speeches · February 4, 2015
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
EMBARGOED UNTIL Thursday, February 5, 2015
at 5:00 A.M. U.S. Eastern Time and 11:00 A.M. in Frankfurt, Germany
OR UPON DELIVERY
“Lessons from the U.S. Experience
with Quantitative Easing”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
The Peterson Institute for International
Economics and Moody’s Investors Service's 8th
Joint Event on Sovereign Risk and
Macroeconomics
Frankfurt, Germany
February 5, 2015
* EMBARGOED UNTIL Thursday, February 5, 2015 at 5:00 A.M. U.S. Eastern Time and 11:00 A.M. in Frankfurt, Germany OR UPON DELIVERY*
“Lessons from the U.S. Experience with
Quantitative Easing”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
The Peterson Institute for International Economics and
Moody’s Investors Service's 8th Joint Event on
Sovereign Risk and Macroeconomics
Frankfurt, Germany
February 5, 2015
I would like to thank Adam Posen, President of the Peterson Institute for
International Economics, for inviting me here to provide my perspective on the
quantitative easing programs in the United States.
As I begin, I would note as I always do that the views I will express today are my
own, not necessarily those of my colleagues at the Federal Reserve’s Board of Governors
or on the Federal Open Market Committee (the FOMC).
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The expansion of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet ended with the completion
of the tapering process last October, but we still are a long way from normalizing either
short-term interest rates or our balance sheet. As a result, it may be some time before a
full assessment of the effects of our quantitative easing policies can be made, since a full
evaluation will require a successful return to a normalized monetary policy. Nonetheless,
I think it is quite possible and appropriate at this point to consider which design features
of the Federal Reserve’s asset-purchase program were effective, and which were less
successful, in achieving our monetary policy goals.
In addition to considering the design features, I will also consider the equally
important communications strategy. Communications, often referred to as forward
guidance, are an increasingly important component of monetary policy, especially when
short-term interest rates are at the zero lower bound.
An important caveat here is that institutional, structural, and governance
differences across the world’s central banks can make comparisons of policy actions (and
their efficacy) quite difficult. Perhaps the most important difference between the Fed in
the United States and most central banks in developed countries is that Congress assigned
the Federal Reserve a “dual mandate” – the twin goals of achieving maximum sustainable
employment as well as stable prices – rather than a single mandate related only to
inflation.
However, another important difference involves the restrictions on securities that
the Fed can purchase for its open market account. We are limited to securities that have
the full backing of the U.S. government, and thus have purchased government-guaranteed
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mortgage-backed securities (MBS) and U.S. Treasury securities. Such restrictions vary
significantly across the world’s central banks.
Reflecting on the financial crisis and its aftermath, I have become convinced that
the dual mandate is one reason why the U.S. Federal Reserve moved more aggressively
than many other central banks to address the significant undershooting of inflation that
we saw in the U.S., and that many other countries have experienced. Given the imperfect
understanding of inflation dynamics, even a string of quarters in which inflation
significantly undershoots its target may be reasonably interpreted as a temporary
shortfall, since deviations of this magnitude and persistence still lie well within the
accuracy of current inflation forecasting models. However, the substantial increase in
unemployment throughout the developed world, in combination with the below-target
inflation rates, indicates that significant output gaps do exist. How aggressively a central
bank reacts to this situation depends on whether that central bank’s mandated goals
involve inflation alone, or as in the U.S., a dual mandate that includes employment.
However, I would argue that regardless of mandate, delays by central banks in
moving to address the undershooting on inflation can be costly – especially if such delays
lead households and firms to expect very low inflation rates.
In the United States, the decline in inflation during the recession afforded us more
latitude to aggressively focus on the employment side of our dual mandate. Given the
painful disruptions in labor markets that the U.S. experienced, this emphasis seemed
appropriate, and does so with hindsight, and with all due consideration to the possibility
of structural shifts in labor markets. I felt it was important that the focus on weak labor
markets, as well as the undershooting of inflation, together provided important support
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for U.S. monetary policymakers to decide to move aggressively during the financial
crisis, and indeed its long aftermath.
Of course today, after significant labor market improvement, and with the horizon
over which inflation will return to its target being uncertain, inflation has taken on a more
prominent role in our deliberations.
Currently, an obvious caveat in interpreting the low inflation rate in the U.S. is the
supporting role played by the recent decline in energy prices. Oil shocks have been
associated with major changes in monetary policy before. The failure to control inflation
in the United States during the 1970s, in the presence of an adverse oil supply shock,
highlighted a serious dilemma facing monetary policy at that time. Importantly in that
case, what might have been a temporary pass-through of oil to non-oil prices turned into
a more lasting problem with overall inflation, as wage and price dynamics at that time
helped turn increases in oil prices into fairly protracted increases in overall inflation.
Former Federal Reserve Board Chairman Volcker is rightfully recognized for taking
forceful action to address the situation and ultimately tame inflation in the United States.
Currently, a concern is that central banks are facing the mirror image of the
problem in the 1970s. The problem of significantly undershooting inflation – a dynamic
which could well keep interest rates at the zero lower bound – is likely to be a key
challenge to central bankers in the first two decades of the 21st century. And I would say
that as with the oil shock in the 1970s, the current shock has served to accentuate a
potential monetary policy pitfall – in this case, the failure to quickly and vigorously
address a significant undershooting of inflation targets, potentially leaving economies
stagnant at the zero lower bound.
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There are three observations I will make today. First, that a significant
undershooting of the inflation target should be treated with the same policy urgency as a
significant overshooting of the inflation target. Second, that open-ended quantitative
easing tied to policy goals is likely to be much more effective than limited quantitativeeasing programs. Third, that clarity on monetary policy communications is difficult to
achieve, but critically important for the success of the program. I would add that this
final point is as critical to how we normalize policy as it is to how we initiate quantitative
easing policies.
The Design of Large-Scale Asset Purchases in the United States
While there were three separate large-scale asset purchase programs in the United
States, I will only briefly focus on the first one, since it was at least partly designed to
address dysfunctional markets during the height of the financial crisis. In addition to
addressing the shortfall in macroeconomic goals, this program was focused on purchases
of mortgage securities, and sought to relieve the weak demand for mortgage-backed
securities when markets became quite illiquid and risked becoming much more so. This
program has generally been viewed as a successful way to stabilize markets, but isolating
its effects is complicated because it occurred in the midst of the financial crisis.
Figure 1 provides details of the large-scale asset purchase programs commonly
referred to as “QE1,” “QE2,” and “QE3.” QE1 was announced on November 25, 2008,
with purchases beginning shortly thereafter.1 Initial purchases were of agency debt and
agency mortgage-backed securities (MBS), “to provide support to the mortgage and
housing markets.”2 Additional agency debt and MBS purchases were announced in
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March 2009, along with the purchase of longer-term Treasury securities, all to “provide
greater support to mortgage lending and housing markets” and “to help improve
conditions in private credit markets.” 3 The program concluded in March 2010.
Purchases totaled $1.25 trillion in agency MBS, $175 billion in agency debt, and $300
billion in longer-term Treasury securities. 4
QE2 began in November 2010, and ended in June 2011. The program committed
to purchase $600 billion of longer-term securities by the middle of 2011.5 Unlike QE1, it
was focused solely on purchasing long-term Treasury securities, and did not include the
purchase of mortgage securities – which had been the focus of that first large-scale asset
purchase program.
The purchase program did not fully meet expectations in terms of achieving
monetary policy goals. As a result, in September of 2011 – only three months after the
end of QE2 – the Federal Reserve announced the Maturity Extension Program
(commonly referred to as “Operation Twist”). This program was designed to lengthen
the average maturity of the Fed’s Treasury securities portfolio, by purchasing long-term
securities and selling an equal amount of short-term securities. The program removed
duration from private holdings of Treasury securities, but did not increase the overall
amount of the securities portfolio held by the Federal Reserve. The goal was to decrease
the longer-term rates that tend to affect the real economy; in fact the FOMC statement at
the time highlighted that the program should “put downward pressure on longer-term
interest rates.” 6
The initial program was a purchase of $400 billion in long-term Treasury
securities, and clearly had the intended effect on long term rates. The program was
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extended in June 2012, at which point the program was limited by the lack of short-term
securities to sell, and ended in December 2012.7 At the time this eliminated our holdings
of T-bills and very short term notes.
The third quantitative easing program began in September 2012.8 The program
began as a monthly purchase of $40 billion in agency mortgage-backed securities, in
addition to the Treasury securities that were being purchased (or swapped) under the
“Twist” program. Unlike QE2, QE3 was an open-ended program. The continuation of
the program was tied to substantial improvement in labor markets, consistent with price
stability. In this way the communication emphasized the need to achieve the policy goals
rather than a given size of the program. Communications also emphasized that the
program would “put downward pressure on longer-term interest rates” and “support
mortgage markets.” When the Maturity Extension Program ended in December 2012
because of a lack of short-term Treasury securities remaining in the portfolio, the
program was adjusted to the outright purchase (rather than exchange or swap) of $45
billion per month in longer-term Treasury securities, in addition to the purchase of $40
billion per month in mortgage-backed securities.9
Figure 2 shows the growth of the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet over this
period. QE2 expanded the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet by $600 billion, to a little
below $3 trillion. Operation Twist did not influence the overall size of the balance sheet.
QE3 significantly increased the balance sheet to the current size of approximately $4.5
trillion.
Figure 3 shows the composition of the Fed’s balance sheet. It shows the
progression from QE2 – where the expansion primarily involved Treasury securities with
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a 5 to 10 year maturity – to a balance sheet with much larger holdings of mortgagebacked securities, and Treasury securities with more than 10 years to maturity.
Impact of Programs
A number of good event studies have attempted to evaluate the impact of the
purchase programs in a narrow time window around the program-announcement dates.10
In general, the studies find roughly a 20 to 25 basis point reduction in long-term rates
associated with a purchase of $500 billion in long-term assets, although there is a high
degree of imprecision involved.
In particular, with numerous Federal Reserve officials publicly discussing
possible policy options, the timing of exactly when the market came to expect a new
program is hard to pinpoint. It is very difficult to isolate the extent of the “news”
contained in any announcement – news about either the timing or magnitude of a
program.
Figure 4 shows 10-year Treasury yields around the time of announcements
related to the three quantitative easing programs. QE1 was announced on November 25,
2008, with the announcement reiterated in the FOMC statement on December 16, 2008.
Additional purchases were announced in the FOMC statement released on March 18,
2009. The 10-year Treasury yield fell 24 basis points on the day of the November
announcement, and an additional 12 basis points on the following day. On the day of the
March announcement of additional purchases, the 10-year Treasury rate fell 51 basis
points.
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Treasury yields, at much lower levels by the November 3, 2010 announcement of
QE2, fell by 14 basis points the day following the announcement, but drifted slightly
upward over the next couple of weeks.
As QE3 was contemplated, 10-year Treasury yields hovered at historic lows well
under 2 percent. (Because of the low levels, please note that the scale on the chart for
QE3 is different than the scale for the QE1 and QE2 charts.) QE3 was announced in the
FOMC statement on September 13, 2012. However, shortly prior to the announcement,
on August 31, 2102, Chairman Bernanke spoke at the annual Jackson Hole symposium
hosted by the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City.11
On the day of Bernanke’s speech, the 10-year Treasury yield declined by 6 basis
points. However, on the day after the QE3 announcement, the 10-year Treasury yield
rose 13 basis points but then adopted a downward trend, falling over 20 basis points over
the next two weeks, easing the initial jump. Through the announcement of QE3, 10-year
Treasury rates had fallen approximately 200 basis points, which was the immediate goal
of the program.
While measuring the reduction in rates is one way to capture the impact of the
program, the real goal is to have a significant impact on economic variables more
generally. QE1 was meant to stem the tide of the deepening recession; the economy’s
momentum was highly contractionary and QE1 was meant to moderate the resulting
decline in output. On the other hand, the later two QEs were meant to stimulate the
economy.
The FOMC statement announcing QE3 highlighted the desire to support mortgage
markets. Figure 5 shows that there was no notable change in housing starts during the
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period of QE2. However, housing starts did improve over the period of Operation Twist
and QE3. After averaging 569,000 units during QE2, starts averaged 708,000 units from
early on in Operation Twist through August 2012. During the past 6 months, starts have
improved to averaging over 1 million units.
Figure 6 shows the path of housing prices. With housing prices declining, it was
very hard to see or generate momentum in the housing market. Housing prices continued
to decline during QE2, but began to rise somewhat steadily – albeit modestly – in late
2011, with Operation Twist underway for several months. Housing prices continued their
upward trend during QE3.
Figure 7 shows that QE2 did not generate much momentum in auto and lightweight truck sales, which did pick up during Operation Twist and QE3. During QE2,
auto and light truck sales were averaging 12.4 million units. Midway through Operation
Twist, and as QE3 began, auto sales had risen to an average of nearly 15 million units,
and over the past six months auto sales have averaged nearly 17 million units.
One of the transmission mechanisms is to alter asset prices other than interest
rates. Figure 8 illustrates that while there was not much momentum in stock prices from
QE2, there was a substantial improvement over the period of Operation Twist and QE3.
Figures 9 and 10 illustrate what happened to measures of the two goals
embedded in the Fed’s dual mandate over this period. The unemployment rate fell
appreciably over the period. Core PCE inflation reached 2 percent during Operation
Twist, but has generally been persistently below the 2 percent target. In part, the
presence of full employment in the mandate, and the pain being felt in U.S. labor markets
– coupled with core inflation below 2 percent – provided plenty of support for aggressive
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policy actions. The FOMC statements noted the need for substantial improvement in
labor markets, and the statements related to QE3 eventually incorporated an
unemployment threshold.
In sum, in the absence of the dual mandate, some significant and I would say
needed policy actions may not have occurred – Operation Twist when core PCE was
relatively close to the 2 percent target, and QE3 when core inflation trended at roughly 50
basis points below 2 percent. Had these policy actions not occurred, it would in my view
have prevented what was ultimately important pre-emptive action against a persistent
undershooting of the inflation target that could have become much worse, as in some
other parts of the globe.
QE2 was limited in scope. It had a fixed purchase amount and was not
communicated in a manner tied to goals. Moreover, it was focused on Treasury securities
rather than on areas with larger spreads, such as mortgages. And there is little evidence it
had the desired impact on rates or real variables.
In contrast, QE3 was limited only by the progress made against the goals. The
purchases were open-ended, and the communication was firmly tied to goals. It included
areas with larger spreads such as mortgages. And both financial variables and real
variables showed improvement with this program.
In summary, program design, and communication, both matter. A program that is
open-ended and focused on areas where spreads are large – in conjunction with a
communication strategy tied to goals – seems to have made a material difference in
outcomes. While the transmission channels of large-scale asset purchases are still not
completely understood, it seems to me that the signaling and communication tied to a
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large-scale asset purchase are an important channel – but one that unfortunately is hard to
accurately quantify.
Exit Strategies
At this point no central bank has fully normalized its policy stance. However, as
my discussion has highlighted, communication and actions around exit are likely to be as
important as they were at initiation. I am pleased that the United States has experienced
much improved labor markets and inflation rates that, while below target, are higher –
less close to dangerously low or negative rates – than in some, if not many, developed
countries.
Nonetheless, policy should not be focused on progress from where we have been,
but should instead be focused on meeting the ultimate goals in a timely fashion. At this
time, there is insufficient evidence that U.S. inflation is clearly trending toward the 2
percent goal. While labor markets have continued to improve, the employment cost
index (ECI) overall, and the occupational breakdown of the ECI shown in Figure 11,
show little evidence of trending to pre-crisis levels.
While disentangling the impact of positive energy shocks on prices will be
difficult, we know that the PCE core inflation rate remains well below the Federal
Reserve’s 2 percent target. Given how low total and core inflation have fallen in most
developed countries, a policy of patience in the United States continues to be appropriate.
This is particularly true given the inherent asymmetry that we face at the zero lower
bound – meaning, while we have all kinds of room to respond to an unexpectedly
favorable shock, we remain quite limited in our ability to respond to negative shocks.
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Concluding Observations
My remarks have focused on the United States experience. Given the different
places central banks in developed countries are on policy at this time, it is likely
premature to draw hard and fast conclusions for the global context. Certainly the
Japanese experience of raising the rate of inflation with a broad open-ended program tied
to its policy goal is encouraging. Similarly, we will all learn from recently announced
programs being initiated in Europe.
The relatively recent focus among central banks around the world on addressing
the problem of persistently low inflation rates is in my view very encouraging. Just as
high inflation in the 1970s was a pernicious problem for central banks, the problems
generated by low inflation and interest rates settling at the zero lower bound were
underestimated by professional economists and central bankers alike. The broad focus on
meeting central bank mandates is important, and actions being taken to achieve inflation
targets should result in a more robust global economy.
Thank you.
1
The Federal Reserve’s press release announcing the action on November 25, 2008 stated “This action is
being taken to reduce the cost and increase the availability of credit for the purchase of houses, which in
turn should support housing markets and foster improved conditions in financial markets more generally.”
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20081125b.htm
2
See the statement from the December 16, 2008 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20081216b.htm
3
See the statement from the March 18, 2009 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20090318a.htm
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4
See the statement from the March 16, 2010 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20100316a.htm
5
See the statement from the November 3, 2010 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20101103a.htm
6
See the statement from the September 21, 2011 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20110921a.htm
7
See the statement from the June 20, 2012 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20120620a.htm
8
See the statement from the September 13, 2012 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20120913a.htm
9
See the statement from the December 12, 2012 FOMC meeting:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20121212a.htm
10
See for example:
Gagnon, Joseph, Matthew Raskin, Julie Remache and Brian Sack. 2011. “Large-Scale Asset
Purchases by the Federal Reserve: Did They Work?” Federal Reserve Bank of New York
Economic Policy Review, 17 (1), pp. 41-59.
Hancock, Diana, and Wayne Passmore. 2011. “Did the Federal Reserve’s MBS Purchase Program
Lower Mortgage Rates?” Journal of Monetary Economics, 58 (5), pp. 498-514.
Hamilton, James D., and Jing Wu. 2010. “The Effectiveness of Alternative Monetary Policy Tools
in a Zero Lower Bound Environment,” University of California, San Diego, working paper.
Krishnamurthy, Arvind, and Annette Vissing-Jorgensen. 2011. “The Effects of Quantitative
Easing on Interest Rates: Channels and Implications for Policy,” Brookings Papers on Economic
Activity.
Fuhrer, Jeffrey and Giovani Olivei. 2011. “The Estimated Macroeconomic Effects of the Federal
Reserve’s Large-Scale Treasury Purchase Program.” Federal Reserve Bank of Boston Public
Policy Brief no. 11-2, (2011).
11
See the full text of Chairman Bernanke’s speech:
http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/bernanke20120831a.htm
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Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2015, February 4). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20150205_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20150205_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2015},
month = {Feb},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20150205_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}