin to see some
sustained upward movement in core inflation. After liftoff, I think it would be appropriate
to raise the target interest rate very gradually. This would give us sufficient time to
assess how the economy is adjusting to higher rates and the progress we are making
toward our policy goals.
Overall, my view of appropriate policy is somewhat more accommodative than the views
held by the majority of my colleagues. In addition to economic and inflation forecasts,
FOMC participants also submit individual assessments of the appropriate monetary
policy that support their SEP forecasts. These policy judgments are summarized in the
FOMC’s well-known “dot plot.”
6
This is the chart I handed you that shows FOMC participants’ views of the appropriate
target federal funds rate by the end of each year for 2015 to 2018 and also over the
longer run. Each participant’s fed funds rate forecast is shown as a distinct dot at each
of these time horizons. Focusing on the median policy projection for the end of 2015,
most of my colleagues think that it will be appropriate to raise the target federal funds
rate sometime this year. Over the next 3 years these prognostications envision a slow
increase, to about 3-1/2 percent by the end of 2018.10 On average, this path is
consistent with the target federal funds rate increasing by 25 basis points at every other
FOMC meeting over the next three years. This is certainly a gradual path by historical
standards. It is even slower than the so-called “measured pace” of increases over the
2004–06 tightening cycle, which was 25 basis points per meeting.
As I said, I think policy should be somewhat more accommodative than this course of
action suggested by the median forecasts of the latest SEP. In my view, an extra-patient
approach is warranted for several reasons. And you will see that my logic reflects my
risk-management approach to monetary policy.
First, after several years of below-target inflation performance and in light of the
downside risks to the inflation outlook, appropriate policy should provide enough
accommodation to generate a reasonable likelihood that inflation in the future would
moderately exceed 2 percent. Aggressive pursuit of achieving our 2 percent target
sooner rather than later does indeed open the possibility of modestly overshooting 2
percent. But this is not as heretical as it might first appear. After all, this is a
consequence of having a symmetric inflation target: It is difficult to average 2 percent
inflation over the medium term if the track record and near-term projections of inflation
are all less than 2 percent.
Furthermore, maintaining credibility is key to effective policy. Historically, central
bankers have established their credibility by defending their inflation target from
undesirably high inflation. Today, policy needs to validate our claim that we aim to
achieve our 2 percent inflation target in a symmetric fashion. Failure to defend our
inflation goal from below may weaken the credibility of this claim. The public could begin
to mistakenly believe that 2 percent inflation is a ceiling — and not a symmetric target.
As a result, expectations for average inflation could fall, lessening the upward pull on
actual inflation and making it even more difficult for us to achieve our 2 percent target.
Second, consider the other policy mistakes we could make. One possibility is that we
begin to raise rates only to learn that we have misjudged the strength of the economy or
the upward tilt in inflation. In order to put the economy back on track, we would have to
cut interest rates back to zero and possibly even resort to unconventional policy tools,
such as more quantitative easing.11 I think quantitative easing has been effective, but it
10 Specifically, the median projected path for the target federal funds rate is 0.4 percent at the end of
2015; 1.4 percent at the end of 2016; 2.6 percent at the end of 2017; and 3.4 percent at the end of 2018.
The median projection for the longer-run level of the federal funds rate is 3.5 percent (Federal Open
Market Committee, 2015a).
11 For more about the quantitative easing programs (also referred to as large-scale asset purchases) and
the rationale behind them, see Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2015).
7
clearly is a second-best alternative to traditional policy. This scenario is not merely
hypothetical. Just consider the recent challenges experienced in Europe and Japan.
Policymakers tried to raise rates from their lower bounds; but faced with faltering
demand, they were forced to reverse course and deploy nontraditional tools more
aggressively than before. And we all know the subsequent difficulties Europe and Japan
have had in rekindling growth and inflation. So I see substantial costs to premature
policy normalization.
An alternative potential policy mistake is that sometime during the gradual policy
normalization process, inflation begins to rise too quickly. Well, we have the experience
and the appropriate tools to deal with such an outcome. Given how slowly underlying
inflation would likely move up from the current low levels, we probably could keep
inflation in check with only moderate increases in interest rates relative to current
forecasts. And given how gradual the projected rate increases are in the latest SEP, the
concerns being voiced about the risks of rapid increases in policy rates if inflation were
to pick up seem overblown to me. For example, we could raise the funds rate 100 basis
points more than envisioned by the median SEP projection in a year simply by
increasing rates 25 basis points at every meeting instead of at every other meeting —
that’s hardly a steep path of rate increases.
Furthermore, as I just outlined, there is no problem in moderately overshooting 2
percent. After several years of inflation being too low, a modest overshoot simply would
be a natural manifestation of the Federal Reserve’s symmetric inflation target.
Moreover, such an outcome is not likely to raise the public’s long-term inflation
expectations either — just look at how little these expectations appear to have moved
with persistently low inflation readings over the past several years. So, I see the costs of
dealing with the emergence of unexpected inflation pressures as being manageable.
All told, I think the best policy is to take a very gradual approach to normalization. This
would balance both the various risks to my projections for the economy’s most likely
path and the costs that would be involved in mitigating those risks.
Now I would like to emphasize that while I favor a somewhat later lift off than many of
my colleagues, the precise timing for first increase in the federal funds rate is less
important to me than the path the funds rate will follow over the entire policy
normalization process. After all, today’s medium and longer-term interest rates depend
on market expectations of the entire path for future rates, not just the first move. In turn,
these medium and longer-term rates are key to the borrowing and spending decisions of
households and businesses.
Accordingly, when thinking about the initial stages of normalization, I find it useful to
focus on where I think the federal funds rate ought to be at the end of next year given
my economic outlook and assessment of the risks. And right now, regardless of the
exact date for lift-off, I think it could well be appropriate for the funds rate to still be
under one percent at the end of 2016.
8
There is an important caveat, though, to my comment downplaying the importance of
the exact date of lift-off. It is critically important to me that when we first raise rates the
FOMC also strongly and effectively communicates its plan for a gradual path for future
rate increases. If we do not, then markets might construe an early liftoff as a signal that
the Committee is less inclined to provide the degree of accommodation than I think is
appropriate for the timely achievement of our dual mandate objectives. I would view this
as an important policy error.
Effective Communications Is a Critical Policy Tool
I cannot stress enough how critical it is for monetary policymakers to effectively
communicate how they aim to achieve their long-run goals and strategies. They must
clearly describe how their views on the appropriate path for monetary policy will help
generate outcomes for employment and inflation that are consistent with achieving the
mandated goals within a reasonable time frame. Moreover, they must demonstrate they
have appropriately considered the risks to their outlooks on the economy. I hope I have
done that for you today by laying out my forecast for the economy and what I consider
to be the appropriate path for policy.
We also need to be clear about how monetary policymakers will react to new data as
the economy evolves. We talk a lot about data dependence, but what does that really
mean? To me, it involves the following: 1) evaluating how the new information alters the
outlook and the assessment of risks around that outlook; and 2) adjusting my expected
path for policy in a way that keeps us on course to achieve our dual mandate objectives
in a timely manner. So, if in the coming months inflation rises more quickly than I
currently anticipate and appears to be headed to undesirably high levels, then I would
argue to tighten financial conditions sooner and more aggressively than I presently do. If
instead inflation headwinds persist, I would advocate a more gradual approach to
normalization than I currently envision. In either case, my policy forecasts would change
and I would explain how and why they did.
Such communication helps clarify our reaction to new information — the so-called Fed
reaction function you hear financial market analysts talk about. This in turn makes it
easier for households and businesses to plan for the future. Such transparency is a key
feature of goal-oriented, accountable monetary policy — the kind of policy that the
Federal Reserve is committed to providing today, and the kind of policy that the Federal
Reserve is committed to providing in the future.
Thank you.
References
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, 2015, “What are the Federal
Reserve's large-scale asset purchases?,” Current FAQs, January 16, available at
http://www.federalreserve.gov/faqs/what-are-the-federal-reserves-large-scale-asset-
purchases.htm.
9
Evans, Charles L., 2015a, “Exercising caution in normalizing monetary policy,” speech,
Swedbank Global Outlook Summit, Stockolm, May 18, available at
https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2015/05-15-exercising-caution-in-
normalizing-monetary-policy.
Evans, Charles L., 2015b, “Risk management in an uncertain world,” speech, London,
March 25, available at https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2015/03-25-
2015-risk-manangement-uncertain-world-charles-evans-london.
Evans, Charles L., 2015c, “Low inflation calls for patience in normalizing monetary
policy,” speech, Lake Forest-Lake Bluff Rotary Club, Lake Forest, IL, March 4, available
at https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2015/03-04-low-inflation-calls-for-
patience-lake-forest-lake-bluff-rotary-charles-evans.
Evans, Charles L., 2014a, “Monetary policy normalization: If not now, when?,” speech,
BMO Harris and Lakeland College Economic Briefing, Plymouth, WI, October 8,
available at https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2014/10-08-14-charles-
evans-monetary-policy-normalization-lakeland.
Evans, Charles L., 2014b, “Is it time to return to business-as-usual monetary policy? A
case for patience,” speech, 56th National Association for Business Economics (NABE),
Chicago, September 29, available at
https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2014/09-29-14-charles-evans-
patience-monetary-policy-nabe.
Evans, Charles L., 2014c, “Patience is a virtue when normalizing monetary policy,”
speech, Peterson Institute for International Economics Conference, Labor Market Slack:
Assessing and Addressing in Real Time, Washington, DC, September 24, available at
https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/speeches/2014/09-24-14-charles-evans-
patience-monetary-policy-peterson-institute.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2015a, Summary of Economic Projections,
Washington DC September 17, available at
https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/fomcprojtabl20150917.htm.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2015b, “Statement on longer-run goals and monetary
policy strategy,” Washington, DC, as amended effective January 27, available at
http://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/files/FOMC_LongerRunGoals.pdf.
Federal Open Market Committee, 2012, press release, Washington, DC, January 25,
available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20120125c.htm.
Kahneman, Daniel, 2011, Thinking, Fast and Slow, New York: Farrar, Straus and
Giroux.
10
Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 2002a, “Foundations of behavioral and
experimental economics: Daniel Kahneman and Vernon Smith,” Stockholm, December
17, available at http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economic-
sciences/laureates/2002/advanced-economicsciences2002.pdf.
Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, 2002b, press release, Stockholm, October 9,
available at http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economic-
sciences/laureates/2002/press.html.
Shariatmadari, David, 2015, “Daniel Kahneman: ‘What would I eliminate if I had a magic
wand? Overconfidence,’” Guardian, July 18, available at
http://www.theguardian.com/books/2015/jul/18/daniel-kahneman-books-interview.
11
Cite this document
APA
Charles L. Evans (2015, October 8). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20151009_charles_l_evans
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20151009_charles_l_evans,
author = {Charles L. Evans},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2015},
month = {Oct},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20151009_charles_l_evans},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}