speeches · April 14, 2014
Regional President Speech
Eric Rosengren · President
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“Monetary Policy and Forward Guidance”
Eric S. Rosengren
President & Chief Executive Officer
Federal Reserve Bank of Boston
Husson University
Bangor, Maine
April 15, 2014
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It is always a pleasure to return to the state of Maine, where I spent four wonderful years
as an undergraduate at Colby College, and where I first developed my interest in economics.
Around New England today, April 15, we are marking one year since the tragic Boston
Marathon bombings. For all those who were affected, our thoughts are very much with you.
Turning to my topic today, let me say that when driving up I-95 and crossing the bridge
over the Piscataqua River I always like seeing the sign that says, “Maine, the way life should
be.” Unfortunately, it has been some time since anyone would characterize the U.S. economy’s
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performance as “the way life should be.” By this I mean that it has been more than six years
since the beginning of the last recession, and yet we still have a national unemployment rate of
6.7 percent, and the PCE inflation rate is less than 1 percent1 – well below the 2 percent inflation
target set by the Federal Reserve’s policymaking body, the Federal Open Market Committee or
FOMC.
Of course I would add that, as always, the views I express today are my own, not
necessarily those of my colleagues on the Board of Governors or the FOMC.
Actually, the widely reported unemployment rate understates the severity of the problem.
The broader labor-market indicators that include workers who are “part time for economic
reasons” and workers who have looked for a job in the past year but not in the past four weeks –
“marginally attached” workers – remain unusually elevated by historical standards. These
indicators quantify what many Americans all too readily observe around them – that significant
problems in labor markets persist even at this stage of the recovery.
All this means we have a U.S. economy that still requires an unusually accommodative
stance of monetary policy. At the same time, the economy has indeed been gradually improving.
The most recent labor market report indicated that the U.S. economy produced 192,000 jobs in
March, and there were some positive revisions for the data in previous months. So, after some
weaker data in the winter months, these labor market data suggest that there will hopefully be
broader improvement in an array of economic indicators this spring. In fact, most economists
expect growth around 3 percent over the rest of this year – a forecast that is quite consistent with
my own.
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As the economy has gradually improved, the Federal Reserve has made adjustments to
monetary policy. In light of the weak economy, and with the federal funds rate essentially
pinned at zero, the Federal Reserve has been stimulating the economy using alternative methods,
primarily by making large-scale purchases of longer-term assets such as Treasury bonds and
mortgage-backed securities. These purchases are expected to keep longer-term interest rates
lower than they would otherwise be, thus stimulating the economy when we can no longer do so
by lowering the funds rate. Since the beginning of this year, we have been reducing the size of
the monthly asset purchase program, and this gradual tapering is likely to continue as long as the
economy’s gradual improvement proceeds.
The second adjustment to monetary policy involves how the FOMC communicates future
policy direction, commonly referred to as “forward guidance.” When the economy was far from
where it needed to be, the FOMC provided fairly specific guidance – that short-term rates would
remain low until we had seen significant improvement in labor markets – improvement that
could be proxied by seeing the unemployment rate fall to the 6.5 percent threshold.
However, such a threshold does not provide much by way of forward guidance as we
approach it. With a gradually improving labor market, we could be below the threshold
relatively soon. This scenario led the Federal Reserve to make an adjustment to its
communications at the March FOMC meeting, suggesting they would hold short-term rates at
very low levels “for a considerable time after the asset purchase program ends, especially if
projected inflation continues to run below the Committee's 2 percent longer-run goal, and
provided that longer-term inflation expectations remain well anchored.”2
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Admittedly, this rather qualitative forward guidance is somewhat less specific than the
previous forward guidance involving the 6.5 percent threshold. My personal view is that,
ideally, forward guidance should, for the time being, remain qualitative but increasingly be
linked to progress in achieving our dual mandate based on incoming economic data. In
particular, I believe the FOMC’s forward guidance should be consistent with keeping interest
rates at their very low level until we are within one year of reaching full employment and our 2
percent inflation target – and the guidance could explicitly state that intention.
Parenthetically, I would note that on a quarterly basis the Federal Reserve publishes a
summary of the economic projections (SEP) made by Federal Reserve Board members and
Federal Reserve Bank presidents. The SEP does give information on the expectations of the
Committee regarding when the economy would be reaching the dual mandate goals.3
Today I plan to discuss why, as we gradually do approach achieving our dual mandate
goals of maximum sustainable employment and price stability, the Fed’s forward guidance
should be increasingly focused on how quickly we expect to make progress on inflation that is
well below our target, and on the significant underutilization of labor resources that persists well
after the official end of the recession.
I would like to see a more productive state of affairs, where market participants are more
attentive to the incoming data and how the data fit (or do not fit) with the expectations in the
forward guidance. In this way, market participants would be focused more on data and less on
changes in the setting of monetary policy tools. I would also like to see much more focus by
market participants on a broader set of measures, such as the U-6 measure of unemployment
which captures broader utilization of labor resources.
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Recent Developments
Let me begin by walking you through some charts that reflect the economy’s recent
developments.
Figure 1 provides the path of the unemployment rate relative to the Federal Reserve’s
earlier stated threshold of 6.5 percent. The figure provides visual support for the fact that the
forward guidance needed to change. Once we reached a point where we could be below the
threshold with one or two favorable employment reports, the guidance was no longer providing
much information about our potential actions beyond one or two FOMC meetings. Keep in mind
that one purpose of forward guidance is to restrain longer-term market interest rates to support
the struggling economy by promising to keep the short-term interest rates the Fed can control at
very low levels. As such, there was not much to be gained by maintaining our threshold
language.
An alternative would be to frame forward guidance in relation to achieving the goals
consistent with our dual mandate, within suggested timeframes. For example, the FOMC could
promise to keep short-term interest rates at very low levels until the economy is within one year
of reaching full employment and 2 percent inflation, based on the trends in incoming data and an
assumption about how they will continue. Such guidance would hinge on how far the economy
remains from levels consistent with our dual mandate and on the assumed forecasted speed at
which inflation and unemployment are expected to converge to those values.
Clearly, such guidance would be highly dependent on the incoming data, and what the
data suggest about how quickly the economy will reach full employment and 2 percent inflation.
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Given the uncertainty about the future course of the economy, and about the estimate of what
constitutes full employment, such guidance could not be precise. Nor would it provide the
calendar certainty that many financial participants would prefer. However, these drawbacks are
preferable to providing forward guidance that is overly specific, and that does not take into
account the uncertainties – because such guidance would risk the possibility of essentially
“locking in” mis-timed policy moves.
Figure 2 illustrates the sensitivity of a possible “lift-off” of the short-term rates to
different assumptions about when we reach full employment. My own estimate of full
employment is around 5.25 percent; for other economists it can be different. However, the figure
shows that for three different paths for the unemployment rate – one consistent with 3 percent
GDP growth, one consistent with 2.5 percent growth, and one that mirrors the trend decline in
unemployment over the past four years – the calendar date estimate for reaching full employment
would be quite different. This range of outcomes shows that differing assumptions about the
economy can generate very different dates for reaching my definition of full employment –
anywhere between April 2016 and January 2020. With the uncertainties surrounding anyone’s
forecast, and with the ambiguity in the data we have seen to date, any of these forecasts represent
plausible outcomes.
Figure 3 highlights a challenge with the inflation side of the Federal Reserve’s dual
mandate. Despite the fall in the unemployment rate, the core inflation rate is currently 1.1
percent, which is well below our 2 percent target. A model of inflation used at the Federal
Reserve Bank of Boston takes into account labor market “slack” and an expectation that inflation
will return to 2 percent. I would point out that the model we use generates only a very slow
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return to a 2 percent inflation rate. Other models may converge to 2 percent more quickly. Still,
while the eventual return to 2 percent inflation is in the forecast, I see little evidence in the
current data suggesting that we are yet on this modest path to achieving the targeted 2 percent
inflation rate.
Uncertainty
While some uncertainty around forecasts is a given, currently the uncertainty is
compounded by the unusual behavior of some key economic relationships since the financial
crisis. For example, a strong housing rebound is an important component of most forecasts that
suggest that GDP growth will be stronger than the economy’s “potential” rate over the next two
years. The housing sector is expected to improve further because interest rates remain low by
historical standards, housing prices have been rising, more workers are being employed, and
stock market wealth has increased.
These housing sector factors should all make positive contributions to stronger GDP
growth. However, while most forecasters expect housing to improve, the path of improvement
differs greatly among forecasters. This is shown in Figure 4. While the consensus forecast is for
recent trends to continue improving, there are significant differences in the forecasts related to
the speed of the improvement.
Figure 5 shows one of the challenges in predicting housing starts. While the U.S.
population has grown at quite a consistent, smooth rate – with no visible impact from the
financial crisis and Great Recession – the same is not true for the activity we call “household
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formation.” Consider the example, often cited, of recent college graduates returning to their
parents’ home after graduation rather than getting their own apartment. In part, the slowing in
the household formation trend line – you see it flattening, compared to population, beginning
around 2007 – reflects many individuals not creating new households because of economic
difficulties stemming from the financial crisis and recession. Parenthetically, the chart also
shows a pickup in the household formation rate during the housing boom that preceded the crisis.
But after the crisis, the rate of increase is clearly slowing relative to population.
Figure 6 shows even more vividly how different household formation has been since the
last recession (shaded in gray) and the financial crisis that preceded it. Some view this change in
household formation behavior as temporary, and if so, suggest we should see significant
increases in household formation as economic problems subside. Alternatively, household
formation behavior may bear sufficient scars from the recession and the slow recovery,
indicating that the creation of households will now follow a shallower path. Unfortunately, at
this point either assumption could play out, and we may need to wait for more data and the
passage of time to determine how lasting the impact of the recession is on household formation.
Household formation is not the only economic indicator to show anomalous changes, and
I will share a few of them in a moment. But to address the general issue of uncertainty, I would
suggest the uncertainty is heightened just now in part due to the very real possibility that typical
economic patterns have been altered by the financial crisis and Great Recession, their lead-up,
and their aftermath.
In short, a variety of economic data have behaved differently since the recession. These
pattern shifts may reflect changes in how households and firms will react as the economy
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improves. It is possible that previous patterns will be re-established as the economy normalizes.
Alternatively, “scarring” from the recession may have longer-lasting impacts if households,
firms, and labor markets persist in behaving in ways that differ from historical patterns. This
uncertainty makes it particularly difficult to predict exactly what “normal” will look like – and
why specific forward guidance in monetary policy becomes difficult as the economy gradually
improves.
Beyond the anomaly of household formation, I would note three other such shifts in
economic behavior since the recession suggested in the data.
At non-financial corporate businesses, the level of checkable deposits and currency has
been growing rapidly, as Figure 7 shows. This could represent a form of “scarring” from the
recession if it means that firms are less confident in raising funds from the market or financial
intermediaries, and are now essentially more risk-averse and banking cash. While some risk
aversion is clearly vital, a growing degree of risk aversion among non-financial corporate
businesses may signal subdued investment behavior by firms – behavior that would, on net, lead
to slower economic growth.
Similarly, Figure 8 suggests that households, too, may have been “scarred” by the
recession and may now be driven more by a higher quotient of fear than before. While holding
cash reserves for unexpected events is prudent, substantially increasing cash holdings may be
consistent with more risk aversion, which, in turn, may also be reflected in restrained consumer
spending – a key component of the country’s GDP.
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Second, as I have explored in other talks, broader gauges of the labor markets are
showing sizable numbers of Americans working only part time for economic reasons, as shown
in Figure 9. Also, Figure 10 highlights the important issue of long-term unemployment. In sum,
it is possible that the labor market may have been “scarred” in important and lasting ways by the
recession and painfully slow recovery.
Another source of uncertainty for the U.S. economy is its links overseas. Of course,
international economic forces are only indirectly impacted by fiscal and monetary policy
decisions in the U.S. My own assumption is that Europe, and the emerging economies, are likely
to continue to gradually improve.
However, such a forecast could change significantly if the baseline assumptions about
Europe and emerging economies prove to be wrong. Figure 11 shows bank exposures to
emerging markets.4 While U.S. banks have a sizable exposure to emerging markets, the
exposure of the Euro area banks is almost triple that of U.S. banks. The United Kingdom has a
particularly significant exposure (despite having a much smaller economy than that of the United
States), given that some of the U.K. banks are particularly active in emerging markets.
Much of the exposure of the Euro area banks involves emerging European economies.
Were problems in Ukraine, for example, to become much more acute, Europe would potentially
be impacted by its energy dependence on Russia and also through European bank exposure to
emerging European economies. Given that European banks are still recovering from a severe
European recession, such a shock – while unlikely and not my prediction – would be most
unwelcome.5
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My forecast for the U.S. economy assumes the impact of foreign linkages will be
relatively benign. However, the risk of foreign shocks is still large enough to remain a
significant downside risk to the forecast. While I expect the economy to grow at roughly 3
percent over the next two years, these and other uncertainties suggest that as always, it is best to
be quite humble about forecasting precision.
Concluding Observations
Recent incoming data continue to be consistent with a slowly improving economy. This
improvement is allowing the Federal Reserve to slowly pare back asset purchases and to
gradually become less precise in our forward guidance. However, I believe there are several
reasons to be cautious and patient before returning monetary policy to a more normal, less
accommodative stance.
While the economy has gradually improved, 6.7 percent unemployment and inflation
around 1 percent remain far from normal economic conditions. And the broader measures of
underemployment tell an even more sobering story. Furthermore, it is important to keep in mind
that negative shocks to the economy will be much more difficult to offset with monetary policy
than positive shocks.
All told, in my view, monetary policy should remain highly accommodative until the
domestic and global economies are on more solid footing.
Thank you.
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NOTES:
1
The most recent figures for PCE inflation and Core PCE are 0.9% and 1.1%, respectively.
2
The full statement is available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/monetary/20140319a.html.
3
See the SEP at http://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/files/fomcprojtabl20140319.pdf
4
More detailed information on banks’ exposure to emerging market economies, including lists of reporting
countries and emerging market economies and an interactive data tool, can be found on the Bank for International
Settlements (BIS) website, in the section on international banking statistics –
http://www.bis.org/statistics/about_banking_stats.htm -- and in its publication BIS Quarterly Review
(http://www.bis.org/publ/qtrpdf/r_qt1403.htm).
5
For European reporting countries, roughly two-thirds of the emerging European economies exposure is located in
Poland, the Czech Republic, Russia, and Turkey.
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Cite this document
APA
Eric Rosengren (2014, April 14). Regional President Speech. Speeches, Federal Reserve. https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20140415_eric_rosengren
BibTeX
@misc{wtfs_regional_speeche_20140415_eric_rosengren,
author = {Eric Rosengren},
title = {Regional President Speech},
year = {2014},
month = {Apr},
howpublished = {Speeches, Federal Reserve},
url = {https://whenthefedspeaks.com/doc/regional_speeche_20140415_eric_rosengren},
note = {Retrieved via When the Fed Speaks corpus}
}